[Congressional Record Volume 169, Number 37 (Monday, February 27, 2023)]
[Senate]
[Pages S494-S495]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                                Ukraine

  Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, last week, Vladimir Putin's war on 
Ukraine hit the 1-year mark--1 year of death and destruction across 
Ukraine, 1 year of lives and gaslighting from the Russian Government 
and its paid-off cronies, 1 year of atrocious war crimes committed 
against innocent people. It has been an unimaginable year of hardship 
for the Ukrainian people, and it has ushered in a period of global 
unity not seen in a generation.
  One year ago, democracies around the world united in support of the 
Ukrainian people. The United States and our allies condemned President 
Putin's unwarranted invasion and took decisive action to help the 
Ukrainians shape the outcome of this war: sanctions against Russia, 
military aid for Ukraine, humanitarian assistance for the innocent 
people who are bearing the true cost of Russia's brutality. It has been 
a difficult year fueled by both victories and setbacks, but I remain 
confident and inspired by the courage and the capabilities of the 
Ukrainian people.

  At the start of this war, no one expected Ukraine to keep up the 
fight as long as it has lasted. They were outmanned, outgunned; and it 
seemed like a matter of when Ukraine would be defeated, not if.

[[Page S495]]

  Over the last 12 months, though, we have witnessed heroic strength 
and fortitude by the Ukrainian forces and civilians. We have seen a 
series of setbacks by the Russian Army which was once thought to be 
among the most capable in the world.
  As we marked the 1-year anniversary of this war, the big question in 
everyone's mind is, What comes next? GEN David Petraeus once said the 
most important question to ask in any conflict is: How does this end? 
And in this case, we don't have a clear answer. There is no resolution 
on the horizon, which has caused many people to doubt America's 
involvement.
  Over the last year, our country has made serious investments in a 
Ukrainian victory in the form of weapons, equipment, training, and 
humanitarian aid. These contributions have been integral to Ukraine's 
success so far, but they have not come without cost. There is the 
financial cost, which is always a big concern--particularly with a $30-
trillion debt--as well as the prospect of a recession as a result of 
the Federal Reserve's tightening interest rates in order to stave off 
the impact of inflation.
  There is also the impact on our own military readiness. Our weapons 
stockpiles have dwindled, and the timeline for replenishment is far too 
lengthy.
  I have heard from my constituents back home in Texas who are deeply 
concerned about what these costs will mean here at home, and I 
understand exactly where they are coming from.
  This is a tough time for American families due to the ravages of 
inflation and the uncertainty about their economic future. Our own 
interests must always come first.
  The point that keeps getting lost in this war is that a Ukrainian 
victory is in our national interest. It is important to our security 
here at home. America's assistance is not a handout. It is not a 
charity project. And as much as we want to see Ukraine prevail in this 
war, our financial support is not entirely altruistic.
  The United States isn't just investing in Ukrainian victory, we are 
also putting our resources toward the defeat of Russian aggression. If 
history has taught us anything, it has taught us that power-hungry 
dictators do not accept small gains and call it a day. They just keep 
on pushing. You don't have to go back very far in our history books to 
find a good example.
  In 2005, President Vladimir Putin said that the collapse of the 
Soviet Empire ``was the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 
century.'' Clearly, he is doing everything he can to try to 
reconstitute the former Soviet Union.
  President Putin has used his time in power to rebuild Russia's 
military and try to redraw the map of Europe. In 2008, Russia invaded 
the Nation of Georgia. In 2014, it invaded Ukraine for the first time 
since the end of the Cold War, taking the Crimea region. Of course, 
true to form, Putin's appetite for conquest is not satisfied. If 
anything, it made him more hungry for power. And the message that we 
sent by doing nothing in 2005 and 2014 was he could take all he wanted 
and there would be no consequence. This time, we can't make the same 
mistake. Putin must understand that Russian aggression will not be 
tolerated.
  The outcome of this war will determine how Putin's quest proceeds in 
the future. Will he continue to intimidate neighbors in Europe and 
invade sovereign nations, or will he crawl back to Moscow, tailed 
tucked between his legs?
  The answer to those questions are very important. Despite the fact 
that American troops are not engaged in this war, that could change in 
an instant.
  If the next chapter of Putin's war includes the invasion of a NATO 
partner, the United States and our allies will no longer be on the 
sidelines; we will be part of the starting lineup. Collective defense 
is at the heart of NATO's founding. Article 5 of that founding treaty 
makes clear that an attack against one member nation is an attack 
against all. Suffice it to say, I hope and pray we will never reach the 
point where the collective defense clause is invoked.
  The most effective way to keep American troops out of the line of 
fire is to help the Ukrainians stop Putin now before his conquest moves 
even further west.
  As though the stakes weren't high enough already, we know it is not 
just the scope of Putin's power that is at stake here. The rest of the 
world is watching as well to see how the United States and our NATO 
allies respond to this power-hungry dictator. If we fail to support the 
Ukrainians in this pivotal moment, other authoritarian governments will 
take note. Today, the problem is Russia. Tomorrow, the problem could be 
the People's Republic of China.
  President Xi Jinping has made no secret of his desire to capture 
Taiwan. He has called it ``unification,'' and he has even offered 
details about what sort of timeline we might expect. Of course, we 
found, as with Mr. Putin, when one person is making that decision, that 
person can make a decision to go at any time. But President Xi says he 
wants to be ready to unify the People's Republic of China with Taiwan 
by 2027, just 4 years from now.
  There is no question that President Xi is paying close attention to 
the world's response to Russian aggression. If the United States and 
its allies respond with passivity, the Chinese Communist Party will 
expect to be met with the same level of weakness. As a matter of fact, 
I believe that President Putin was shocked to see the Ukrainians 
demonstrate their will to resist Russian aggression and that the other 
democracies in the world have come to its aid, particularly after the 
embarrassing precipitous withdrawal from Afghanistan by the Biden 
administration without even notifying our NATO allies. Of course, we 
know what happened--the leadership of the Afghan Government was 
spirited off in an airplane to another country, and the Taliban walked 
in without a shot being fired. I think after Mr. Putin saw that in 
Afghanistan, he thought: Well, maybe I could do the same thing in 
Ukraine.

  Well, a passive response to this sort of aggression would risk 
further instability and hurt the cause of peace, to say the least. And 
it would inevitably diminish America's leadership position in the 
global order. That is why the tyrants and the madmen of the world must 
see the United States and our allies respond with strength. That is the 
only way to ensure long-term security and stability.
  Last spring, like many of our colleagues, I had the opportunity to 
travel to Ukraine. This time, last May, was with Senator McConnell, the 
Republican leader; Senator Collins; and Senator Barrasso. We had the 
pleasure of meeting with President Zelenskyy and affirming America's 
commitment to a Ukrainian victory.
  One year into this war, my resolve has not softened. Our resolve 
cannot soften either. The United States and our allies must remain 
steadfast in our support of the Ukrainian people, not just for their 
sake but for our sake as well.
  Through strategic investments, with ample oversight and 
accountability--those were important--we will continue to shape the 
outcome of this war by giving the Ukrainian people everything they need 
in order to prevail. In doing so, we will send a clear message to 
Russia and China and any other authoritarian dictator that aggression 
against the sovereign nation will not be ignored.
  Again, it is our own national interest that is at stake here. This 
war cannot end with a Russian victory.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The senior Senator from Illinois.
  Mr. DURBIN. Madam President, let me first thank my colleague from 
Texas. We disagree from time to time, but when we agree, I feel good 
about it. And today, we do agree, certainly, on the Ukrainian war and 
the role and responsibility of the United States.