[Congressional Record Volume 169, Number 7 (Monday, January 9, 2023)]
[House]
[Pages H51-H70]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




   ADOPTING THE RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES FOR THE 118TH 
                                CONGRESS

  Mr. SCALISE. Mr. Speaker, I offer a privileged resolution and ask for 
its immediate consideration.
  The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:

                               H. Res. 5

       Resolved,

     SECTION 1. ADOPTION OF THE RULES OF THE ONE HUNDRED 
                   SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS.

       The Rules of the House of Representatives of the One 
     Hundred Seventeenth Congress, including applicable provisions 
     of law or concurrent resolution that constituted rules of the 
     House at the end of the One Hundred Seventeenth Congress, are 
     adopted as the Rules of the House of Representatives of the 
     One Hundred Eighteenth Congress, with amendments to the 
     standing rules as provided in section 2, and with other 
     orders as provided in this resolution.

     SEC. 2. CHANGES TO THE STANDING RULES.

       (a) Initiatives to Reduce Spending and Improve 
     Accountability.--
       (1) Cut-as-you-go.--In rule XXI, amend clause 10 to read as 
     follows:
       ``10.(a)(1) Except as provided in paragraphs (b) and (c), 
     it shall not be in order to consider a bill or joint 
     resolution, or an amendment thereto or a conference report 
     thereon, if the provisions of such measure have the net 
     effect of increasing mandatory spending for the period of 
     either--
       ``(A) the current year, the budget year, and the four 
     fiscal years following that budget year; or
       ``(B) the current year, the budget year, and the nine 
     fiscal years following that budget year.
       ``(2) For purposes of this clause, the terms `budget year' 
     and `current year' have the meanings specified in section 250 
     of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 
     1985, and the term `mandatory spending' has the meaning of 
     `direct spending' specified in such section 250 except that 
     such term shall also include provisions in appropriation Acts 
     that make outyear modifications to substantive law as 
     described in section 3(4)(C) of the Statutory Pay-As-You-Go 
     Act of 2010.
       ``(b) If a bill or joint resolution, or an amendment 
     thereto, is considered pursuant to a special order of the 
     House directing the Clerk to add as new matter at the end of 
     such bill or joint resolution the entire text of a separate 
     measure or measures as passed by the House, the new matter 
     proposed to be added shall be included in the evaluation 
     under paragraph (a) of the bill, joint resolution, or 
     amendment.
       ``(c)(1) Except as provided in subparagraph (2), the 
     evaluation under paragraph (a) shall exclude a provision 
     expressly designated as an emergency for the Statutory Pay-
     As-You-Go Act of 2010, in the case of a point of order under 
     this clause against consideration of--
       ``(A) a bill or joint resolution;
       ``(B) an amendment made in order as original text by a 
     special order of business;
       ``(C) a conference report; or

[[Page H52]]

       ``(D) an amendment between the Houses.
       ``(2) In the case of an amendment (other than one specified 
     in subparagraph (1)) to a bill or joint resolution, the 
     evaluation under paragraph (a) shall give no cognizance to 
     any designation of emergency.''.
       (2) Requiring a vote on raising the debt limit.--Amend rule 
     XXVIII to read as follows:

                             ``RULE XXVIII

                            ``(Reserved.)''.

       (3) Point of order against amendments to appropriations 
     bills increasing budget authority.--In clause 2 of rule XXI, 
     add at the end the following new paragraph:
       ``(g) An amendment to a general appropriation bill shall 
     not be in order if proposing a net increase in the level of 
     budget authority in the bill.''.
       (4) Limitations on increases in direct spending in 
     reconciliation initiatives.--In rule XXI, amend clause 7 to 
     read as follows:
       ``7. It shall not be in order to consider a concurrent 
     resolution on the budget, or an amendment thereto, or a 
     conference report thereon that contains reconciliation 
     directives under section 310 of the Congressional Budget Act 
     of 1974 that specify changes in law such that the 
     reconciliation legislation reported pursuant to such 
     directives would cause an increase in net direct spending (as 
     such term is defined in clause 10) for the period covered by 
     such concurrent resolution.''.
       (b) Increased Threshold for Tax Rate Increases.--
       (1) Vote required for passage.--In clause 5 of rule XXI--
       (A) redesignate paragraph (b) as paragraph (c); and
       (B) insert after paragraph (a) the following new paragraph:

     ``Passage of tax rate increases

       ``(b) A bill or joint resolution, amendment, or conference 
     report carrying a Federal income tax rate increase may not be 
     considered as passed or agreed to unless so determined by a 
     vote of not less than three-fifths of the Members voting, a 
     quorum being present. In this paragraph, the term `Federal 
     income tax rate increase' means any amendment to subsection 
     (a), (b), (c), (d), or (e) of section 1, or to section 11(b) 
     or 55(b), of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986, that imposes 
     a new percentage as a rate of tax and thereby increases the 
     amount of tax imposed by any such section.''.
       (2) Conforming amendment.--In clause 10 of rule XX, strike 
     ``appropriations,'' and insert `` appropriations or 
     increasing Federal income tax rates (within the meaning of 
     clause 5 of rule XXI),''.
       (c) Two-minute Votes.--In clause 9 of rule XX--
       (1) in the heading, strike ``Five-minute'' and insert 
     ``Two-minute'';
       (2) in paragraph (a), strike ``five minutes'' and insert 
     ``not less than two minutes''; and
       (3) in paragraph (b), strike ``five-minute voting'' and 
     insert ``reduced voting times''.
       (d) Modifications to Calendar Wednesday.--In clause 6(a) of 
     rule XV, strike ``on the preceding legislative day'' and 
     insert ``at least 72 hours in advance''.
       (e) Committee Authorization and Oversight Plans.--
       (1) Plans.--In rule X, amend clause 2(d) to read as 
     follows:
       ``(d)(1) Not later than March 1 of the first session of a 
     Congress, each standing committee (other than the Committee 
     on Appropriations, the Committee on Ethics, and the Committee 
     on Rules) shall, in a meeting that is open to the public, 
     adopt its authorization and oversight plan for that Congress. 
     Such plan shall be submitted simultaneously to the Committee 
     on Oversight and Accountability and the Committee on House 
     Administration.
       ``(2) Each such plan shall include, with respect to 
     programs and agencies within the committee's jurisdiction, 
     and to the maximum extent practicable--
       ``(A) a list of such programs or agencies with lapsed 
     authorizations that received funding in the prior fiscal year 
     or, in the case of a program or agency with a permanent 
     authorization, which has not been subject to a comprehensive 
     review by the committee in the prior three Congresses;
       ``(B) a description of each such program or agency to be 
     authorized in the current Congress;
       ``(C) a description of each such program or agency to be 
     authorized in the next Congress, if applicable;
       ``(D) a description of any oversight to support the 
     authorization of each such program or agency in the current 
     Congress; and
       ``(E) recommendations for changes to existing law for 
     moving such programs or agencies from mandatory funding to 
     discretionary appropriations, where appropriate.
       ``(3) Each such plan may include, with respect to the 
     programs and agencies within the committee's jurisdiction--
       ``(A) recommendations for the consolidation or termination 
     of such programs or agencies that are duplicative, 
     unnecessary, or inconsistent with the appropriate roles and 
     responsibilities of the Federal Government;
       ``(B) recommendations for changes to existing law related 
     to Federal rules, regulations, statutes, and court decisions 
     affecting such programs and agencies that are inconsistent 
     with the authorities of the Congress under Article I of the 
     Constitution; and
       ``(C) a description of such other oversight activities as 
     the committee may consider necessary.
       ``(4) In the development of such plan, the chair of each 
     committee shall coordinate with other committees of 
     jurisdiction to ensure that programs and agencies are subject 
     to routine, comprehensive authorization efforts.
       ``(5) Not later than April 15 in the first session of a 
     Congress, after consultation with the Speaker, the Majority 
     Leader, and the Minority Leader, the Committee on Oversight 
     and Accountability shall report to the House the 
     authorization and oversight plans submitted by committees 
     under subparagraph (1) together with any recommendations that 
     it, or the House leadership group described above, may make 
     to ensure the most effective coordination of authorization 
     and oversight plans and otherwise to achieve the objectives 
     of this clause.''.
       (2) Conforming amendments.--In clause 1(d)(2) of rule XI--
       (A) in subdivision (B), strike ``oversight plans'' and 
     insert ``authorization and oversight plans''; and
       (B) in subdivision (C), strike ``oversight plans'' and 
     insert ``authorization and oversight plans''.
       (f) Cost Estimates for Major Legislation to Include 
     Macroeconomic Effects.--In rule XIII, add at the end the 
     following new clause:

     ``Estimates of major legislation

       ``8.(a) An estimate provided by the Congressional Budget 
     Office under section 402 of the Congressional Budget Act of 
     1974 for any major legislation shall, to the extent 
     practicable, incorporate the budgetary effects of changes in 
     economic output, employment, capital stock, and other 
     macroeconomic variables resulting from such legislation.
       ``(b) An estimate provided by the Joint Committee on 
     Taxation to the Director of the Congressional Budget Office 
     under section 201(f) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 
     for any major legislation shall, to the extent practicable, 
     incorporate the budgetary effects of changes in economic 
     output, employment, capital stock, and other macroeconomic 
     variables resulting from such legislation.
       ``(c) An estimate referred to in this clause shall, to the 
     extent practicable, include--
       ``(1) a qualitative assessment of the budgetary effects 
     (including macroeconomic variables described in paragraphs 
     (a) and (b)) of such legislation in the 20-fiscal year period 
     beginning after the last fiscal year of the most recently 
     agreed to concurrent resolution on the budget that set forth 
     appropriate levels required by section 301 of the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974; and
       ``(2) an identification of the critical assumptions and the 
     source of data underlying that estimate.
       ``(d) As used in this clause--
       ``(1) the term `major legislation' means any bill or joint 
     resolution--
       ``(A) for which an estimate is required to be prepared 
     pursuant to section 402 of the Congressional Budget Act of 
     1974 and that causes a gross budgetary effect (before 
     incorporating macroeconomic effects) in any fiscal year over 
     the years of the most recently agreed to concurrent 
     resolution on the budget equal to or greater than 0.25 
     percent of the current projected gross domestic product of 
     the United States for that fiscal year; or
       ``(B) designated as such by the chair of the Committee on 
     the Budget for all direct spending legislation other than 
     revenue legislation or the Member who is chair or vice chair, 
     as applicable, of the Joint Committee on Taxation for revenue 
     legislation; and
       ``(2) the term `budgetary effects' means changes in 
     revenues, outlays, and deficits.''.
       (g) Ethics Reform.--In clause 3(r) of rule XI--
       (1) strike ``(r) Upon receipt'' and insert ``(r)(1) Upon 
     receipt''; and
       (2) add at the end the following new subparagraph:
       ``(2) In addition to receiving written notifications from 
     the Office of Congressional Ethics under subparagraph (1), 
     the committee shall adopt rules providing for a process to 
     receive from the public outside information offered as a 
     complaint. The process shall include the establishment of a 
     method for the submission of such information to the 
     committee in electronic form.''.
       (h) Empaneling Investigative Subcommittee of Committee on 
     Ethics.--In clause 3(b) of rule XI, add at the end the 
     following:
       ``(9) Whenever a Member, Delegate, or the Resident 
     Commissioner is indicted or otherwise formally charged with 
     criminal conduct in a court of the United States or any 
     State, the Committee on Ethics shall, not later than 30 days 
     after the date of such indictment or charge--
       ``(A) empanel an investigative subcommittee to review the 
     allegations; or
       ``(B) submit a report to the House describing its reasons 
     for not empaneling such an investigative subcommittee, 
     together with the actions, if any, the committee has taken in 
     response to the allegations.''.
       (i) Treatment of Evidence in Committee and Subcommittee 
     Investigations.--In clause 3(p) of rule XI--
       (1) in subparagraph (5)(C), strike the semicolon at the end 
     and insert ``; or'';
       (2) in subparagraph (5)(D), strike ``or'' at the end;
       (3) strike subparagraph (5)(E);
       (4) in subparagraph (7), strike the semicolon at the end 
     and insert ``; and'';
       (5) in subparagraph (8), strike ``; and'' and insert a 
     period; and

[[Page H53]]

       (6) strike subparagraph (9).
       (j) Designating Committee on Oversight and 
     Accountability.--In the standing rules, strike ``Committee on 
     Oversight and Reform'' each place it appears and insert (in 
     each instance) ``Committee on Oversight and Accountability''.
       (k) Designating Committee on Education and the Workforce.--
     In rule X--
       (1) in clause 1(e), strike ``Committee on Education and 
     Labor'' and insert ``Committee on Education and the 
     Workforce''; and
       (2) in clause 3(d), strike ``Committee on Education and 
     Labor'' and insert ``Committee on Education and the 
     Workforce''.
       (l) Subcommittees of Committee on Agriculture.--In clause 
     5(d)(2) of rule X--
       (1) redesignate subdivisions (B) through (F) as 
     subdivisions (C) through (G), respectively; and
       (2) insert after subdivision (A) the following new 
     subdivision:
       ``(B) The Committee on Agriculture may have not more than 
     six subcommittees.''.
       (m) Cybersecurity.--In clause 1(j)(3) of rule X, add at the 
     end the following:
       ``(G) Cybersecurity.''.
       (n) Scope of Authority to Act in Continuing Litigation 
     Matters.--In clause 8(c) of rule II, strike ``, including, 
     but not limited to, the issuance of subpoenas,''.
       (o) Record Votes on Measures Reported by the Committee on 
     Rules.--In clause 3(b) of rule XIII, strike ``, and applies 
     only to the maximum extent practicable to a report by the 
     Committee on Rules on a rule, joint rule, or the order of 
     business''.
       (p) Access to Hall of the House.--In clause 2(a)(14) of 
     rule IV, strike ``and of the Territories and the Mayor of the 
     District of Columbia''.
       (q) Resolution Declaring the Office of Speaker Vacant.--In 
     clause 2(a) of rule IX, strike subparagraph (3).

     SEC. 3. SEPARATE ORDERS.

       (a) Holman Rule.--During the One Hundred Eighteenth 
     Congress, any reference in clause 2 of rule XXI to a 
     provision or amendment that retrenches expenditures by a 
     reduction of amounts of money covered by the bill shall be 
     construed as applying to any provision or amendment (offered 
     after the bill has been read for amendment) that retrenches 
     expenditures by--
       (1) reduction of amounts of money in the bill;
       (2) the reduction of the number and salary of the officers 
     of the United States; or
       (3) the reduction of the compensation of any person paid 
     out of the Treasury of the United States.
       (b) Restoring Legislative Branch Accountability.--The 
     regulations adopted pursuant to House Resolution 1096, One 
     Hundred Seventeenth Congress, shall have no force or effect 
     during the One Hundred Eighteenth Congress.
       (c) Requirement With Respect to Single-subject Bills.--
       (1) In general.--During the One Hundred Eighteenth 
     Congress, a bill or joint resolution may not be introduced 
     unless the sponsor submits for printing in the Congressional 
     Record a statement setting forth the single subject of the 
     bill or joint resolution. Such statement shall be included 
     with the statement required by clause 7(c) of rule XII, and 
     shall appear in a portion of the Record designated for that 
     purpose and be made publicly available in electronic form by 
     the Clerk.
       (2) Effective date.--This subsection shall become effective 
     on February 1, 2023.
       (3) Transition.--On any bill or joint resolution introduced 
     prior to the effective date of this subsection, the statement 
     required under paragraph (1) shall, to the extent 
     practicable, be submitted by the sponsor prior to committee 
     or House consideration.
       (d) Question of Consideration for Germaneness.--
       (1) In general.--During the One Hundred Eighteenth 
     Congress, it shall not be in order to consider a rule or 
     order that waives all points of order against an amendment 
     submitted to the Committee on Rules otherwise in violation of 
     clause 7 of rule XVI.
       (2) Disposition of point of order.--As disposition of a 
     point of order under paragraph (1), the Chair shall put the 
     question of consideration with respect to the rule or order, 
     as applicable. The question of consideration shall be 
     debatable for 10 minutes by the Member initiating the point 
     of order and for 10 minutes by an opponent, but shall 
     otherwise be decided without intervening motion.
       (e) Budget Matters.--
       (1) Interim enforcement of allocations, aggregates, and 
     other appropriate levels pending adoption of concurrent 
     resolution on the budget.--
       (A) In general.--During the first session of the One 
     Hundred Eighteenth Congress--
       (i) the allocations, aggregates, and other appropriate 
     levels submitted for printing in the Congressional Record by 
     the chair of the Committee on the Budget shall be considered 
     for all purposes in the House to be the allocations, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels under titles III and 
     IV of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974; and
       (ii) the provisions of Senate Concurrent Resolution 14, One 
     Hundred Seventeenth Congress, shall have no force or effect.
       (B) Revisions by chair of committee on the budget in 
     certain cases.--
       (i) The chair of the Committee on the Budget may revise the 
     allocations of a committee or committees, aggregates, and 
     other appropriate levels referred to in subparagraph (A) for 
     any bill or joint resolution, or amendment thereto or 
     conference report thereon, if such measure would not increase 
     direct spending in either the period of--

       (I) fiscal years 2023 to 2028; and
       (II) fiscal years 2023 to 2033.

       (ii) The chair of the Committee on the Budget may revise 
     the allocations of a committee or committees, aggregates, and 
     other appropriate levels referred to in subparagraph (A) to 
     take into account the most recent baseline published by the 
     Congressional Budget Office.
       (C) Authority for interim enforcement prior to election of 
     chair of committee on the budget.--Prior to the election of a 
     chair of the Committee on the Budget, the Majority Leader or 
     his designee may submit the matter referred to in 
     subparagraph (A) or make such revisions referred to in 
     subparagraph (B).
       (D) Exemption.--The chair of the Committee on the Budget 
     or, prior to the election of the chair, the Majority Leader 
     or his designee may adjust an estimate under clause 4 of rule 
     XXIX to exempt the budgetary effects of measures to protect 
     taxpayers with taxable incomes below $400,000 from an 
     increase in audits above the most recent tax year from the 
     Internal Revenue Service.
       (2) Long term spending point of order.--
       (A) Congressional budget office analysis of proposals.--The 
     Director of the Congressional Budget Office shall, to the 
     extent practicable, prepare an estimate of whether a bill or 
     joint resolution reported by a committee (other than the 
     Committee on Appropriations), or amendment thereto or 
     conference report thereon, would cause, relative to current 
     law, a net increase in direct spending in excess of 
     $2,500,000,000 in any of the 4 consecutive 10-fiscal year 
     periods beginning with the first fiscal year that is 10 
     fiscal years after the current fiscal year.
       (B) Point of order.--It shall not be in order to consider 
     any bill or joint resolution reported by a committee, or 
     amendment thereto or conference report thereon, that would 
     cause a net increase in direct spending in excess of 
     $2,500,000,000 in any of the 4 consecutive 10-fiscal year 
     periods described in subparagraph (A).
       (C) Determinations of budget levels.--For purposes of this 
     subsection, the levels of net increases in direct spending 
     shall be determined on the basis of estimates provided by the 
     chair of the Committee on the Budget.
       (3) Analysis of inflationary impact for certain 
     legislation.--During the One Hundred Eighteenth Congress, if 
     an estimate provided by the Congressional Budget Office under 
     section 402 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 shows 
     changes in mandatory spending that cause a gross budgetary 
     effect in any fiscal year over a 10-year period that is equal 
     to or greater than .25 percent of the projected gross 
     domestic product (measured by the Consumer Price Index for 
     All Urban Consumers) for the current fiscal year, or upon the 
     request of the chair of the Committee on the Budget, then 
     such estimate shall include, to the extent practicable, a 
     statement estimating the inflationary effects of the 
     legislation, including whether the legislation is determined 
     to have no significant impact on inflation, is determined to 
     have a quantifiable inflationary impact on the consumer price 
     index, or is determined likely to have a significant impact 
     on inflation but the amount cannot be determined at the time 
     the estimate is prepared.
       (4) Content of cbo analysis for certain legislation 
     affecting the federal hospital insurance trust fund or the 
     old-age, survivors, and disability insurance trust fund.--
     During the One Hundred Eighteenth Congress, if an estimate 
     provided by the Congressional Budget Office under section 402 
     of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 shows that 
     legislation impacting either the Federal Hospital Insurance 
     Trust Fund or the Old-Age, Survivors, and Disability 
     Insurance Trust Fund (OASDI) causes a gross budgetary effect 
     in any fiscal year over a 10-year period that is equal to or 
     greater than .25 percent of the projected gross domestic 
     product (measured by the Consumer Price Index for All Urban 
     Consumers) for the current fiscal year, or upon request of 
     the chair of the Committee on the Budget, then such estimate 
     shall, to the extent practicable, display--
       (A) the impact of legislation on the Federal Hospital 
     Insurance Trust Fund's unfunded liabilities over a 25-year 
     projection, solvency projections, and the net present value 
     of those liabilities; and
       (B) the impact of legislation on the OASDI trust fund's 
     unfunded liabilities over a 75-year projection, solvency 
     projections, and the net present value of those liabilities.
       (f) Spending Reduction Amendments in Appropriations 
     Bills.--
       (1) During the reading of a general appropriation bill for 
     amendment in the Committee of the Whole House on the state of 
     the Union, it shall be in order to consider en bloc 
     amendments proposing only to transfer appropriations from an 
     object or objects in the bill to a spending reduction 
     account. When considered en bloc under this paragraph, such 
     amendments may amend portions of the bill not yet read for 
     amendment (following disposition of any points of order 
     against such portions) and are not subject to a demand for 
     division of the question in the House or in the Committee of 
     the Whole.

[[Page H54]]

       (2) Except as provided in paragraph (1), it shall not be in 
     order to consider an amendment to a spending reduction 
     account in the House or in the Committee of the Whole House 
     on the state of the Union.
       (3) A point of order under clause 2(b) of rule XXI shall 
     not apply to a spending reduction account.
       (4) A general appropriation bill may not be considered in 
     the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union 
     unless it includes a spending reduction account as the last 
     section of the bill. An order to report a general 
     appropriation bill to the House shall constitute authority 
     for the chair of the Committee on Appropriations to add such 
     a section to the bill or modify the figure contained therein.
       (5) For purposes of this subsection, the term ``spending 
     reduction account'' means an account in a general 
     appropriation bill that bears that caption and contains 
     only--
       (A) a recitation of the amount by which an applicable 
     allocation of new budget authority under section 302(b) of 
     the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 exceeds the amount of 
     new budget authority proposed by the bill; or
       (B) if no such allocation is in effect, ``$0''.
       (g) Scoring Conveyances of Federal Land.--
       (1) In general.--In the One Hundred Eighteenth Congress, 
     for all purposes in the House, a provision in a bill or joint 
     resolution, or in an amendment thereto or a conference report 
     thereon, requiring or authorizing a conveyance of Federal 
     land to a State, local government, or tribal entity shall not 
     be considered as providing new budget authority, decreasing 
     revenues, increasing mandatory spending, or increasing 
     outlays.
       (2) Definitions.--In this subsection:
       (A) The term ``conveyance'' means any method, including 
     sale, donation, or exchange, by which all or any portion of 
     the right, title, and interest of the United States in and to 
     Federal land is transferred to another entity.
       (B) The term ``Federal land'' means any land owned by the 
     United States, including the surface estate, the subsurface 
     estate, or any improvements thereon.
       (C) The term ``State'' means any of the several States, the 
     District of Columbia, or a territory (including a possession) 
     of the United States.
       (h) Member Day Hearing Requirement.--During the first 
     session of the One Hundred Eighteenth Congress, each standing 
     committee (other than the Committee on Ethics) shall hold a 
     hearing at which it receives testimony from Members, 
     Delegates, and the Resident Commissioner on proposed 
     legislation within its jurisdiction, except that the 
     Committee on Rules may hold such hearing during the second 
     session of the One Hundred Eighteenth Congress.
       (i) Information to Committees of Congress on Request.--
     During the One Hundred Eighteenth Congress, the chair of the 
     Committee on Oversight and Accountability must be included as 
     one of the seven members of the committee making any request 
     of an Executive agency pursuant to section 2954 of title 5, 
     United States Code.
       (j) Remote Appearance of Witnesses.--
       (1) In general.--During the One Hundred Eighteenth 
     Congress, at the discretion of the chair of a committee and 
     in accordance with regulations submitted for printing in the 
     Congressional Record by the chair of the Committee on Rules--
       (A) witnesses at committee or subcommittee proceedings may 
     appear remotely;
       (B) counsel shall be permitted to accompany witnesses 
     appearing remotely; and
       (C) an oath may be administered to a witness remotely for 
     purposes of clause 2(m)(2) of rule XI.
       (2) Applicability.--This subsection shall apply only to 
     witnesses appearing in a non-governmental capacity.
       (k) Deposition Authority.--
       (1) In general.--During the One Hundred Eighteenth 
     Congress, the chair of a standing committee (other than the 
     Committee on Rules), and the chair of the Permanent Select 
     Committee on Intelligence, upon consultation with the ranking 
     minority member of such committee, may order the taking of 
     depositions, including pursuant to subpoena, by a member or 
     counsel of such committee.
       (2) Regulations.--Depositions taken under the authority 
     prescribed in this subsection shall be subject to regulations 
     issued by the chair of the Committee on Rules and printed in 
     the Congressional Record.
       (3) Persons permitted to attend depositions.--Deponents may 
     be accompanied at a deposition by two designated personal, 
     nongovernmental attorneys to advise them of their rights. 
     Only members, committee staff designated by the chair or 
     ranking minority member, an official reporter, the witness, 
     and the witness's two designated attorneys are permitted to 
     attend. Other persons, including government agency personnel, 
     may not attend.
       (l) Broadening Availability and Utility of Legislative 
     Documents in Machine-readable Formats.--The Committee on 
     House Administration, the Clerk, and other officers and 
     officials of the House shall continue efforts to broaden the 
     availability and utility of legislative documents in machine 
     readable formats in the One Hundred Eighteenth Congress in 
     furtherance of the institutional priorities of--
       (1) improving public availability and use of legislative 
     information produced by the House and its committees; and
       (2) enabling all House staff to produce comparative prints 
     showing the differences between versions of legislation, how 
     proposed legislation will amend existing law, and how an 
     amendment may change proposed legislation.
       (m) Improving the Committee Electronic Document 
     Repository.--The Clerk, the Committee on House 
     Administration, and other officers and officials of the House 
     shall continue efforts to improve the electronic document 
     repository operated by the Clerk for use by committees of the 
     House in the One Hundred Eighteenth Congress, in furtherance 
     of the institutional priority of increasing public 
     availability and identification of legislative information 
     produced and held by House committees, including votes, 
     amendments, and witness disclosure forms.
       (n) Providing for Transparency With Respect to Memorials 
     Submitted Pursuant to Article V of the Constitution of the 
     United States.--With respect to any memorial presented under 
     clause 3 of rule XII purporting to be an application of the 
     legislature of a State calling for a convention for proposing 
     amendments to the Constitution of the United States pursuant 
     to Article V, or a rescission of any such prior application--
       (1) the chair of the Committee on the Judiciary shall, in 
     the case of such a memorial presented in the One Hundred 
     Fourteenth Congress or succeeding Congresses, and may, in the 
     case of such a memorial presented prior to the One Hundred 
     Fourteenth Congress, designate any such memorial for public 
     availability by the Clerk; and
       (2) the Clerk shall make such memorials as are designated 
     pursuant to paragraph (1) publicly available in electronic 
     form, organized by State of origin and year of receipt, and 
     shall indicate whether the memorial was designated as an 
     application or a rescission.
       (o) War Powers Resolution.--During the One Hundred 
     Eighteenth Congress, a motion to discharge a measure 
     introduced pursuant to section 6 or section 7 of the War 
     Powers Resolution (50 U.S.C. 1545-46) shall not be subject to 
     a motion to table.
       (p) Further Expenses for Resolving Contested Elections.--
       (1) Amounts for expenses of committee on house 
     administration.--There shall be paid out of the applicable 
     accounts of the House of Representatives such sums as may be 
     necessary for further expenses of the Committee on House 
     Administration for the One Hundred Eighteenth Congress for 
     resolving contested elections.
       (2) Session limitation.--The amount specified in paragraph 
     (1) shall be available for expenses incurred during the 
     period beginning at noon on January 3, 2023, and ending 
     immediately before noon on January 3, 2024.
       (3) Vouchers.--Payments under this subsection shall be made 
     on vouchers authorized by the Committee on House 
     Administration, signed by the chair of the Committee, and 
     approved in the manner directed by the Committee.
       (4) Regulations.--Amounts made available under this 
     subsection shall be expended in accordance with regulations 
     prescribed by the Committee on House Administration.
       (q) Ethics Reform.--The Speaker is directed to establish a 
     bipartisan task force to conduct a comprehensive review of 
     House ethics rules and regulations, and such task force shall 
     submit recommended improvements to the Speaker, the Majority 
     Leader, the Minority Leader, and the respective chairs and 
     ranking minority members of the committees on Ethics and 
     Rules.
       (r) Exercise Facilities for Former Members.--During the One 
     Hundred Eighteenth Congress:
       (1) The House of Representatives may not provide access to 
     any exercise facility which is made available exclusively to 
     Members and former Members, officers and former officers of 
     the House of Representatives, and their spouses to any former 
     Member, former officer, or spouse who is a lobbyist 
     registered under the Lobbying Disclosure Act of 1995 or any 
     successor statute or who is an agent of a foreign principal 
     as defined in clause 5 of rule XXV. For purposes of this 
     subsection, the term ``Member'' includes a Delegate or 
     Resident Commissioner to the Congress.
       (2) The Committee on House Administration shall promulgate 
     regulations to carry out this subsection.
       (s) Non-disclosure Agreements.--Any non-disclosure 
     agreement imposed by any employing or contracting authority 
     in the House of Representatives to which a paid or unpaid 
     employee or contractor is or was required to agree as a term 
     of employment shall--
       (1) provide clear guidance that the employee or contractor 
     may communicate concerning any matter with the Committee on 
     Ethics, the Office of Congressional Workplace Rights, or any 
     other office or entity designated by the Committee on House 
     Administration without prior, concurrent, or subsequent 
     notice or approval; and
       (2) not be binding and shall have no legal effect to the 
     extent to which it requires prior, concurrent, or subsequent 
     notice or approval from anyone on any matter with respect to 
     communications from an employee or contractor to any of the 
     committees, offices, or entities described in paragraph (1).
       (t) Mandatory Anti-harassment and Anti-discrimination 
     Policies for House Offices.--
       (1) Requiring offices to adopt policy.--Each employing 
     office of the House of Representatives under the 
     Congressional Accountability Act of 1995 shall adopt an anti-

[[Page H55]]

     harassment and anti-discrimination policy for the office's 
     workplace.
       (2) Regulations.--Not later than April 1, 2023, the 
     Committee on House Administration shall promulgate 
     regulations to carry out this subsection, and shall ensure 
     that such regulations are consistent with the requirements of 
     the Congressional Accountability Act of 1995, rule XXIII, and 
     other relevant laws, rules, and regulations.
       (u) Displaying Statement of Rights and Protections Provided 
     to House Employees.--The Committee on House Administration 
     shall issue regulations to provide that each employing office 
     of the House of Representatives shall post in a prominent 
     location in the office (including, in the case of the office 
     of a Member, Delegate, or the Resident Commissioner, a 
     prominent location in each district office) a statement of 
     the rights and protections provided to employees of the House 
     of Representatives under the Congressional Accountability Act 
     of 1995, including the procedures available to employees of 
     the House under such Act for responding to and adjudicating 
     allegations of violations of such rights and protections.
       (v) Requiring Members to Pay for Discrimination 
     Settlements.--
       (1) In general.--In the case of a settlement of a complaint 
     under the Congressional Accountability Act of 1995 in 
     connection with a claim alleging a violation described in 
     paragraph (2) which is committed personally by a Member, 
     Delegate, or Resident Commissioner, if the Member, Delegate, 
     or Resident Commissioner is not required under law to 
     reimburse the Treasury for the amount of the settlement, the 
     chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on House 
     Administration may not approve the settlement pursuant to 
     clause 4(d)(2) of rule X unless, under the terms and 
     conditions of the settlement, the Member, Delegate, or 
     Resident Commissioner is required to reimburse the Treasury 
     for the amount of the settlement.
       (2) Violations described.--A violation described in this 
     paragraph is--
       (A) a violation of section 201(a) or section 206(a) of the 
     Congressional Accountability Act of 1995; or
       (B) a violation of section 208 of such Act which consists 
     of intimidating, taking reprisal against, or otherwise 
     discriminating against any covered employee under such Act 
     because of a claim alleging a violation described in 
     subparagraph (A).
       (w) Congressional Member Organization Transparency 
     Reform.--
       (1) Payment of salaries and expenses through account of 
     organization.--A Member of the House of Representatives and 
     an eligible Congressional Member Organization may enter into 
     an agreement under which--
       (A) an employee of the Member's office may carry out 
     official and representational duties of the Member by 
     assignment to the Organization; and
       (B) to the extent that the employee carries out such duties 
     under the agreement, the Member shall transfer the portion of 
     the Members' Representational Allowance (MRA) of the Member 
     which would otherwise be used for the salary and related 
     expenses of the employee to a dedicated account in the House 
     of Representatives which is administered by the Organization, 
     in accordance with the regulations promulgated by the 
     Committee on House Administration under paragraph (2).
       (2) Regulations.--The Committee on House Administration 
     (hereafter referred to in this subsection as the 
     ``Committee'') shall promulgate regulations as follows:
       (A) Use of mra.--Pursuant to the authority of section 
     101(d) of the House of Representatives Administrative Reform 
     Technical Corrections Act (2 U.S.C. 5341(d)), the Committee 
     shall prescribe regulations to provide that an eligible 
     Congressional Member Organization may use the amounts 
     transferred to the Organization's dedicated account under 
     paragraph (1)(B) for the same purposes for which a Member of 
     the House of Representatives may use the Members' 
     Representational Allowance, except that the Organization may 
     not use such amounts for franked mail, official travel, or 
     leases of space or vehicles.
       (B) Maintenance of limitations on number of shared 
     employees.--Pursuant to the authority of section 104(d) of 
     the House of Representatives Administrative Reform Technical 
     Corrections Act (2 U.S.C. 5321(d)), the Committee shall 
     prescribe regulations to provide that an employee of the 
     office of a Member of the House of Representatives who is 
     covered by an agreement entered into under paragraph (1) 
     between the Member and an eligible Congressional Member 
     Organization shall be considered a shared employee of the 
     Member's office and the Organization for purposes of such 
     section, and shall include in such regulations appropriate 
     accounting standards to ensure that a Member of the House of 
     Representatives who enters into an agreement with such an 
     Organization under paragraph (1) does not employ more 
     employees than the Member is authorized to employ under such 
     section.
       (C) Participation in student loan repayment program.--
     Pursuant to the authority of section 105(b) of the 
     Legislative Branch Appropriations Act, 2003 (2 U.S.C. 
     4536(b)), relating to the student loan repayment program for 
     employees of the House, the Committee shall promulgate 
     regulations to provide that, in the case of an employee who 
     is covered by an agreement entered into under paragraph (1) 
     between a Member of the House of Representatives and an 
     eligible Congressional Member Organization and who 
     participates in such program while carrying out duties under 
     the agreement--
       (i) any funds made available for making payments under the 
     program with respect to the employee shall be transferred to 
     the Organization's dedicated account under paragraph (1)(B); 
     and
       (ii) the Organization shall use the funds to repay a 
     student loan taken out by the employee, under the same terms 
     and conditions which would apply under the program if the 
     Organization were the employing office of the employee.
       (D) Access to house services.--The Committee shall 
     prescribe regulations to ensure that an eligible 
     Congressional Member Organization has appropriate access to 
     services of the House.
       (E) Other regulations.--The Committee shall promulgate such 
     other regulations as may be appropriate to carry out this 
     subsection.
       (3) Eligible congressional member organization defined.--In 
     this subsection, the term ``eligible Congressional Member 
     Organization'' means, with respect to the One Hundred 
     Eighteenth Congress, an organization meeting each of the 
     following requirements:
       (A) The organization is registered as a Congressional 
     Member Organization with the Committee on House 
     Administration.
       (B) The organization designates a single Member of the 
     House of Representatives to be responsible for the 
     administration of the organization, including the 
     administration of the account administered under paragraph 
     (1)(B), and includes the identification of such Member with 
     the statement of organization that the organization files and 
     maintains with the Committee on House Administration.
       (C) At least 3 employees of the House are assigned to 
     perform some work for the organization.
       (D) During the One Hundred Seventeenth Congress, at least 
     30 Members of the House of Representatives used a portion of 
     the Members' Representational Allowance of the Member for the 
     salary and related expenses of an employee who was a shared 
     employee of the Member's office and the organization.
       (E) The organization files a statement with the Committee 
     on House Administration and the Chief Administrative Officer 
     of the House of Representatives certifying that it will 
     administer an account in accordance with paragraph (1)(B).
       (x) Determination With Respect to Placement of Measure on 
     Consensus Calendar.--During the One Hundred Eighteenth 
     Congress, not later than 2 legislative days after a measure 
     is placed on the Consensus Calendar pursuant to clause 7(c) 
     of rule XV, the Majority Leader shall, in the case such 
     measure is not in compliance with any legislative protocols 
     of the Majority Leader, submit to the Congressional Record a 
     determination with respect to such noncompliance.
       (y) Transfer of Certain Committee Records to Committee on 
     House Administration.--
       (1) Any committee designated by the Speaker pursuant to 
     section 7(b)(1) of House Resolution 503, One Hundred 
     Seventeenth Congress, is directed to transfer any records 
     obtained pursuant to such designation to the Committee on 
     House Administration, not later than January 17, 2023.
       (2) The Archivist is directed to transfer any noncurrent 
     records of a committee designated by the Speaker pursuant to 
     section 7(b)(1) of House Resolution 503, One Hundred 
     Seventeenth Congress, and related to the select committee 
     established pursuant to such resolution which have been 
     archived pursuant to rule VII to the Committee on House 
     Administration not later than January 17, 2023.
       (3) Any records transferred or withdrawn pursuant to this 
     subsection shall become the records of the Committee on House 
     Administration.
       (z) Procedures During District Work Periods.--
       (1) On any legislative day of the One Hundred Eighteenth 
     Congress occurring during a ``district work period'' as 
     designated by the Speaker--
       (A) the Journal of the proceedings of the previous day 
     shall be considered as approved; and
       (B) the Chair may at any time declare the House adjourned 
     to meet at a date and time, within the limits of clause 4, 
     section 5, article I of the Constitution, to be announced by 
     the Chair in declaring the adjournment.
       (2) The Speaker may appoint Members to perform the duties 
     of the Chair for the duration of a district work period 
     described in paragraph (1) as though under clause 8(a) of 
     rule I.
       (3) Each day during a district work period described in 
     paragraph (1) shall not constitute--
       (A) a calendar day for purposes of section 7 of the War 
     Powers Resolution (50 U.S.C. 1546);
       (B) a legislative day for purposes of clause 7 of rule 
     XIII;
       (C) a calendar or legislative day for purposes of clause 
     7(c)(1) of rule XXII; or
       (D) a legislative day for purposes of clause 7 of rule XV.
       (aa) Reduction of Unauthorized Spending.--
       (1) In general.--During the first session of the One 
     Hundred Eighteenth Congress, it

[[Page H56]]

     shall not be in order to report an appropriation in a general 
     appropriation bill, for an expenditure not previously 
     authorized by law, in excess of the most recent level at 
     which an appropriation for such expenditure has been enacted 
     into law.
       (2) Adoption of amendment to reduce appropriation.--If a 
     point of order under paragraph (1) is sustained, an amendment 
     shall be considered to have been adopted in the House and in 
     the Committee of the Whole reducing the amount of such 
     appropriation to the most recent level at which such 
     appropriation has been enacted in law.
       (3) Requirement to entertain point of order.--The Chair 
     shall not entertain a point of order under paragraph (1) 
     unless any levels described in paragraph (2) have been 
     submitted to the Chair.
       (bb) Numbering of Bills.--In the One Hundred Eighteenth 
     Congress, the first 10 numbers for bills (H.R. 1 through H.R. 
     10) shall be reserved for assignment by the Speaker and the 
     second 10 numbers for bills (H.R. 11 through H.R. 20) shall 
     be reserved for assignment by the Minority Leader.

     SEC. 4. COMMITTEES, COMMISSIONS, AND HOUSE OFFICES.

       (a) Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Pandemic.--
       (1) Establishment; composition.--
       (A) Establishment.--There is hereby established for the One 
     Hundred Eighteenth Congress a select investigative 
     subcommittee of the Committee on Oversight and Accountability 
     called the Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Pandemic 
     (hereinafter referred to as the ``select subcommittee'').
       (B) Composition.--
       (i) The select subcommittee shall be composed of not more 
     than 12 Members, Delegates, or the Resident Commissioner 
     appointed by the Speaker, of whom not more than 5 shall be 
     appointed in consultation with the Minority Leader. The 
     Speaker shall designate one member of the select subcommittee 
     as its chair. Any vacancy in the select subcommittee shall be 
     filled in the same manner as the original appointment.
       (ii) The chair and ranking minority member of the Committee 
     on Oversight and Accountability shall be ex officio members 
     of the select subcommittee but shall have no vote in the 
     select subcommittee and may not be counted for purposes of 
     determining a quorum.
       (iii) Each member appointed to the select subcommittee 
     shall be treated as though a member of the Committee on 
     Oversight and Accountability for purposes of the select 
     subcommittee.
       (2) Investigative functions and authority.--
       (A) Investigative functions.--The select subcommittee is 
     authorized and directed to conduct a full and complete 
     investigation and study and, not later than January 2, 2025, 
     issue a final report to the House of its findings (and such 
     interim reports as it may deem necessary) regarding--
       (i) the origins of the Coronavirus pandemic, including but 
     not limited to the Federal Government's funding of gain-of-
     function research;
       (ii) the efficiency, effectiveness, and transparency of the 
     use of taxpayer funds and relief programs to address the 
     coronavirus pandemic, including any reports of waste, fraud, 
     or abuse;
       (iii) the implementation or effectiveness of any Federal 
     law or regulation applied, enacted, or under consideration to 
     address the coronavirus pandemic and prepare for future 
     pandemics;
       (iv) the development of vaccines and treatments, and the 
     development and implementation of vaccination policies for 
     Federal employees and members of the armed forces;
       (v) the economic impact of the coronavirus pandemic and 
     associated government response on individuals, communities, 
     small businesses, health care providers, States, and local 
     government entities;
       (vi) the societal impact of decisions to close schools, how 
     the decisions were made and whether there is evidence of 
     widespread learning loss or other negative effects as a 
     result of these decisions;
       (vii) executive branch policies, deliberations, decisions, 
     activities, and internal and external communications related 
     to the coronavirus pandemic;
       (viii) the protection of whistleblowers who provide 
     information about waste, fraud, abuse, or other improper 
     activities related to the coronavirus pandemic; and
       (ix) cooperation by the executive branch and others with 
     Congress, the Inspectors General, the Government 
     Accountability Office, and others in connection with 
     oversight of the preparedness for and response to the 
     coronavirus pandemic.
       (B) Authority.--
       (i) The select subcommittee may report to the House or any 
     committee of the House from time to time the results of its 
     investigations and studies, together with such detailed 
     findings and legislative recommendations as it may deem 
     advisable.
       (ii) The select subcommittee may not hold a markup of 
     legislation.
       (3) Procedure.--
       (A) Rule XI and the rules of the Committee on Oversight and 
     Accountability shall apply to the select subcommittee in the 
     same manner as a subcommittee except as follows:
       (i) The chair of the select subcommittee may, after 
     consultation with the ranking minority member, recognize--

       (I) members of the select subcommittee to question a 
     witness for periods longer than five minutes as though 
     pursuant to clause 2(j)(2)(B) of such rule XI; and
       (II) staff of the select subcommittee to question a witness 
     as though pursuant to clause 2(j)(2)(C) of such rule XI.

       (ii) The select subcommittee may not authorize and issue 
     subpoenas, but the Committee on Oversight and Accountability 
     (or the chair of the Committee on Oversight and 
     Accountability, if acting in accordance with clause 
     2(m)(3)(A)(i) of rule XI) may authorize and issue subpoenas 
     to be returned at the select subcommittee.
       (B) The provisions of this resolution shall govern the 
     proceedings of the select subcommittee in the event of any 
     conflict with the rules of the House or of the Committee on 
     Oversight and Accountability.
       (4) Service.--Service on the select subcommittee shall not 
     count against the limitations in clause 5(b)(2)(A) of rule X.
       (5) Successor.--The Committee on Oversight and 
     Accountability is the ``successor in interest'' to the select 
     subcommittee for purposes of clause 8(c) of rule II.
       (6) Sunset.--The select subcommittee shall cease to exist 
     30 days after filing the final report required under 
     paragraph (2).
       (b) House Democracy Partnership.--House Resolution 24, One 
     Hundred Tenth Congress, shall apply in the One Hundred 
     Eighteenth Congress in the same manner as such resolution 
     applied in the One Hundred Tenth Congress, except that the 
     commission concerned shall be known as the House Democracy 
     Partnership.
       (c) Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission.--Sections 1 through 
     7 of House Resolution 1451, One Hundred Tenth Congress, shall 
     apply in the One Hundred Eighteenth Congress in the same 
     manner as such provisions applied in the One Hundred Tenth 
     Congress, except that--
       (1) the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission may, in addition 
     to collaborating closely with other professional staff 
     members of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, collaborate 
     closely with professional staff members of other relevant 
     committees;
       (2) the resources of the Committee on Foreign Affairs which 
     the Commission may use shall include all resources which the 
     Committee is authorized to obtain from other offices of the 
     House of Representatives; and
       (3) any amounts authorized to provide full-time 
     professional staff and resources to the Tom Lantos Human 
     Rights Commission shall be in addition to and separate from 
     the amounts authorized for salaries and expenses of the 
     Committee on Foreign Affairs as provided by resolution of the 
     House, shall be administered by the Committee on Foreign 
     Affairs, and shall be distributed equally between the co-
     chairs of the Commission.
       (d) Office of Congressional Ethics.--Section 1 of House 
     Resolution 895, One Hundred Tenth Congress, shall apply in 
     the One Hundred Eighteenth Congress in the same manner as 
     such provision applied in the One Hundred Tenth Congress, 
     except that--
       (1) the Office of Congressional Ethics shall be treated as 
     a standing committee of the House for purposes of section 
     202(i) of the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946 (2 
     U.S.C. 4301(i));
       (2) references to the Committee on Standards of Official 
     Conduct shall be construed as references to the Committee on 
     Ethics;
       (3) any requirement for concurrence in section 1(b)(1) 
     shall be construed as a requirement for consultation;
       (4) any individual who is the subject of a preliminary 
     review or second-phase review by the board shall be informed 
     of the right to be represented by counsel and invoking that 
     right should not be held negatively against such individual;
       (5) the Office may not take any action that would deny any 
     person any right or protection provided under the 
     Constitution of the United States;
       (6) any member of the board currently serving a term in 
     excess of the limitations of section 1(b)(6) of such 
     resolution shall be considered as removed from the board; and
       (7) the provision regarding appointment and compensation of 
     staff shall require an affirmative vote of at least 4 members 
     of the board not later than 30 calendar days after the date 
     of the adoption of this resolution.

     SEC. 5. ORDERS OF BUSINESS.

       (a) At any time after the adoption of this resolution the 
     Speaker may, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule XVIII, declare 
     the House resolved into the Committee of the Whole House on 
     the State of the Union for consideration of the bill (H.R. 
     21) to provide for the development of a plan to increase oil 
     and gas production under oil and gas leases of Federal lands 
     under the jurisdiction of the Secretary of Agriculture, the 
     Secretary of Energy, the Secretary of the Interior, and the 
     Secretary of Defense in conjunction with a drawdown of 
     petroleum reserves from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve. The 
     first reading of the bill shall be dispensed with. All points 
     of order against consideration of the bill are waived. 
     General debate shall be confined to the bill and shall not 
     exceed one hour equally divided and controlled by the 
     Majority Leader and the Minority Leader or their respective 
     designees. After general debate the bill shall be considered 
     for amendment under the five-minute rule. The bill shall be 
     considered as read. All points of order against provisions in 
     the bill are waived. No amendment shall be in order except: 
     (1) those amendments to the bill received for printing in the 
     portion of the Congressional Record designated for that 
     purpose in clause 8 of rule XVIII dated at least

[[Page H57]]

     one day before the day of consideration of the amendment; and 
     (2) up to 20 pro forma amendments for the purpose of debate, 
     10 of which may be offered by the Majority Leader or a 
     designee and 10 of which may be offered by the Minority 
     Leader or a designee. Each amendment so received may be 
     offered only by the Member who caused it to be printed or a 
     designee and shall be considered as read if printed. At the 
     conclusion of consideration of the bill for amendment the 
     Committee shall rise and report the bill to the House with 
     such amendments as may have been adopted. The previous 
     question shall be considered as ordered on the bill and 
     amendments thereto to final passage without intervening 
     motion except one motion to recommit.
       (b) Upon adoption of this resolution it shall be in order 
     to consider in the House any bill specified in subsection 
     (c). All points of order against consideration of each such 
     bill are waived. Each such bill shall be considered as read. 
     All points of order against provisions in each such bill are 
     waived. The previous question shall be considered as ordered 
     on each such bill and on any amendment thereto to final 
     passage without intervening motion except: (1) one hour of 
     debate equally divided and controlled by the Majority Leader 
     and the Minority Leader or their respective designees; and 
     (2) one motion to recommit.
       (c) The bills referred to in subsection (b) are as follows:
       (1) The bill (H.R. 23) to rescind certain balances made 
     available to the Internal Revenue Service.
       (2) The bill (H.R. 29) to authorize the Secretary of 
     Homeland Security to suspend the entry of aliens, and for 
     other purposes.
       (3) The bill (H.R. 22) to prohibit the Secretary of Energy 
     from sending petroleum products from the Strategic Petroleum 
     Reserve to China, and for other purposes.
       (4) The bill (H.R. 27) to amend the Omnibus Crime Control 
     and Safe Streets Act to direct district attorney and 
     prosecutors offices to report to the Attorney General, and 
     for other purposes.
       (5) The bill (H.R. 28) to require the national instant 
     criminal background check system to notify U.S. Immigration 
     and Customs Enforcement and the relevant State and local law 
     enforcement agencies whenever the information available to 
     the system indicates that a person illegally or unlawfully in 
     the United States may be attempting to receive a firearm.
       (6) The bill (H.R. 7) to prohibit taxpayer funded 
     abortions.
       (7) The bill (H.R. 26) to amend title 18, United States 
     Code, to prohibit a health care practitioner from failing to 
     exercise the proper degree of care in the case of a child who 
     survives an abortion or attempted abortion.
       (d) Upon adoption of this resolution it shall be in order 
     without intervention of any point of order to consider in the 
     House any resolution specified in subsection (e). Each such 
     resolution shall be considered as read. The previous question 
     shall be considered as ordered on each such resolution to 
     adoption without intervening motion or demand for division of 
     the question except one hour of debate equally divided and 
     controlled by the Majority Leader and the Minority Leader or 
     their respective designees.
       (e) The resolutions referred to in subsection (d) are as 
     follows:
       (1) The resolution (H. Res. 11) establishing the Select 
     Committee on the Strategic Competition Between the United 
     States and the Chinese Communist Party.
       (2) The resolution (H. Res. 12) establishing a Select 
     Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government 
     as a select investigative subcommittee of the Committee on 
     the Judiciary.
       (f) Upon adoption of this resolution it shall be in order 
     to consider in the House the concurrent resolution (H. Con. 
     Res. 5) expressing support for the Nation's law enforcement 
     agencies and condemning any efforts to defund or dismantle 
     law enforcement agencies. All points of order against 
     consideration of the concurrent resolution are waived. The 
     concurrent resolution shall be considered as read. All points 
     of order against provisions in the concurrent resolution are 
     waived. The previous question shall be considered as ordered 
     on the concurrent resolution and preamble to adoption without 
     intervening motion or demand for division of the question 
     except one hour of debate equally divided and controlled by 
     the Majority Leader and the Minority Leader or their 
     respective designees.
       (g) Upon adoption of this resolution it shall be in order 
     to consider in the House the concurrent resolution (H. Con. 
     Res. 3) expressing the sense of Congress condemning the 
     recent attacks on prolife facilities, groups, and churches. 
     All points of order against consideration of the concurrent 
     resolution are waived. The concurrent resolution shall be 
     considered as read. All points of order against provisions in 
     the concurrent resolution are waived. The previous question 
     shall be considered as ordered on the concurrent resolution 
     and preamble to adoption without intervening motion or demand 
     for division of the question except one hour of debate 
     equally divided and controlled by the Majority Leader and the 
     Minority Leader or their respective designees.
       (h) The Speaker may recognize a Member for the reading of 
     the Constitution on any legislative day through February 28, 
     2023.

  Mr. SCALISE. (During the reading). Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous 
consent that the resolution be considered as read and printed in the 
Record.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Womack). Is there objection to the 
request of the gentleman from Louisiana?
  There was no objection.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Louisiana is recognized 
for 1 hour.
  Mr. SCALISE. Mr. Speaker, I yield the remainder of my time to the 
gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. Cole), the chairman of the Committee on 
Rules, and ask unanimous consent that he be permitted to control the 
time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Louisiana?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend, the distinguished 
majority leader, Mr. Scalise, for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 
minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), my good 
friend, pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During 
consideration of this resolution, all time is yielded for the purpose 
of debate only.


                             General Leave

  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may 
have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Oklahoma?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record the section-by-section 
analysis of the resolution.

                               H. Res. 5

               Adopting the Rules for the 118th Congress

                      Section-by-Section Analysis

     Section 1. Adoption of the Rules of the One Hundred 
         Seventeenth Congress.
       This section provides that the Rules of the 117th Congress 
     are the Rules of the 118th Congress, except for the 
     amendments contained in section 2 of the resolution and 
     orders contained in the resolution.
     Section 2. Changes to the Standing Rules.
       Initiatives to Reduce Spending and Improve Accountability. 
     Subsection (a)(l) replaces current ``pay-as-you-go'' 
     requirements with ``cut-as-you-go'' requirements. The 
     provision prohibits consideration of a bill, joint 
     resolution, conference report, or amendment that has the net 
     effect of increasing mandatory spending within a five-year or 
     ten-year budget window. This provision continues the current 
     practice of counting multiple measures considered pursuant to 
     a special order of business which directs the Clerk to 
     engross the measures together after passage for purposes of 
     compliance with the rule and provides a mechanism for 
     addressing ``emergency'' designations.
       Subsection (a)(2) strikes the ``Gephardt rule'' that 
     provides for the automatic engrossment and transmittal to the 
     Senate of a joint resolution changing the public debt limit, 
     upon the adoption by the House of a concurrent resolution on 
     the budget resolution, thereby avoiding a separate vote in 
     the House on the public debt limit legislation.
       Subsection (a)(3) restores a point of order against net 
     increase in budget authority for amendments to general 
     appropriations bills.
       Subsection (a)(4) restores a point of order against budget 
     reconciliation directives that increase net direct spending.
       Increased Threshold for Tax Rate Increases. Subsection (b) 
     restores a requirement for a three-fifths supermajority vote 
     on tax rate increases.
       Two Minute Votes. Subsection (c) provides that the Speaker 
     can reduce vote times in the House to not less than two 
     minutes on any question that follows another electronic vote. 
     The subsection also states that to the maximum extent 
     practicable, advance notice will be given when reduced voting 
     times are expected in a voting series.
       Modifications to Calendar Wednesday. Subsection (d) 
     modifies the notice requirement to use Calendar Wednesday to 
     conform with the 72-hour notice requirement prior to 
     consideration of legislation.
       Committee Authorization and Oversight Plans. Subsection (e) 
     restores the requirement that each standing committee (except 
     the Committees on Appropriations, Ethics, and Rules) vote to 
     adopt an authorization and oversight plan, which must be 
     submitted to the Committees on Oversight and Accountability 
     and House Administration no later than March 1 of the first 
     session of a Congress. The plan must include a list of 
     unauthorized programs and agencies within the committee's 
     jurisdiction that have received funding in the prior fiscal 
     year, or in the case of a permanent authorization, have not 
     received a comprehensive review by the committee in the prior 
     three Congresses. The subsection requires committees to 
     describe each program or agency that is intended to be 
     authorized in the current Congress or next Congress, and a 
     description of oversight to support reauthorization in the 
     current Congress. The subsection also requires the

[[Page H58]]

     plan include any recommendations for moving such programs or 
     agencies from mandatory to discretionary funding. When 
     developing these plans, committee chairs must coordinate with 
     other committees of jurisdiction to ensure that programs and 
     agencies are subject to routine authorization efforts.
       The subsection also provides that committee authorization 
     and oversight plans may make recommendations to consolidate 
     or terminate duplicative or unnecessary programs and 
     agencies. Committees may make recommendations for changes to 
     existing law to address Federal rules, regulations, statutes, 
     and court decisions related to programs that are inconsistent 
     with Congress' Article I authorities, as well as provide a 
     description of other oversight activities that may be 
     necessary.
       The subsection also requires the Committee on Oversight and 
     Accountability to report to the House no later than April 15 
     the authorization and oversight plans submitted by committees 
     together with any recommendations it may make to ensure 
     effective coordination of the plans.
       Cost Estimates for Major Legislation to Include 
     Macroeconomic Effects. Subsection (f) restores the 
     requirement that the Congressional Budget Office and Joint 
     Committee on Taxation, to the extent practicable, incorporate 
     the macroeconomic effects of major legislation into the 
     official cost estimates used for enforcing the budget 
     resolution and other rules of the House. The subsection 
     requires, to the extent practicable, a qualitative assessment 
     of the long-term budgetary and macroeconomic effects of major 
     legislation, which is defined to cover legislation that 
     causes a gross budgetary effect in any fiscal year covered by 
     the budget resolution that is equal to or greater than 0.25 
     percent of the projected GDP for that year. This subsection 
     also allows the chair of the Committee on the Budget, or in 
     the case of revenue legislation the House member serving 
     as the Chair or Vice Chair of the Joint Committee on 
     Taxation, to designate major legislation for purposes of 
     this rule.
       Ethics Reform. Subsection (g) directs the Committee on 
     Ethics to adopt rules which provide for a process to receive 
     complaints directly from the public.
       Empaneling Investigative Subcommittee of the Committee on 
     Ethics. Subsection (h) codifies House Resolution 451, 110th 
     Congress, directing the Committee on Ethics to empanel an 
     investigative subcommittee or issue a report within 30 days 
     of the date a Member, Delegate, or the Resident Commissioner 
     is indicted, or criminal charges are filed.
       Treatment of Evidence in Committee and Subcommittee 
     Investigations. Subsection (i) eliminates a requirement that 
     the Committee on Ethics adopt a rule allowing the use during 
     an ethics investigation of evidence presented in a related 
     criminal case where the respondent was convicted because this 
     is already contained in the committee rules of the Committee 
     on Ethics.
       Designating Committee on Oversight and Accountability. 
     Subsection (j) redesignates the Committee on Oversight and 
     Reform as the Committee on Oversight and Accountability.
       Designating Committee on Education and the Workforce. 
     Subsection (k) redesignates the Committee on Education and 
     Labor as the Committee on Education and the Workforce.
       Subcommittees of Committee on Agriculture. Subsection (1) 
     permits the Committee on Agriculture to have six 
     subcommittees, codifying a separate order in effect since the 
     114th Congress.
       Cybersecurity. Subsection (m) modifies the jurisdiction of 
     the Committee on Homeland Security to include functions of 
     the Department of Homeland Security related to cybersecurity. 
     Committees currently holding jurisdiction over cybersecurity 
     functions of DHS will retain a shared jurisdictional interest 
     in such functions.
       Scope of Authority to Act in Continuing Litigation Matters. 
     Subsection (n) eliminates ``including, but not limited to, 
     the issuance of subpoenas'' in the description of authority 
     to act as successor-in-interest in continuing litigation 
     matters, such language being superfluous.
       Record Votes on Measures Reported by the Committee on 
     Rules. Subsection (o) requires reports from the Committee on 
     Rules to include a depiction of recorded votes.
       Access to the Hall of the House. Subsection (p) strikes 
     language providing Governors of Territories and the Mayor of 
     the District of Columbia access to the Hall of the House.
       Resolution Declaring the Office of Speaker Vacant. 
     Subsection (q) strikes language from rule IX to allow any 
     member to offer a privileged resolution declaring the Office 
     of Speaker vacant.
     Section 3. Separate Orders.
       Holman Rule. Subsection (a) reinstates the ``Holman Rule'' 
     which allows amendments to appropriations legislation that 
     would reduce the salary of or fire specific federal 
     employees, or cut a specific program.
       Restoring Legislative Branch Accountability. Subsection (b) 
     states regulations adopted pursuant to House Resolution 1096, 
     117th Congress will have no force or effect in the 118th 
     Congress.
       Requirement with Respect to Single Subject Bill. Subsection 
     (c) provides that, effective February 1, 2023, a bill or 
     joint resolution may not be introduced unless the sponsor 
     submits a statement setting forth the single subject of the 
     bill or joint resolution. This statement must be included 
     with the statement required by clause 7(c) of rule XII 
     (Constitutional Authority Statements). A statement for any 
     bill or joint resolution introduced prior to the effective 
     date shall, to the extent practicable, be submitted by the 
     sponsor prior to committee or House consideration.
       Question of Consideration for Germanenes. Subsection (d) 
     establishes a question of consideration on a special rule 
     that waives germaneness for an amendment. The question of 
     consideration is debatable for 20 minutes and is not subject 
     to any intervening motion.
       Budget Matter. Subsection (e)(l)(A) provides the authority 
     for the chair of the Committee on the Budget to file 
     allocations, aggregates, and other appropriate budgetary 
     levels for the purpose of enforcing provisions of the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974. Additionally, this 
     subsection states that the provisions of S. Con. Res. 14, 
     117th Congress shall have no force or effect.
       Subsection (e)(l)(B) provides adjustment authority to the 
     chair of the Committee on the Budget for a bill, joint 
     resolution, amendment thereto, or conference report thereon 
     if the measure does not increase direct spending over five 
     or ten years. It additionally provides adjustment 
     authority to the chair of the Committee on the Budget to 
     take into account the most recent baseline published by 
     the Congressional Budget Office.
       Subsection (e)(1)(C) allows the Majority Leader or his 
     designee, should the chair of the Committee on the Budget not 
     yet be elected, to file statements permitted under 
     subsections (f)(1)(A) and (f)(1)(B).
       Subsection (e)(1)(D) allows the chair of the Committee on 
     the Budget (or the Majority Leader or his designee, should 
     the chair not yet be elected) to adjust an estimate under 
     clause 4 of rule XXIX to exempt the budgetary effects of 
     measures to protect taxpayers with taxable incomes below 
     $400,000 from an increase in audits above the most recent tax 
     year from the Internal Revenue Service.
       Subsection (e)(2) establishes a point of order against 
     consideration of a bill or joint resolution reported by a 
     committee (other than the Committee on Appropriations) or an 
     amendment thereto, or a conference report thereon, which has 
     the net effect of increasing direct spending in excess of 
     $2,500,000,000 for any of the four consecutive 10 fiscal year 
     periods beginning with the first fiscal year that is 10 
     fiscal years after the current fiscal year. The levels of net 
     increases in direct spending shall be determined based on 
     estimates provided by the chair of the Committee on the 
     Budget.
       Subsection (e)(3) requires the Congressional Budget Office 
     on any legislation that shows changes in mandatory spending 
     which cause a gross budgetary effect in any fiscal year 
     covered by the budget resolution that is equal to or greater 
     than 0.25 percent of the projected GDP for the current fiscal 
     year, to the extent practicable, to provide an estimate of 
     the inflationary impacts of that legislation. This subsection 
     also allows the chair of the Committee on the Budget to 
     designate major legislation for purposes of this order.
       Subsection (e)(4) requires the Congressional Budget Office 
     on any legislation impacting either the Medicare Part A trust 
     fund or OASDI trust fund that causes a gross budgetary effect 
     in any fiscal year covered by the budget resolution that is 
     equal to or greater than 0.25 percent of the projected GDP 
     for the current fiscal year, to the extent practicable, to 
     display: (1) the impact of legislation on the Medicare Part A 
     trust fund's unfunded liabilities over a 25-year projection, 
     solvency projections, and the net present value of those 
     liabilities; and (2) the impact on the OASDI trust fund's 
     unfunded liabilities over a 75-year projection, solvency 
     projections, and the net present value of those liabilities. 
     This subsection also allows the chair of the Committee on the 
     Budget to designate major legislation for purposes of this 
     order.
       Spending Reduction Amendments in Appropriations Bills. 
     Subsection (f) provides for spending reduction account 
     transfer amendments and requires a spending reduction account 
     section to be included in all general appropriations bills.
       Scoring Conveyances of Federal Land. Subsection (g) 
     reinstates the separate order from the 115th Congress 
     providing that any provision in a bill, joint resolution, 
     amendment, or conference report requiring or authorizing a 
     conveyance of federal land to a State, local government, or 
     tribal entity, shall not be considered as providing new 
     budget authority, decreasing revenues, increasing mandatory 
     spending, or increasing outlays.
       Member Day Hearing Requirement. Subsection (h) modifies the 
     Member Day hearing requirement to only occur at the full 
     committee level. Each standing committee (other than the 
     Committee on Ethics) must hold a Member Day Hearing during 
     the first session of the 118th Congress to receive testimony 
     from Members, Delegates, and the Resident Commissioner on 
     proposed legislation within its jurisdiction. The subsection 
     permits the Committee on Rules to hold its Member Day Hearing 
     during the second session to receive testimony on proposed 
     changes to the standing rules for the next Congress.
       Information to Committees of Congress on Request. 
     Subsection (i) requires that the chair of the Committee on 
     Oversight and Accountability be included as one of the seven 
     members of the committee making any request of an Executive 
     agency pursuant to section 2954 of title 5, United States 
     Code.
       Remote Appearance of Witnesses. Subsection (j) provides 
     limited authorization to a chair

[[Page H59]]

     of a committee to allow witnesses to appear remotely at 
     committee and subcommittee proceedings. This subsection 
     applies only to witnesses appearing in a non-governmental 
     capacity and in accordance with regulations issued by the 
     chair of the Committee on Rules and printed in the 
     Congressional Record.
       Deposition Authority. Subsection (k) provides the Permanent 
     Select Committee on Intelligence and each standing committee 
     of the 118th Congress (except for the Committee on Rules) the 
     authority to order the taking of a deposition by a member or 
     counsel of such committee and limits persons who can attend 
     depositions to members, committee staff, an official 
     reporter, the witness, and up to two, personal, 
     nongovernmental attorneys. Depositions taken under this 
     authority are subject to regulations issued by the chair of 
     the Committee on Rules and printed in the Congressional 
     Record.
       Broadening Availability and Utility of Legislative 
     Documents in Machine-Readable Formats. Subsection (l) 
     instructs the Committee on House Administration, the Clerk, 
     an other officers and officials to advance 
     government transparency by continuing efforts to publish 
     documents of the House in machinereadable formats and 
     broaden their utility by enabling all House staff to 
     create comparative prints.
       Improving the Committee Electronic Document Repository. 
     Subsection (m) directs the Clerk, the Committee on House 
     Administration, and other officers and officials to continue 
     to improve the existing electronic document repository 
     operated by the Clerk for use by committees. Such 
     improvements are intended to increase public availability and 
     identification of legislative information produced by House 
     committees, including votes, amendments, and witness 
     disclosure forms.
       Providing for Transparency with Respect to Memorials 
     Submitted Pursuant to Article V of the Constitution of the 
     United States. Subsection (n) carries forward provisions that 
     clarify the procedures of the House regarding the receipt of 
     Article V memorials from the States by directing the Clerk to 
     make each memorial, designated by the chair of the Committee 
     on the Judiciary, electronically available, organized by 
     State of origin and year of receipt, and indicate whether the 
     memorial was designated as an application or rescission.
       In carrying out this subsection, it is expected that the 
     chair of the Committee on the Judiciary will be solely 
     charged with determining whether a memorial purports to be an 
     application of the legislature of a state calling for a 
     constitutional convention or rescission of prior 
     applications. The Clerk's role will be entirely 
     administrative. The chair of the Committee on the Judiciary 
     will only designate memorials from state legislatures (and 
     not petitions from individuals or other parties), as it is 
     only state legislatures that are contemplated under Article V 
     of the Constitution.
       In submitting each memorial to the Clerk, the chair of the 
     Committee on the Judiciary will include a transmission letter 
     that indicates it has been designated under this subsection. 
     The Clerk will make publicly available the memorial and the 
     transmission letter from the chair. Ancillary documentation 
     from the state or other parties is not expected to be 
     publicized.
       War Powers Resolution. Subsection (o) continues a separate 
     order from the 117th Congress expressly providing that any 
     motion to discharge a measure introduced pursuant to section 
     6 or section 7 of the War Powers Resolution is not subject to 
     a motion to table.
       Further Expenses for Resolving Contested Elections. 
     Subsection (p) authorizes such sums as may be necessary for 
     the Committee on House Administration to resolve contested 
     elections. Funds shall be available for expenses incurred 
     between January 3, 2023, and January 3, 2024. Amounts made 
     available under this subsection shall be expended in 
     accordance with regulations prescribed by the Committee on 
     House Administration.
       Ethics Reform. Subsection (q) directs the Speaker to 
     establish a bipartisan task force to conduct a comprehensive 
     review of House ethics rules and regulations. The task force 
     is directed to submit a report to the Speaker, Majority 
     Leader, Minority Leader, and chair and ranking minority 
     members of the Committees on Ethics and Rules.
       Exercise Facilities for Former Members. Subsection (r) 
     continues the prohibition on access to any exercise facility 
     that is made available exclusively to Members, Delegates, the 
     Resident Commissioner, former Members, former Delegates, 
     former Resident Commissioners, officers, and former officers 
     of the House and their spouses to any former Member, former 
     Delegate, former Resident Commissioner, former officer, or 
     spouse who is a lobbyist registered under the Lobbying 
     Disclosure Act of 1995 or any successor statute, or who is an 
     agent of a foreign principal as defined in clause 5 of rule 
     XXV.
       Non-Disclosure Agreements. Subsection (s) continues a 
     separate order from the 117th Congress providing that non-
     disclosure agreements required by offices as a condition of 
     employment for paid or unpaid staff or contractors cannot 
     require notice or approval for employees to communicate with 
     the Committee on Ethics, the Office of Congressional 
     Workplace Rights, or any other office or entity designated by 
     the Committee on House Administration; and that non-
     disclosure agreements must also provide clear guidance to 
     that effect.
       Mandatory Anti-Harassment and Anti-Discrimination Policies 
     for House Offices. Subsection (t) continues a separate order 
     from the 117th Congress requiring the Committee on House 
     Administration to issue regulations to carry out the 
     subsection by April 1, 2023. Additionally, each House office 
     is directed to adopt an anti-harassment and anti-
     discrimination policy.
       Displaying Statement of Rights and Protections Provided to 
     House Employees. Subsection (u) continues from the 117th 
     Congress a requirement that the Committee on House 
     Administration issue regulations requiring each House office 
     to prominently display a statement of the rights and 
     protections provided to House employees under the 
     Congressional Accountability Act of 1995, including 
     procedures available to employees for responding to and 
     adjudicating allegations of workplace rights violations.
       Requiring Members to Pay for Discrimination Settlements. 
     Subsection (v) continues from the 117th Congress a 
     requirement for a Member, Delegate, or the Resident 
     Commissioner to reimburse the Treasury for any settlement of 
     a complaint related to a claim alleging a violation by the 
     Member, Delegate, or the Resident Commissioner of sections 
     201(a), 206(a), or 208 of the Congressional Accountability 
     Act of 1995, which cover discrimination based on race, 
     color, religion, sex, national origin, age, disability, or 
     an employee's service in the uniformed services, and 
     retaliation for claims alleging such discrimination.
       Congressional Member Organization Transparency Reform. 
     Subsection (w) modifies Congressional Member Organization 
     Transparency reform to allow participating Members to enter 
     into agreements with eligible Congressional Member 
     Organizations for the purpose of payment of salaries and 
     expenses. The subsection requires that for an organization to 
     be eligible during the 118th Congress, the organization must 
     register with the Committee on House Administration, 
     designate a single Member to be responsible for the 
     administration of the organization, have at least three 
     employees assigned to perform work for the organization, and 
     had at least 30 Members during the 117th Congress using a 
     portion of their Members' Representational Allowance to pay 
     for the salaries and expenses of the organization.
       Determination with Respect to Placement of Measure on 
     Consensus Calendar. Subsection (x) directs the Majority 
     Leader to submit a statement to the Congressional Record if a 
     measure does not comply with his legislative protocols within 
     two legislative days of a measure being placed on the 
     Consensus Calendar.
       Transfer of Certain Committee Records to the Committee on 
     House Administration. Subsection (y) directs those committees 
     designated by section 7(b)(l) of House Resolution 503, 117th 
     Congress, and the Archivist of the United States to transfer 
     any records related to the committee established pursuant to 
     House Resolution 503, 117th Congress, to the Committee on 
     House Administration not later than January 17, 2023.
       Procedures During District Work Periods. Subsection (z) 
     provides that during district work periods throughout the 
     118th Congress, the Journal shall be approved; the Chair may 
     declare the House adjourned to meet within Constitutional 
     limits; the Speaker may appoint Members to perform the duties 
     of the Chair; and each day during this period shall not 
     constitute a day for purposes of section 7 of the War Powers 
     Resolution, clause 7 of rule XIII (resolutions of inquiry), 
     clause 7(c)(1) of rule XXII (motions to instruct conferees), 
     and clause 7 of XV (Consensus Calendar).
       In carrying out this subsection, it is expected that the 
     designation of a district work period will be satisfied by a 
     letter submitted by the Speaker that is laid before the 
     House.
       Reduction of Unauthorized Spending. Subsection (aa) 
     establishes a new point of order against an unauthorized 
     appropriation in a general appropriation bill in excess of 
     the most recent enacted level. If such a point of order is 
     sustained, an amendment shall be considered to have been 
     adopted reducing the amount of the appropriation to the most 
     recent enacted level. In order to entertain a point of order 
     under this subsection, the level of the most recently enacted 
     appropriation must be submitted to the Chair.
       Numbering of Bills. Subsection (bb) reserves the first 10 
     numbers for bills (H.R. 1 through H.R. 10) for assignment by 
     the Speaker and the second 10 numbers for bills (H.R. 11 
     through H.R. 20) for assignment by the Minority Leader.
     Section 4. Committees, Commissions, and House Offices.
       Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Pandemic. Subsection 
     (a) establishes the Select Subcommittee on the Corona virus 
     Pandemic of the Committee on Oversight and Accountability to 
     investigate, make findings, and provide legislative 
     recommendations on the origins of the Coronavirus pandemic, 
     including the Federal Government's funding of gain-of-
     function research, the use of taxpayer funds and relief 
     programs to address the pandemic, the effectiveness of laws 
     and regulations to address the Coronavirus pandemic and 
     prepare for future pandemics, the development of vaccines and 
     treatments and the implementation of vaccine mandates for 
     federal employees and the military, the economic impact of 
     the pandemic, including state and local government responses, 
     the impact of school closures on American children, Executive 
     Branch decisions and communications related to the pandemic, 
     the

[[Page H60]]

     protection of whistleblowers who provided information about 
     improper activities, and inter-government cooperation 
     regarding oversight of the preparedness for and response to 
     the pandemic.
       The Speaker is directed to appoint up to 12 Members, 
     Delegates, or the Resident Commissioner to serve on the 
     Select Subcommittee and to designate one of its members to 
     serve as the chair. Not more than five of the members may be 
     appointed on the recommendation of the Minority Leader. The 
     chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on 
     Oversight and Accountability shall be ex officio members of 
     the Select Subcommittee.
       Rule XI and the rules of the Committee on Oversight and 
     Accountability shall apply to the Select Subcommittee, except 
     that the chair, after consultation with the ranking minority 
     member, may allow members to question witnesses for more than 
     five minutes and may allow staff to question witnesses.
       The Select Subcommittee may not authorize and issue 
     subpoenas, but the Committee on Oversight and Accountability 
     may authorize and issue subpoenas to be returned at the 
     Select Subcommittee.
       The Select Subcommittee may not markup legislation.
       The Select Subcommittee must issue a final report of its 
     findings to the House by January 2, 2025 and will sunset 30 
     days after filing of the report.
       House Democracy Partnership. Subsection (b) reauthorizes 
     the House Democracy Partnership.
       Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission. Subsection (c) 
     reauthorizes the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission.
       Office of Congressional Ethics. Subsection (d) reauthorizes 
     the Office of Congressional Ethics (OCE), reimposes the two-
     term limit (a maximum of eight years) for board members, and 
     requires the board to, within 30 calendar days, appoint OCE 
     staff and set their compensation.
     Section 5. Orders of Business
       Subsection (a) provides for the consideration of a bill to 
     provide for the development of a plan to increase oil and gas 
     production under oil and gas leases of Federal lands under 
     the jurisdiction of the Secretary of Agriculture, the 
     Secretary of Energy, the Secretary of the Interior, and the 
     Secretary of Defense in conjunction with a drawdown of 
     petroleum reserves from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve under 
     a modified open rule. It provides one hour of debate equally 
     divided and controlled by the Majority and Minority Leaders 
     or their respective designees. After debate, the bill shall 
     be considered for amendment under the five-minute rule. Only 
     amendments that have been pre-printed in the Congressional 
     Record may be offered for consideration. Twenty pro forma 
     amendments may be offered for the purpose of debate, equally 
     divided and controlled by the Majority Leader and the 
     Minority Leader or their respective designees. At the 
     conclusion of consideration of the bill for amendment, one 
     motion to recommit is in order.
       Subsection (b) provides for the separate consideration of 
     seven bills under a closed rule with one hour of debate 
     equally divided and controlled by the Majority Leader and the 
     Minority Leader or their respective designees and one motion 
     to recommit.
       Subsection (c) provides the list of bills referred to in 
     subsection (b), which include:
       A bill to rescind certain balances made available to the 
     Internal Revenue Service.
       A bill to authorize the Secretary of Homeland Security to 
     suspend the entry of aliens, and for other purposes.
       A bill to prohibit the Secretary of Energy from sending 
     petroleum products from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve to 
     China, and for other purposes.
       A bill to amend the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets 
     Act to direct district attorney and prosecutors offices to 
     report to the Attorney General, and for other purposes.
       A bill to require the national instant criminal background 
     check system to notify U.S. Immigration and Customs 
     Enforcement and the relevant State and local law enforcement 
     agencies whenever the information available to the system 
     indicates that a person illegally or unlawfully in the United 
     States may be attempting to receive a firearm.
       A bill to prohibit taxpayer funded abortions.
       A bill to amend title 18, United States Code, to prohibit a 
     health care practitioner from failing to exercise the proper 
     degree of care in the case of a child who survives an 
     abortion or attempted abortion.
       Subsection (d) provides for the separate consideration of 
     two resolutions under a closed rule with one hour of debate 
     equally divided and controlled by the Majority Leader and the 
     Minority Leader or their respective designees.
       Subsection (e) provides the list of resolutions referred to 
     in subsection (d), which include:
       A resolution establishing the Select Committee on the 
     Strategic Competition Between the United States and the 
     Chinese Communist Party.
       A resolution establishing a Select Subcommittee on the 
     Weaponization of the Federal Government as a select 
     investigative subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary.
       Subsection (f) provides for the consideration of a 
     concurrent resolution expressing support for the Nation's law 
     enforcement agencies and condemning any efforts to defund or 
     dismantle law enforcement agencies under a closed rule with 
     one hour of debate equally divided and controlled by the 
     Majority Leader and the Minority Leader or their respective 
     designees.
       Subsection (g) provides for the consideration of a 
     concurrent resolution expressing the sense of Congress 
     condemning the recent attacks on prolife facilities, groups, 
     and churches under a closed rule with one hour of debate 
     equally divided and controlled by the Majority Leader and the 
     Minority Leader or their respective designees.
       Subsection (h) allows the Speaker to recognize a member for 
     the reading of the Constitution on any legislative day 
     through February 28, 2023.

  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Louisiana (Mr. Scalise), my good friend and the majority leader.
  Mr. SCALISE. Mr. Speaker, again, thank my friend from Oklahoma for 
yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, we are here to discuss the rules of the House, actually 
to debate the rules package. Why this is so important is because this 
lays out the ability for the House to conduct business, for the House 
to not only conduct business, but for the House to address the problems 
that the American people across this country face.
  Let's just be very clear up front. We saw a lot of debate about this 
last week. At the heart of all of the discussions last week was very 
clear, surely from our side, that Washington is broken. Not just is 
Washington broken, but the way that this House has been running for the 
last few years has not been designed to address the problems of the 
people across this country.
  In fact, we have seen many of the problems that families are facing 
across America created by the things that have come out of this 
Congress signed by President Biden. Why is inflation running away? 
Because spending is out of control, because bills appear by dark of 
night, bills that nobody has read that are thousands of pages long, 
where Members aren't even allowed to give input in committee or on the 
floor to address problems they know their constituents will face if 
these bills pass. Yet, the bills are passed because they are written in 
rooms behind closed doors by a small number of people, not concerned 
about the consequences that will affect so many millions of people 
across this Nation.
  Mr. Speaker, for a long time, we have been saying this needs to 
change. In fact, we ran on an agenda to change the way that Washington 
works, to fix this broken system, to get our country back on track, and 
we were awarded the majority by the people across this country. Today 
starts that process of fixing what is broken in Washington so that 
Washington can finally start working for the people of this country who 
are struggling.
  Let's start with one basic thing: reopening the people's House. For 
years, the American people were shut out of coming and seeing their 
government work. In fact, with proxy voting, which, by the way, ends in 
this rules package, Members of Congress have to show up and work again.
  Just look at the bill that passed a few weeks ago, the omnibus 
spending bill, $1.7 trillion, mostly borrowed from countries like 
China. You look at all the things that had absolutely nothing to do 
with the general operations of government that were thrown in that.
  Now, you can start looking at it today, but you surely couldn't look 
it the day of the vote because very few people had an opportunity to 
read it, over 4,000 pages dumped by dark of night, right before the 
vote. Yes, a majority of this Congress voted by proxy on that bill. 
They weren't even here showing up to vote.
  You know what? Americans all across the country have to show up to 
vote. They have to go to their worksite. They can't work remotely. In 
fact, Congress doesn't work virtually. It is just not set up that way. 
Yet, that is what we have seen the last 2 years; committees that don't 
even meet in person. There are some committees that haven't had an in-
person hearing for 2 years.
  We end that practice in this rules package, where committees actually 
have to get to work again, not only meeting in person but in some cases 
going out into the field, going into the real world, places like the 
border between United States and Mexico, where, yes, despite the 
President's

[[Page H61]]

claim, there is a crisis at the border. We have been talking about it 
for a long time. We have been trying to bring legislation, but that 
legislation has been rejected by a top-down structure.
  This rules package changes that so we can finally start bringing 
bills to the floor to address things like the border crisis, to finally 
start addressing inflation and runaway spending. If a Member of 
Congress has an idea and they want to bring an amendment to the floor, 
for so long they were shut out of that ability. We had a bill that was 
over $4 trillion in spending and taxes that was brought through 
multiple committees in Congress, and not one amendment was allowed to 
be brought forward and passed. In fact, even the majority was told in 
the committees: Don't allow a single amendment to pass on a bill 
dealing with trillions of dollars in taxes and spending that is 
crushing families across America.
  Let's make Congress work for families again. Let's empower Members of 
Congress to be able to represent their constituents. We were all 
elected by, on average, about 750,000 people. For too long, each of the 
Members of Congress, Republican or Democrat, were denied the ability in 
so many different ways because the rules were structured to shut their 
ability down from representing their districts unless they were in a 
leadership position. That has to change, and under this rules package, 
that finally does change.
  Let's make this Congress work for the people who sent us here. We 
are, after all, the people's House. It is about time we start acting 
like it. Let's pass this rules package, get to work addressing the 
needs of the American people.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge passage of this important piece of legislation.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. 
Cole) for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such 
time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, first, let me congratulate our incredible new House 
Democratic leadership team: Hakeem Jeffries, Katherine Clark, and Pete 
Aguilar. It is a dawn of a new day here in Congress, as a new 
generation takes on the solemn responsibility of leadership.
  Leader Jeffries has been tireless in his work to put people over 
politics. His steady leadership as chair of our Democratic Caucus, 
uniting our Members, harnessing their talent and diversity, and 
fighting tirelessly to make life better for American people is a source 
of inspiration for me and so many others.
  It is also a privilege to be here with my good friend   Tom Cole, 
someone who I respect greatly and who I know greatly respects this 
institution. We sit on opposite ends of the dais, but I admire Mr. 
Cole's leadership and the example he sets. Even when we don't see eye 
to eye, I am proud of our work to build an atmosphere of respectful 
dialogue on the Rules Committee.

                              {time}  1715

  We have done so not just among our Members but among our hardworking 
staff, and I thank our minority and majority staff, led by Don Sisson 
and Kelly Dixon, for all of their hard work.
  I look forward to working with Mr. Cole and his team this Congress to 
continue our collaboration on issues of shared concern.
  Mr. Speaker, as Leader Jeffries put it so succinctly this weekend, 
our Republican friends campaigned on the claim that they would fight 
against inflation and fight for the American people. Instead, all they 
have done is come to Washington and fight with each other.
  In fact, what has become crystal clear over the past few days is the 
extent to which the Republican Party has been hijacked by an extremist 
MAGA faction, a faction not interested in governing but in their own 
egos, a faction not interested in compromise but in their own power, a 
faction not interested in putting people over politics but instead 
interested in putting their own political ambition over the people we 
serve.
  Now here we are, nearly a week later, considering their deeply flawed 
rules package, the first legislation on the floor by this new majority, 
and they are using it to gut the Office of Congressional Ethics, attack 
women's access to abortion, make it easier for big oil companies to 
pollute, and interfere in ongoing criminal investigations into 
President Trump.
  They are making it easier for billionaires and big corporations to 
avoid paying their taxes. Is that part of their contract with America? 
Is that their big plan to help everyday people? Because most people who 
read this package would think it must be a joke.
  What I am concerned about is not just what is written down here. I am 
concerned by the backroom deals that Speaker McCarthy made with the 
Freedom Caucus in exchange for their votes. Like Republican 
Congresswoman Nancy Mace said just this weekend: ``We don't have any 
idea what promises were made.''
  This is unconscionable. We are only 1 week into this, and this is how 
they are running this place.
  There is a report out by Punchbowl News, and let me read it. It said: 
``There is also a secret 3-page addendum that McCarthy and his allies 
hashed out during several days of grueling negotiations with the House 
Freedom Caucus. This pact includes the most controversial concessions 
McCarthy made in order to become Speaker--three seats on the Rules 
Committee for conservatives, freezing spending at FY 2022 levels, a 
debt ceiling strategy, coveted committee assignments, and more.'' Is 
that what the Majority Leader meant when he talked about a new day and 
transparency?
  These rules are not a serious attempt at governing. They are 
essentially a ransom note to America from the extreme right. The same 
Members of Congress who held this body hostage last week are the ones 
who ran interference for the January 6 insurrectionists, who tried to 
overturn a free and fair election.
  Even the new Speaker of the House voted to overturn the 2020 
elections. We couldn't even get a public acknowledgment from him on the 
2-year anniversary of that horrific day, not even a tweet.
  It is clear that Republicans welcomed the election deniers into their 
ranks with open arms, and now they are reaping what they have sown. The 
insurrectionists are in charge.
  I am reminded of the words of President Kennedy: ``In the past, those 
who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up 
inside.''
  The American people get it. They rejected extremism in the last two 
elections. That is why they picked Joe Biden, and that is why the red 
wave turned into a pink splash.
  My Republican friends still aren't listening, and in fact, they are 
still empowering the extremists. Don't take my word for it. Let's go 
through their rules package.
  They are giving a single Member the ability to remove the Speaker at 
any time, letting a small, far-right faction hold their leadership 
hostage.
  They are trying to shut down criminal investigations into the former 
President's wrongdoing.
  They are making it easier to slash taxes on billionaire corporations 
while dismantling the social safety net.
  They are giving committee chairs unbalanced discretion over which 
witnesses can testify; rejecting pandemic safety procedures like remote 
voting; trying to force an end to congressional staff unionization; and 
the icing on the cake, a new subcommittee to push QAnon conspiracies 
and launch fake investigations into nonexistent scandals. What is next, 
a rule requiring we all wear tinfoil hats?
  This package is disrespectful, not just to this institution, but to 
the people who sent us here to govern.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``no'' vote, and I reserve the balance of my 
time.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I begin by thanking my good friend from Massachusetts for his 
leadership of the Rules Committee over the last 4 years. While we 
certainly haven't always agreed, we have tried to always be agreeable 
while working with one another. I certainly associate myself with his 
remarks about the terrific work of the staff on both sides of the aisle 
for helping us facilitate the operation of the House over that 4-year 
period. I look forward again to working with my friend in the years 
ahead.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today to offer the rules resolution that will 
govern the House during the 118th Congress.

[[Page H62]]

  Determining the rules we will follow is one of the first and most 
consequential decisions we must make as a body at the beginning of each 
Congress. In many ways, the Rules of the House of Representatives serve 
to demonstrate where our priorities and values lie as an institution.
  Make no mistake, the priorities of the new Republican majority are 
fully on display in this resolution.

  First and foremost, Mr. Speaker, we are taking action to reopen the 
people's House and ensure that we, the people's elected servants, are 
here in Washington, D.C., doing our jobs.
  For far too long, the House allowed Members to do their jobs from 
home without ever setting foot in Washington. What started out as a 
pandemic accommodation lasted far longer than necessary, but today, 
even President Biden admits that the pandemic is over.
  It is time for the House of Representatives to return to our normal 
operating procedures, and it is time for the Members of Congress to 
actually show up to work. Today's rules package eliminates proxy voting 
and puts an end to remote committee proceedings.
  We restore the requirement for committees to establish plans for how 
they will conduct much-needed oversight. Republicans have robust plans 
to ensure that we will hold the Biden administration accountable for 
its actions, but being a counterbalance to the administration will not 
stop there. With today's rules package, we will also establish a new 
select subcommittee, modeled on the Church Committee, to investigate 
the radical left's weaponization of the Federal Government in recent 
years.
  We will also modify the jurisdiction of the Select Subcommittee on 
the Coronavirus Pandemic to ensure we investigate the origins of the 
virus and finally look into the financial and societal impacts of 
shutdowns.
  We will establish a Select Committee on Strategic Competition Between 
the United States and the Chinese Communist Party to respond to threats 
posed by the CCP, ensure economic competitiveness for America, and 
protect human rights.
  Other important changes in this resolution are those that are 
designed to address our out-of-control spending problem, which the 
former majority made vastly worse last Congress. In fact, when 
Democrats were in control of this Chamber, they spent so much money 
through partisan bills that they managed to drive this country into an 
inflationary crisis. Those aren't my words; those are the words of 
former Clinton Treasury Secretary Larry Summers.
  The American people elected Republicans to get our fiscal house in 
order, and get our fiscal house in order we will. That starts with 
making key changes to House rules to ensure we will instill some fiscal 
sanity in Congress. These changes reflect a return to budgetary rules 
that were in place for over a decade before Democrats removed them.
  We will restore the CutGo rule, which requires us to offset any 
increase in mandatory spending with a corresponding cut in mandatory 
spending. No more will the House be able to use budget gimmicks and 
tricks to pretend increases in mandatory spending are paid for when 
they actually are not.
  We will restore a requirement for a three-fifths majority to approve 
any tax rate increase. If this rule had been in place, the House would 
not have passed the massive tax increases the Democrats included in 
last year's reconciliation bill.
  We will eliminate the so-called Gephardt rule, which allows the House 
to automatically suspend the debt ceiling upon passage of a budget 
resolution. Just as the American people have to live within their 
means, so, too, should the Federal Government.
  Automatically suspending the debt limit may be the easy and expedient 
way, but on a matter as important as the national debt limit, what is 
easy and expedient is hardly appropriate. The American people expect us 
to make a decision on the national debt limit only after full and fair 
consideration and debate in the House. That starts with ensuring it 
will receive a separate, standalone vote on the floor.
  Finally, we will remove the rule that allowed Democrats to simply 
ignore budget estimates for bills dealing with the COVID pandemic or 
climate change. Although it may sound controversial to my friends on 
the other side of the aisle, Republicans cannot and will not thrust our 
heads in the sand and ignore the effects of out-of-control Federal 
spending.
  Mr. Speaker, I could go on and on, but on the whole, I am very proud 
of today's rule package. It reflects Republican priorities and the 
priorities of the voters who elected us. It reopens this institution 
and ensures that all Members will be in Washington to do their work, as 
our constituents expect. It ensures that we will hold the Biden 
administration and the Chinese Communist Party accountable. It ensures 
that we will get our fiscal house in order.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge all Members to support the rules package, and I 
reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record a Congressional 
Budget Office report from today titled: ``Estimated Budgetary Effects 
of H.R. 23, the Family and Small Business Taxpayer Protection Act.'' 
This nonpartisan report says that the GOP's IRS funding bill will add 
$114 billion to the national debt, so when people talk about taking 
steps to reduce the national debt, I am not sure what they are talking 
about.

        [From the Congressional Budget Office, January 9, 2023]

 Estimated Budgetary Effects of H.R. 23, the Family and Small Business 
                        Taxpayer Protection Act

       Summary: The Statutory Pay-As-You-Go Act of 2010 
     establishes budget-reporting and enforcement procedures for 
     legislation affecting direct spending or revenues. The net 
     changes in outlays and revenues that are subject to those 
     procedures are shown above.
       The Congressional Budget Office adheres to laws and 
     Congressional rules concerning the federal budget and to a 
     set of principles (called the Scorekeeping Guidelines) 
     created by the Congress. Those principles guide how the House 
     and Senate Budget Committees, the Congressional Budget 
     Office, and the Office of Management and Budget attribute 
     budgetary effects to legislation, with the goal of promoting 
     consistent treatment of estimated effects among those 
     agencies. (For more information on those guidelines, see 
     Congressional Budget Office, CBO Explains Budgetary 
     Scorekeeping Guidelines, January 2021, www.cbo.gov/
 publication/56507.)
       When a provision in an authorization bill provides funding 
     for administrative or program management activities, such as 
     when the IRS receives additional funding for administrative 
     activities, spending of those amounts can result in increases 
     in receipts. Guideline 14, however, directs scorekeepers to 
     exclude those increases when estimating the budgetary effects 
     of proposals that would provide additional mandatory funding 
     for such activities.
       Guideline 14 was adopted in part to avert cases in which 
     possible, but uncertain, receipts were used to offset near-
     term increases in spending resulting from the same bill. That 
     guideline is asymmetrical, however. That is, even though 
     increased receipts cannot be credited to a bill that would 
     increase administrative funding, estimated receipt losses 
     that might result from a decrease in such funding are 
     included in the estimated budgetary effects.
       H.R. 23 would rescind unobligated funds provided by 
     paragraphs (1)(A)(ii), (1)(A)(iii), (1)(B), (2), (3), (4), 
     and (5) of section 10301 of Public Law 117-169. CBO estimates 
     that the bill would decrease outlays by $71 billion and 
     decrease receipts by $186 billion over the 2023-2032 period. 
     Both of those effects are included in accordance with 
     Guideline 14.

  ESTIMATED BUDGETARY EFFECTS OF H.R. 23, THE FAMILY AND SMALL BUSINESS TAXPAYER PROTECTION ACT, AS POSTED ON THE WEBSITE OF THE CLERK OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ON JANUARY 9, 2023 AS AN
                                                                         ITEM THAT MAY BE CONSIDERED PURSUANT TO A RULE
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                                                                                                 By fiscal year, millions of dollars--
                                     -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                                          2023         2024         2025         2026         2027         2028         2029         2030         2031         2032      2023-2027    2023-2032
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                                                                                Decreases (-) in Direct Spending
Total Changes in Direct Spending
    Budget Authority................      -71,473            0            0            0            0            0            0            0            0            0      -71,473      -71,473
    Outlays.........................       -2,359       -2,835       -4,124       -5,589       -7,252       -9,249      -11,423      -14,027      -14,605            0      -22,159      -71,463
 

[[Page H63]]

 
                                                                                    Decreases (-) in Revenues
 
Total Changes in Revenues...........       -1,645       -6,186      -12,506      -17,394      -21,574      -25,416      -28,983      -31,441      -31,879       -8,814      -59,305     -185,838
 
                                                    Net Increase or Decrease (-) in the Deficit From Changes in Direct Spending and Revenues
 
Net Effect on the Deficit...........         -714        3,351        8,382       11,805       14,322       16,167       17,560       17,414       17,274        8,814       37,146      114,375
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Source: The Congressional Budget Office.
The Statutory Pay-As-You-Go Act of 2010 establishes budget-reporting and enforcement procedures for legislation affecting direct spending or revenues. The net changes in outlays and revenues
  that are subject to those procedures are shown above.
The Congressional Budget Office adheres to laws and Congressional rules concerning the federal budget and to a set of principles (called the Scorekeeping Guidelines) created by the Congress.
  Those principles guide how the House and Senate Budget Committees, the Congressional Budget Office, and the Office of Management and Budget attribute budgetary effects to legislation, with
  the goal of promoting consistent treatment of estimated effects among those agencies. (For more information on those guidelines, see Congressional Budget Office, CBO Explains Budgetary
  Scorekeeping Guidelines, January 2021, www.cbo.gov/publicalion/56507.)
When a provision in an authorization bill provides funding for administrative or program management activities, such as when the IRS receives additional funding for administrative activities,
  spending of those amounts can result in increases in receipts. Guideline 14, however, directs scorekeepers to exclude those increases when estimating the budgetary effects of proposals that
  would provide additional mandatory funding for such activities.
Guideline 14 was adopted in part to avert cases in which possible, but uncertain, receipts were used to offset near-term increases in spending resulting from the same bill. That guideline is
  asymmetrical, however. That is, even though increased receipts cannot be credited to a bill that would increase administrative funding, estimated receipt losses that might result from a
  decrease in such funding are included in the estimated budgetary effects.
H.R. 23 would rescind unobligated funds provided by paragraphs (1)(A)(ii), (1)(A)(iii), (1)(B), (2), (3), (4), and (5) of section 10301 of Public Law 117-169. CBO estimates that the bill would
  decrease outlays by $71 billion and decrease receipts by $186 billion over the 2023-2032 period. Both of those effects are included in accordance with Guideline 14.


  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, I will 
offer an amendment to the rule to bring up the Women's Health 
Protection Act.
  I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of the amendment in the 
Record immediately prior to the vote on the previous question.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Massachusetts?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Chu) to discuss our proposal.
  Ms. CHU. Mr. Speaker, Americans across the country sent a resounding 
message at the ballot box. They support the right to access abortion 
and for people to have the basic freedom to make decisions about their 
own bodies with medical professionals and without the interference of 
extremist politicians. In every State where abortion was on the ballot, 
the American people called for freedom and bodily autonomy.
  Now, House Democrats' first action of the 118th Congress is to answer 
that call. If we defeat the previous question today, the House will 
take up my bill, the Women's Health Protection Act, which will 
guarantee abortion rights for everyone in every State.
  In the wake of the extremist Supreme Court's devastating decision 
last summer in Dobbs, Congress must stand up for the rights of every 
person to be able to make decisions about their own bodies and their 
own futures.
  House Democrats trust people, not politicians, to make decisions 
about their health and lives.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in defeating the 
previous question.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas 
(Mr. Burgess), my very good friend, a member of both the Rules 
Committee and the Energy and Commerce Committee.
  Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, let me just say at the outset, Mr. Cole has 
probably had the hardest job in Washington the past 4 years. Being the 
ranking member of the Rules Committee is a difficult position. He has 
done it extremely well, so I know he is going to excel as the chairman 
of the Rules Committee during this term of Congress.
  Clearly, Mr. Speaker, the American public spoke with a clear voice. 
They want the Nation to go in a new direction. They want a path away 
from tax-and-spend politics advanced by the Democrats in the last 
Congress. In this rules package, we have laid out how we intend to 
accomplish just that.
  The era of legislating for the few at the expense of the many is 
over. This new majority today begins this serious task in ways that 
will make this Congress more transparent, more accountable, and more 
accessible to the public and the Members that serve the institution.
  This majority will implement voting procedures on the floor so that 
recorded votes can be conducted in a straightforward manner, rather 
than what we have seen over the past 3 years that literally strands 
Members of Congress on the floor for hours when they cannot do any 
other work in their committee or anywhere else.
  Mr. Speaker, I believe our friends in the previous Congress 
squandered their opportunity by focusing on the politics of division 
instead of what we were all sent here to do, and that is the people's 
business.
  Tackle inflation, tackle lawlessness, the threats abroad--these are 
the urgent issues that the American public demands that their 
Representatives address. Instead, Americans were treated to the petty 
and divisive agenda of the last Congress.
  Thankfully, Mr. Speaker, Republicans will utilize this majority. 
Republicans have proposed an agenda that will address these vital 
issues and put our Nation back on track to fiscal prosperity.
  With this Republican majority, we offer Americans a governing agenda 
that will ensure that the 21st century remains an American century.

                              {time}  1730

  Mr. McGOVERN. We heard a lot about inflation, but none of the first 
12 bills that my Republican friends are bringing up have anything to do 
with inflation or mention inflation.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Colorado (Ms. 
DeGette).
  Ms. DeGETTE. Mr. Speaker, if there was any overriding issue of 
clarity in the last election it was that Americans feel strongly that 
they should have the freedom to make their own healthcare decisions, 
not politicians.
  Apparently, House Republicans weren't listening because just 2 months 
after a record number of Americans voted to vehemently oppose the GOP's 
efforts to criminalize abortion care in this country, we have today a 
set of rules that will make their extreme agenda a reality. These rules 
will pave the way for the immediate passage of not one, not two, but 
three bills that will limit women's rights to reproductive care.
  Mr. Speaker, 25 percent of their initial agenda is anti-choice. This 
is not what the American people want. Sixty-one percent of this country 
strongly support a women's right to abortion care.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to stand up to this 
extremism and stand up for the people who we were elected to serve.
  Vote ``no'' on the previous question to bring up the Women's Health 
Protection Act and vote ``no'' on the rule. Let's listen to our 
constituents.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from Minnesota (Mrs. Fischbach), my colleague on the Rules 
Committee.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman of the Rules 
Committee and my friend from Oklahoma for yielding me the time and for 
the experiences we have had on Rules in the last year.
  Mr. Speaker, for far too long Democrats have run roughshod over the 
norms and practices of the people's House, weaponizing our rules to 
insulate themselves and protect their allies in the Biden 
administration from proper oversight. That ends today.
  I thank the chairman, Speaker McCarthy, and our leadership for 
spending countless hours putting together this package that better 
reflects the historical practices of this institution while receiving 
feedback to ensure

[[Page H64]]

the work we do is by the people and for the people. There are numerous 
items that I truly believe are vast improvements from the previous 2 
years, but I will focus on three.
  First and foremost, this package finally ends the ludicrous pandemic 
procedures that have done lasting, if not permanent, damage to this 
institution. Legislating requires us to see each other eye-to-eye in 
order to understand where the other is coming from. Remote proceedings 
and a locked-down Capitol have reduced this institution to a computer 
screen, and the work product has deteriorated as a result. It is long 
past time for us to get back to work.
  Second, the rules package finally creates a more transparent process 
by which we legislate. As then-Chairman McGovern once said, ``a lousy 
process leads to bad legislating.'' Today, through a mandatory 72-hour 
rule, we allow more thoughtful and deliberate consideration that will 
improve what we pass out of this House.
  Finally, this rules package helps restore some fiscal sanity. Over 
the past 2 years, the American people have been hindered by out-of-
control spending by the government and now our constituents are saddled 
with trillions in debt and the highest inflation levels in a 
generation.
  House Republicans today will once again ensure the Federal budget 
operates like any other, requiring offsets for any additional spending 
increase, eliminating budget gimmicks, and requiring inflationary 
analyses of the bills we consider.
  Mr. Speaker, I am proud to stand by my friend and colleague from 
Oklahoma in support of this package, and I urge Members to do the same.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, let me just remind my friends that over a 
million Americans died of COVID, including a Member-elect who was 
supposed to be sworn in in the last Congress. These remote procedures 
undoubtedly saved lives of Members and staff here in this Chamber. So, 
please, let's not diminish what the point of all that was about.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Washington (Ms. 
Jayapal).
  Ms. JAYAPAL. Mr. Speaker, after a week of chaos, we now have a rules 
package for MAGA extremists, attacking our freedoms and every major 
responsibility of this body--from paying America's bills to funding our 
government.
  This package criminalizes abortion by advancing bills that attack 
access and healthcare without a single hearing or markup, undermining 
women's economic freedom and bodily autonomy.
  Mr. Speaker, as one of the one-in-four women across this country who 
have had an abortion, I join those in both parties--and the majority of 
this country--who are saying: Not on our watch.
  This package also reinstates a CutGo policy that gives wealthy 
corporations more tax cuts and strips the right for congressional 
workers to unionize. It eliminates our wins to strengthen witness 
disclosure requirements for conflicts of interest and exempt climate 
change and pandemic relief from senseless paygo rules.
  Democrats delivered for the people. Republicans now want a package 
that works for the wealthiest few. Vote ``no.''
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Virginia (Mr. Griffith), my very good friend who had so much to do with 
some of the extraordinary changes in this rules package.
  Mr. GRIFFITH. Mr. Speaker, I come to talk today about getting back to 
the basics. This place has, in fact, been broken, and a number of the 
rules that we worked on were to bring authority back and bring us back 
to the principles of Jefferson's parliamentary practice and procedure, 
his manual on that.

  I would say to the ladies and gentlemen that we should look at that 
document for what its principles stand for. What it stands for is--and 
it says right in the preamble, Jefferson writes: ``For some of the most 
familiar and experienced members,''--referencing they are members of 
parliament because that is what he based it on--``that nothing tended 
more to throw power into the hands of administration, and those who 
acted with the majority of the House of Commons, than a neglect of, or 
departure from, the rules of proceeding; that these forms, as 
instituted by our ancestors, operated as a check and control on the 
actions of the majority, and that they were, in many instances, a 
shelter and protection to the minority against the attempts of power.''
  So when I go out there, Mr. Speaker, and ask that we change these 
rules to make sure that we have rules that help protect all Members, 
including the minority Members, you can imagine my surprise and shock 
today when I hear that they are opposed to rules that do some very 
basic things--things that the American people are going to be shocked 
that we don't already do--such as a single purpose rule, that you 
cannot introduce a bill that doesn't have a single purpose or theme to 
that bill. That can be complicated, but it has to have an overarching 
theme, something that this bill is attempting to do right from the get-
go. The sole purpose rule.
  Mr. Speaker, then there is the germaneness, coming up with a stricter 
germaneness interpretation. As we know, that also helps so that you 
don't end up having happen what we had happen last summer where 
somebody introduces a bill to mint a commemorative coin and it turns 
into the Inflation Reduction Act. That is absolutely ridiculous. 
Hundreds and hundreds, if not thousands of pages came out of a one-
paragraph bill. No. That is wrong.
  Mr. Speaker, this allows us more power to say ``no'' on the floor by 
the individual Members.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the 
gentleman from Virginia.
  Mr. GRIFFITH. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the additional time that the 
gentleman yielded to me. As you can tell, I get fired up about these 
issues.
  The bottom line is that this rules package is the best rules package 
of either party in a number of years because instead of worrying about 
what might happen next week, this rules package worries about the 
future of the United States Congress. It is a good package, and I 
wholeheartedly support it.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Lee).
  Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Speaker, after 4 days and 15 rounds of 
votes, the new Republican majority has finally chosen a Speaker. Their 
first order of business is to trample on the hopes of the people that 
elected them.
  The rules package that we see before us contains no less than three 
bills that strip people in this country of their reproductive freedom. 
These bills are a slap in the face to voters who proved time and time 
again at the polls last year that they believe in reproductive freedom 
and abortion access.
  From Kentucky to Kansas to my home State of California, our 
constituents believe that the right to make decisions about their life 
and their health, including about abortion, lies with them, not with 
you, not with me, not with any elected official.
  This rules package is meant to help this body govern, not restrict 
the personal autonomy of millions. As one who has had an abortion, I 
know how horrific this rules package is. It is our bodies. It is our 
choices.
  Mr. Speaker, this dysfunction and hypocrisy is shameful, and the 
people deserve better.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from South Dakota (Mr. Johnson), my good friend.
  Mr. JOHNSON of South Dakota. Mr. Speaker, quite a little bit of the 
national narrative over the last week has been about Republican 
disunity, and some have tried to apply that narrative to this rules 
package. I get it. I get it. It makes for a good story, but it just 
isn't so.
  I rise today, Mr. Speaker, with a more accurate assessment. This 
rules package is actually about Republican unity. This package, except 
for one single change, is the same rules package that was released two 
weekends ago.
  This is the same rules package, except for one single change that the 
Republican Conference had widespread agreement on weeks ago.
  There are a tremendous number of conservative wins here:

[[Page H65]]

  At least 72 hours for Members and the public to review legislation 
before we vote on it.
  Requiring every bill to deal with only a single subject.
  Getting rid of proxy voting.
  Bringing back the Holman rule, which will allow this body to target 
specific spending line items.
  And then the return of CutGo so that spending increases have to be 
offset by spending reductions.
  Mr. Speaker, every single one of these big conservative wins, and 
many more like them were supported by the Republican Conference long 
before the excitement of last week. Today's rules package is actually 
proof of Republican unity, and it is proof that we are committed to 
bringing increased accountability, transparency, and fiscal 
responsibility for this Chamber and for our country.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, the gentleman is taking credit for the 72-
hour rule, which we created in our rules package, but thank you very 
much.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Massachusetts 
(Ms. Clark), the Democrat whip.
  Ms. CLARK of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, when Roe v. Wade was 
overturned, the impact on Americans was swift and devastating. Women 
were denied healthcare. Doctors were threatened with criminal charges. 
Hospitals were forced to put their own liability over patients' lives.

  As the GOP doubled down on its plan for a national abortion ban, the 
American people saw it for what it was: anti-women, anti-choice, anti-
family, and anti-freedom.
  Kansas, California, Kentucky, Michigan, Montana, and Vermont--voters 
across the country rejected this extremism.
  With this anti-freedom agenda exposed, some of my Republican 
colleagues started to scrub their websites, rolled back their rhetoric, 
and dodged questions on abortion. But here we are again in this rules 
package, within days of taking over the House majority, Republicans are 
pushing legislation to limit women's rights.
  Let's see where you truly stand. Today, House Democrats offer the 
Women's Health Protection Act to make abortion access a Federal right, 
no matter your ZIP Code or your income.
  Do my colleagues across the aisle believe that families, in 
consultation with their doctors, with their faith, with their life 
circumstances, should decide when to have children, or do my colleagues 
think that is a decision for Republican politicians?
  Vote to make Roe v. Wade the law of the land. Vote for freedom.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Duncan).
  Mr. DUNCAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to support the Republican rules 
package and our return to common sense in the people's House.
  I want to point out a few line items in the rules package for 
particular praise.
  This bill returns to the historical norm of in-person meetings and 
in-person votes. No more proxy voting or remote committee hearings. 
Let's do the work in the people's House.
  This bill returns to the Holman rule. If ever there was a time for 
this House to stop paying the salaries of bad bureaucrats, it is now. 
Tony Fauci deserves that step.

                              {time}  1745

  I think knowing this rules package was coming is one of the reasons 
why he has now mercifully left government service. The power to fire 
unelectable bureaucrats who abuse their power is a central reason to 
support this package.
  In the past the 3-day rule has been abused--bills being dropped in 
the dead of night to be voted on 2 mornings later is just wrong. Moving 
to a true 72-hour rule will end that abusive practice.
  Eliminating the Gephardt rule to ensure that this House has a true 
debate over whether or not to raise the debt limit is a move in the 
right direction for fiscal sanity in the people's House, and so is the 
three-fifths majority requirement to raise taxes.
  I thank my fellow Freedom Caucus members and my friends in House 
leadership for making these necessary changes to the House rules 
package, and I ask my colleagues to pass this package.
  Now, since Ranking Member McGovern mentioned the IRS bill coming up, 
let me just point out that we need to rescind that.
  Mr. Speaker, do you know what 87,000 IRS agents equates to?
  It equates to 200 new IRS agents in every congressional district in 
this country. That is 1,740 new IRS agents in every State for one 
purpose: to go after small businesses and hardworking Americans to try 
to raise money to pay for reckless spending--reckless spending that has 
cost $31 trillion in debt in this Nation.
  This is the right thing to do.
  I tell you what, Mr. Speaker, we could repurpose those agents to the 
southern border, or we could repurpose them and let them build the 
Keystone XL pipeline.
  There were an estimated 61,000 lost jobs with the Keystone XL 
pipeline when the Biden administration canceled that project. But yet 
we turn around, and the government hires 87,000 new IRS agents to go 
after your constituents and mine, Mr. Speaker.
  I mentioned earlier the number. Look it up.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I remind my friend that the first bill 
they are doing is going to add $114 billion to the deficit. Enough.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. 
Aguilar), who is the chairman of the Democratic Caucus.
  Mr. AGUILAR. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts 
for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to the rules package which 
was written behind closed doors.
  What we are voting on this evening is nothing short of a complete 
surrender to the demands of the most extreme Republicans on the other 
side of the aisle.
  Rather than taking this opportunity to bring us together, the 
adoption of this rules package sets us on a path of division and 
default. The extremists plan to use these rules to hold the economy 
hostage in order to enact more cuts to Social Security and Medicare.
  Mr. Speaker, last week our Nation saw the lowest unemployment in 50 
years, a testament to the leadership of President Biden and House 
Democrats. Yet, it is clear that the new majority is determined to 
undermine that economic recovery at every turn.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``no'' vote.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Cammack).
  Mrs. CAMMACK. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of House 
Resolution 5, adopting the rules for the 118th Congress.
  First, this rules package is an incredible win not just for 
conservatives but for all Americans.
  Americans deserve a House of Representatives that serves the people, 
not a political or a personal agenda. For decades we have heard a 
series of questions, things like: Why can't we simply pass bills that 
address a single issue?
  Why do we have to Christmas tree these bills?
  Why isn't there enough time to read the bills?
  Heck, why don't Members have to show up to work to get paid?
  I hear that all the time.
  That, among other things, is what we have addressed in this rules 
package.
  To be sure folks back home understand, this rules package is the 
document that dictates how we, as Members, conduct business up here, 
and that is why it is so important to get this right.
  This is the most conservative and transparent rules package in recent 
history, and the thanks go to the Republican Conference at large for 
working on this and approving this and debating these proposals on 
three separate occasions since November.
  Here is a sampling of just what is in this commonsense package:
  First, every single Member of this body will have at least 72 hours 
to review each bill.
  Second, Members will now be forced to vote in person rather than via 
proxy. Personally, I have never voted proxy, and for me it is pretty 
simple. If you collect a paycheck, you should show up. After nearly 3 
years of abusing this historic voting change, we are finally putting an 
end to proxy voting.

[[Page H66]]

  If my husband as a first responder along with thousands of other 
first responders across this country showed up every single shift at 
the height of COVID without complaint, then Members of Congress should 
be able to do the same.
  Now, on November 29 I testified before the Rules Committee that 
single-issue bills are one of the single most important things we can 
do to restore trust in this institution. I am proud to report that this 
package includes this new requirement, and that is for all Members to 
certify that bills introduced in the House address a single issue.
  A huge thanks goes to my friend and colleague from Virginia, 
Representative Morgan Griffith, for his work on this issue.
  Additionally, this rules package establishes a brand new select 
committee that will be tasked to investigate the weaponization of the 
Federal Government. No longer will the Department of Justice be allowed 
to target parents who show up for their kids. No longer will the FBI be 
able to collude with social media companies to censor Americans.

  Finally, in the ultimate move to drain the swamp and one that I am 
particularly proud of, this rules package reinstates the Holman rule 
which allows Members of this body to offer amendments to appropriations 
bills to reduce the salary or to fire certain employees or cut Federal 
programs. These unelected bureaucrats--the true, real swamp creatures 
here in Washington, D.C.--have run roughshod over the American people 
without consequence, and today marks our first, but certainly not our 
last, move to hold them accountable.
  Mr. Speaker, this package is a product that brings transparency and 
trust to a broken process. I thank all of my colleagues from the 
Republican Conference for their grit and grace in working to put this 
package together, and I urge its passage.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, the gentlewoman mentioned the 72-hour 
rule. Once again, I will say: You are welcome. Then she talked about 
this being the most open and transparent rule ever. Maybe the 
gentlewoman can share with us the secret 3-page addendum that we are 
reading about, because none of us have seen it. So much for 
transparency. I guess she is not going to share that with us.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from the District of 
Columbia (Ms. Norton).
  Ms. NORTON. Mr. Speaker, these rules are a gratuitous attack on 
already limited rights of D.C. residents. Our residents have all the 
obligations of citizenship, including paying all Federal taxes, but are 
denied voting rights in Congress and full local self-government. To add 
insult to injury, these rules take away floor privileges of the D.C. 
Mayor.
  The rules continue to grant Governors and 16 other categories of 
people, including foreign ministers, floor privileges. Not only does 
D.C.'s Mayor operate like State Governors--including managing a 
jurisdiction that has both a budget and population larger than those of 
several States--but Congress has undemocratic plenary authority over 
D.C. and regularly uses this authority to legislate on local matters.
  While D.C. deserves statehood, if any non-member of Congress deserves 
and needs floor privileges, it is D.C.'s Mayor.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Roy).
  Mr. ROY. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from Oklahoma (Mr. Cole) for 
yielding.
  I am delighted to be down here on the floor of the House of 
Representatives in a Republican majority, and I am delighted to be 
talking about a rules package crafted by that Republican majority and 
that reflects what I think is a fundamental transformation of this 
House to ensure that the people can be represented by their 
Representatives. That is the point.
  There is a reason that I have had great conversations with some of my 
colleagues on the other side of the aisle about why having 72 hours to 
read a bill, or why having a bill that isn't littered with Christmas 
tree additional subjects rather than single subjects, as my friend from 
Virginia (Mr. Griffith) articulated so well, or whether having germane 
amendments and being able to open up the floor by virtue of changing 
the rules or restoring the Holman rule so we can have an impact on 
agencies that are out of control and not responding to the people's 
House, there is a reason why those rules are so fundamentally 
important: to restore this body and to restore the people's House.
  That is why we are here. Everybody keeps running around in classic 
swamp speak talking about secret deals, a secret addendum.
  What we are talking about is how people come to an agreement in this 
town to ensure that we are going to carry out what we have said we are 
going to do.
  The rules package is on full display. The rules package has been on 
full display and publicly available since Friday or earlier last week.
  The text of that rules package has been something we can look at. My 
friends are right. A good chunk of that text is the agreement reached a 
while back, a couple of weeks ago, 1 week or 2 weeks ago, with one 
significant change: the single-person motion to vacate which is in the 
spirit of that which goes all the way back to Jefferson. In fact, we 
are currently now operating not under any rules. That is why we are 
having a debate. We are about to debate on adopting the rules.
  I can walk down right there into the well and file a motion to vacate 
a single person right now because that is the precedent. That is what 
we are operating under, because that goes back to Jefferson.
  The whole point here is trying to ensure that we are continuing the 
great history of the people's House.
  Yes, we have had conversations and agreements as individuals are 
supposed to do, looking each other in the eye and saying that we are 
going to bring balanced budgets to the floor of the House.
  You bet that we have agreements that we are going to do that. You bet 
we have had agreements that we are going to bring the Texas border plan 
to make sure that we secure the border rather than perpetuating the 
fraud that the President of the United States continues to perpetuate 
endangering the American people. You bet that we are bringing forward a 
promise to have legislation that will set term limits because the 
American people are tired of a House that doesn't represent them. You 
bet that we have got agreements to do those things.
  You bet that we have been talking about making sure that we can bring 
amendments to the floor of this House--open debate amendments on 
appropriations bills--that that was a part of the package that we were 
talking about; and you bet that a part of our agreement was ensuring 
that a Church-style committee under the leadership of my good friend, 
the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Jordan) of the Judiciary Committee, will 
target weaponization of government against the American people. You bet 
that those agreements were reached.

  I will not back away from that or shy away from it.
  But this rules package is a rules package that reflects this body and 
the entirety of the Republican Party on making sure that we restore the 
people's House.
  We are united to do that. We are coming out of last week strong and 
united to make sure that we stand up for the American people.
  Mr. Speaker, I encourage everybody to vote for this rules package.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to refrain from 
engaging in personalities toward the President.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman, again, for mentioning the 72-hour 
rule which has been mentioned many times. But I wrote it, and I thank 
the gentleman for keeping it.
  But when I hear people talking about balanced budgets, give me a 
break. The first bill that my friends are bringing to the floor, 
according to CBO, adds $114 billion to the debt. We don't need any 
lectures from anybody on that side about balancing the budget. Give me 
a break.
  Maybe the gentleman can, again, share with us the secret addendum 
that apparently was negotiated behind closed doors, so we actually know 
what agreements were made.

[[Page H67]]

  Four days and 15 votes, and there is only one change in the rules 
package going from five to be able to vacate the Chair to one. Well, 
there is a lot more to it. We all know that, but that is a big secret. 
So much for transparency.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Torres).
  Mr. TORRES of New York. Mr. Speaker, the so-called rules package 
proposed by House Republicans would perpetuate same disorder, division, 
and dysfunction that nearly devoured the Republican nominee for 
Speaker.
  A single-Member threshold for filing a motion to vacate empowers 
extremism and rewards rabble-rousing. It would make the House so 
dysfunctional as to be ungovernable.
  It would give the new Speaker only a Pyrrhic victory because a motion 
to vacate makes him arbitrarily removable at any moment, at the whim of 
any person, no matter how personal or petty the underlying grievance.
  Simply put, this is no way to govern.
  Moreover, House Republicans decry the weaponization of the Federal 
Government. Yet the Holman rule would enable the Federal Government to 
be weaponized against any Federal official who draws the wrath of the 
Republican majority.
  The Holman rule would enable House Republicans to zero out funding 
for a criminal investigation into Donald Trump.
  The new rules would defund the Office of Congressional Ethics.
  The new rules would enable a Member being investigated by the FBI to 
investigate the investigators investigating him.
  Mr. Speaker, so much for draining the swamp.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Clyde).
  Mr. CLYDE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Last week I was part of the 20 conservative Members who fought for a 
significant institutional change in order to restore the people's voice 
in the people's House.
  Of the many victories we secured for the American people, the Thomas 
Jefferson motion to vacate the Chair is the most important to me, as it 
holds the Speaker accountable to the people.
  This Jeffersonian motion stood strong for more than 200 years before 
then-Speaker Pelosi removed it in 2018, consolidating power in the 
hands of a select few in leadership.
  By restoring this historic rule, every solitary Member has the 
authority to hold the Speaker accountable for following all of the 
rules, including passing single-subject bills, allowing Members at 
least 72 hours to read the legislation before voting on it, and 
reinstating the Holman rule which allows amendments to decrease funding 
for certain government programs all the way down to the individual job 
description.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank my Republican colleagues and Speaker McCarthy 
for working in good faith to produce and pass a rules package that 
ensures this body is working for the people and not for itself. I 
encourage every Member to vote for it. Fixing a broken Washington, 
D.C., is a major win for every citizen.

                              {time}  1800

  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Massachusetts (Mr. Neal).
  Mr. NEAL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to this 
legislation, the so-called rules package.
  I can't wait for that term limits vote. When you ask Members on the 
Republican side who have been here for 20 or 30 years to then codify 
their votes that say that you can only be here for 12, try explaining 
that one back home when you have a four-seat majority.
  This is an extreme proposal that is in front of us. If they follow 
the logic to its manifestation, this will pit Social Security, 
Medicare, and Medicaid against defense spending. Our seniors will be 
sold out; our military will be sold out; and the full faith and credit 
of the United States will be under threat, all in a quest to organize 
the House.
  The gentleman from South Dakota, a nice enough fellow, said people 
are making a lot about the chaos that ensued here over 4 days, 
particularly last Saturday morning. Was the gentleman denying that he 
was here, for the country to witness what happened here?
  This is part of a rules package that is being foisted upon the 
American people by a small minority within the Republican Party, and we 
ought to turn it down.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from South 
Carolina (Mr. Norman).
  Mr. NORMAN. Mr. Speaker, it is a new day in Congress.
  Mr. McGovern, you mentioned the 72-hour rule was put in by you and 
the Democrats. Why didn't you enforce it? You didn't. We were forced to 
vote on bills like the omnibus that was 4,155 pages long.
  The American people are tired of it. Last week was a great week. You 
saw democracy at its best.
  Guess what? We were off 24 weeks during the last session. We can take 
however many days it is to debate something that the American people 
should see.
  The great part about this rules package is it restores financial 
sanity. That is why I am proud to support, along with Speaker McCarthy, 
this new rules package that implements fiscal and budgetary restraints 
on Congress. Provisions included are huge wins for the American people 
for everybody to see.
  We were given the assurance that this package will do the job, and we 
could not continue the downward trajectory that your party has put the 
American people on over the last 2 years and last 4 years.
  Now is the time that we deal with what is the growing insanity. I am 
just thankful that we are here.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to direct their remarks 
to the Chair.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I would just say to the gentleman that in 
the vast majority of cases we did comply with the 72-hour rule.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Nevada (Mr. 
Horsford).
  Mr. HORSFORD. Mr. Speaker, this Republican rules package is more like 
rules wreckage, and it has very little to do with governance.
  Adding insult to the American people, Speaker McCarthy and MAGA 
Republicans want to defund the IRS so that their millionaire and 
billionaire friends don't have to pay their fair share in taxes while 
hardworking people in Nevada's Fourth District pick up the tab.
  There is a persistent problem with the wealthiest Americans evading 
taxes or hiding their money in secret, offshore bank accounts in order 
to avoid paying their tax obligations. In fact, according to a new 
Syracuse University analysis, low-income wage earners were audited 5.5 
times more than the people in every other tax bracket in 2022.
  Democrats put people over politics and provided the resources and 
funding that the IRS needs to go after the super-rich tax cheats. It is 
not fair that taxpayers with lower incomes are more likely to be 
audited than high-income taxpayers.
  Adding additional insult, their first bill adds more than $100 
billion to the deficit over the next 10 years. What does that say about 
reducing our deficit?
  Mr. Speaker, I urge the body to vote down this hypocritical package.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the Speaker be 
authorized to postpone the vote on ordering the previous question on 
House Resolution 5 to a designated time later today.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Oklahoma?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the Chair may 
reduce to 5 minutes the minimum time for electronic voting on any 
question relating to House Resolution 5 that follows a 15-minute vote.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Oklahoma?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, following the vote on the previous 
question, Representative DeLauro will offer a motion to commit.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Connecticut 
(Ms. DeLauro) to discuss that proposal.

[[Page H68]]

  

  Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Speaker, when we conclude this rules debate, I will 
offer a motion to commit to add the expanded child tax credit.
  In the face of the Republican majority's draconian agenda, we want to 
provide a tax cut, yes, to children and families to make ends meet. The 
child tax credit is the most effective tool we have in the fight 
against rising costs, an antidote to inflation. It is about financial 
stability for families.
  Nothing in this rules package helps American families. Make no 
mistake, a vote against a motion to commit means Republicans are 
willing to raise taxes on working families.
  The expanded child tax credit was the largest tax cut for working 
families in generations, a lifeline to the middle class. It drove the 
largest decrease in child poverty in history. People could pay their 
electric bills, fill their gas tanks, pay for childcare. It reached 
more than 61 million children, lifted 4 million out of poverty, and led 
to a 26 percent decline in hunger in families with children. There has 
never been a Federal program that has had such a profound impact in 
such a short amount of time.

  Do the right thing. Vote ``yes'' on the motion to commit.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
Washington (Ms. DelBene).
  Ms. DelBENE. Mr. Speaker, later this evening, my colleague and 
friend, Congresswoman DeLauro, will offer a motion to add the expanded 
child tax credit to the rules package, This gives us an opportunity to 
start the 118th Congress on the right foot.
  Instead of focusing on an extremist agenda, we can advance a proven 
solution to an issue that impacts every community in our country--
childhood poverty.
  The United States, shamefully, has one of the highest rates of 
childhood poverty in the developed world. We have a solution that we 
know works, the expanded child tax credit that delivered up to $300 per 
child each month to over 40 million families. These resources helped 
parents pay for food, rent, gas, and other essentials.
  We must bring back the expanded child tax credit and deliver for 
children and families.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this motion to 
commit. Reducing childhood poverty should be a bipartisan effort.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, again, let me just ask, will anybody on 
the other side share with us the secret 3-page addendum that Speaker 
McCarthy negotiated with the Freedom Caucus so we can know what else 
was decided on, given away? I guess not.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. 
Barragan).
  Ms. BARRAGAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the rule.
  The rules package is anti-Latino. It makes in order bills that attack 
abortion rights and reproductive health that Latinas rely on. It 
doubles down on Republicans' inhumane treatment of Latino migrants 
fleeing violence and persecution.
  Later today, Republicans plan to rush a vote on a bill that protects 
wealthy and ultrawealthy tax cheats, leaving low-income Black and 
Latino communities to bear the brunt of tax audits because they make 
easy targets.
  Republicans have begun this Congress with chaos and now plan to push 
extreme policies that do nothing to help Latinos in this country.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote against this rule.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Hill), my good friend.
  Mr. HILL. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from Oklahoma for yielding.
  Certainly, my colleague from Massachusetts knows my deep affection 
for him, but since I walked on the House floor tonight, I keep hearing 
this reference to this rules package, that somehow it is not posted on 
our website and that we are debating something else called an addendum 
to the rules package.
  I wanted to come to the House floor as someone who worked quite 
passionately last week on behalf of our new Speaker, working on an 
agreement with all of my colleagues so that we are unified in the House 
Republican Conference, to say that there is no addendum to this 
package, Mr. Speaker.
  There is no 3-page addendum. There is no extra stuff. Everything in 
the House rules package is posted on the House website.
  We made one addition as a Conference, and that was the change in the 
vacate the chair motion.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to be clear in the Congressional Record, for 
those watching on C-SPAN, and to my colleagues: There is not a 3-page 
addendum to the rules package.
  I greatly respect my good friend from Massachusetts and my friend 
from Oklahoma.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I have great respect for my friend, but 
really? I mean, come on.
  What were the last 4 days about? I mean, again, days and days, and 15 
roll call votes, and reporting by multiple sources tell us that there 
is this signed agreement with the House Freedom Caucus that deals with 
some of the most controversial concessions.
  So, you know, I know it exists. It will come out sooner or later. 
Everybody is talking about transparency and openness. It would be nice 
if there was a little bit more transparency and openness from the other 
side.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. 
Jackson Lee).
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the rules and 
the rules package.
  In particular, I support the Women's Health Protection Act so women 
seeking reproductive rights will not be hunted down by bounty hunters.
  As well, I am opposed to this rule because of the creation of a 
potential committee that, in fact, threatens our safety, security, and 
freedom. It is an unprecedented attack on our Nation's law enforcement 
agencies, our justice system, and our intelligence community, all for 
the extreme MAGA Republican political activities.
  This does nothing to solve the actual problems facing the American 
people and even includes a possibility of defunding police.
  Finally, I am glad that the last Congress indicated that when a 
million Americans died, for continuity of government, we had proxy 
voting. They wanted to save lives.
  Mr. Speaker, I oppose the underlying rules and the rules package. I 
ask my colleagues to join me in voting ``no.''
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to H. Res. 5, Adopting the 
Rules of the 118th Congress. Instead of building on the extraordinary 
work done by House Democrats in the 117th Congress, Republicans are 
choosing to lead off this term with legislation that attacks women's 
health freedoms, make it easier for companies to pollute without 
consequence, and hand out tax breaks to the wealthy and well connected.
  This problematic Rules package is the product of non-transparent 
negotiations, backroom deals and promises that were made to appease the 
demands made by extremist members of the Republican Party to get them 
to vote or in some cases vote present for Speaker of the House.
  Last week's catastrophic Speaker's election showed Americans how 
disorganized, chaotic, and inefficient the Republican leadership and 
Caucus can be.
  Last week's chaos showed the American people how Republicans plan to 
govern for the next two years. This body will be ill managed, less 
transparent, slow moving, and will put forth legislation that will 
attack our freedoms and undermine our Nation's values.
  Concessions made by Republican leadership last week will have 
devastating effects on this institution. The passage of this Rules 
package will pave the way for:
  Any member to file a ``motion to vacate the chair,'' effectively 
holding the Speaker hostage;
  Extreme right-wing members on key committees;
  Putting an end to the possibility of Congressional staff 
unionization;
  Reinstating the Holman Rules so Republicans can target civil servants 
who challenge them; and
  Shut down criminal investigations into the previous president.
  This problematic rule is creating more turmoil in the Republican 
ranks as members wrestle with the image of witnessing the Speaker being 
coerced into agreeing to give a small faction of the Republican 
Conference treats to appease them--including concessions to individual 
members for votes he needed to become Speaker.

[[Page H69]]

  It is not inconceivable that Republican members of the conference 
must show they are not being bullied into voting for this Rules bill.
  The most problematic aspect of the rule is that it does not spell out 
what the Speaker agreed to give to his opponents so that the Congress 
and the American people know what the Speakership actually cost them.
  This is the People's House--not the Republican or Democratic House--
any bargaining should be focused on the needs of the American people--
they must come first.
  Throughout the last election cycle, Republicans campaigned on 
addressing inflation and lowering the cost of living for millions of 
Americans.
  Ironically, the first bill they are introducing repays the wealthy 
donors that got them their majority through dark money contributions by 
making it easier for the wealthiest 1 percent of Americans to cheat on 
their taxes.
  We all may have varying beliefs about taxes, but we as Americans know 
that nothing in this life is free and that in order for our Nation to 
be a beacon of freedom we must have a strong defense, public assistance 
programs to help those in need, an education system that prepares young 
minds to lead, retirement programs that provided for our elder and 
disabled, and a healthcare system that cares for all in need of 
healthcare.
  Passage of the rule will pave the way for Republicans to continue 
their assault on a woman's bodily autonomy and impede on medical 
decisions that should remain between medical professionals and their 
patient.
  Although the Born-Alive Abortion Survivors Protection Act does not 
criminalize abortion nationwide, make no mistake, that is their end 
goal, and the passage of this bill will get them one step closer to 
their sick idea of stripping all women of their rights.
  There are concerns that language in the House Rules package would 
eliminate rules requiring spending offsets for bills that sell or 
transfer federal public lands and waters.
  This will result in a loss of public access enjoyed by the 70 million 
American hunters and anglers that help support the $862 billion outdoor 
recreation economy in the United States. Additionally, giving away 
public assets with no return would be a loss for American taxpayers.
  As a result, hunters and anglers are strongly opposed to this rule 
change, which would eliminate the necessity of spending offsets to sell 
or transfer public lands.
  I urge all my colleagues to oppose this bill and see it for what it 
truly is:
  An effort by Republicans to give tax breaks to the ultra-rich and the 
corporations who fund their campaigns, and
  An effort to continue carrying out their distorted notion of America 
by decimating the programs set in place to help the Americans who 
depend on government assistance the most.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, let me continue what I was beginning in 
the last exchange.
  At least one GOP office apparently has the much-fabled 3-page House 
rules addendum. ``We are taking a look at it . . . we're just going 
through it,'' Rep.   Ken Calvert, a Steering Committee member, tells 
Axios. Asked if Members have received a copy: ``I don't know if 
everybody has.''
  Again, don't come to the floor and talk about transparency and 
openness and a new day. This is backroom politics. That is what this is 
about, secret deals that no one is going to know anything about until 
it is too late.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).
  Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I lament that the 2 minutes are no longer 
magic.
  Mr. Speaker, these rules are largely the rules that we have had for 
some period of time over the years, but they have important changes. 
Unfortunately, I view those changes as not facilitating our work but 
seeking to impede our work. I think that is unfortunate.
  They are also designed to target Federal employees if Members of 
Congress don't like what they do. There, of course, is a process to do 
that, but as the leader on the other side did at one point in time, he 
just cut out the salary for an employee he didn't like or thought was 
acting improperly. That was not appropriate, and of course, that did 
not prevail.
  I regret that we don't have an opportunity to look at these rules in 
the way that so many on this floor talked about doing.
  First of all, of course, they are not single issues. There are a lot 
of issues. It is the rules.
  Secondly, there are ways and means to provide for consideration in a 
transparent, open fashion in which I could offer an amendment to a rule 
that I thought was not in the benefit of this House or the American 
people.
  Unfortunately, this is the process, which is the very first process 
under which we have considered a piece of business, not necessarily 
legislation, and that is ironic. It is what it is, but it will, as such 
a process does, force us to vote against a piece of organizational 
rules because we don't agree with some of those rules. That is what I 
will do.

                              {time}  1815

  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire of the gentleman from 
Oklahoma how many more speakers he has?
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close whenever my friend is.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close, as well, and I 
yield myself the balance of my time.
  Mr. Speaker, the last time House Republicans were in charge, they 
ended their time in power with a government shutdown. They controlled 
the House, the Senate, and the White House, and they shut the 
government down and walked away.
  Upon taking power once again, they began with a legislative shutdown, 
a shutdown where a far-right fringe held the incoming Republican 
leadership hostage and got them to give away everything, including 
their own dignity.
  What is clear from all of this is that the Republican Party no longer 
cares about governing. This rules package is exhibit number one.
  The American people sent us here because they want us to put people 
over politics. Sadly, this rules package puts politics first, 
empowering the extremists who are only interested in their own power.
  As I have said again and again, if this new majority wants to work 
together in good faith, my door is open. If this is their plan, they 
have clearly chosen to become a party that embraces election deniers 
and extremists, and Democrats will not go along to get along.
  Finally, Mr. Speaker, let me say that I have had some harsh words for 
this rules package. Call it ``tough love.'' I care very deeply about 
this institution, about the work we do here, and the awesome 
responsibility of the decisions we make. I am glad that my friends kept 
the McGovern rule on the 72-hour and the McGovern rule that committees 
have to do hearings and markups before they come to the Rules 
Committee.
  We weren't perfect, but overwhelmingly we kept our word.
  This legislation does a great disservice to the people we represent, 
and it does not live up to the high standards that we should have for 
this institution. I believe that calling this House to a higher 
standard is the right thing to do.
  But let me be clear that my criticism is reserved for the resolution 
we are considering and not for the distinguished gentleman from 
Oklahoma (Mr. Cole), whom I respect and admire as a person even when we 
strongly disagree, as we do today.
  These rules are a giveaway to the far right, but this Congress need 
not be. If my Republican colleagues want to get anything done, it is 
clear that they are going to have to work together with Democrats to 
get things done.
  Let's end the extremism and put people over politics to get stuff 
done.
  People do not want government shutdowns.
  People do not want to see us default on our financial obligations.
  People want us to get stuff done and to keep the lights on.
  The last two elections were a rejection of extremism. My friends 
predicted an overwhelmingly Republican majority in the last election, 
and instead, they got a pink splash because the American people, 
Democrats, Independents, and a lot of Republicans said: You are too 
extreme.
  So put the extremism behind you. I urge the Speaker to work with 
Democrats and not just work with the small fringe group in the 
Republican Conference, but to work in a way to move the people's agenda 
forward.
  I urge a ``no'' vote on this resolution, a ``no'' on the previous 
question, and I yield back the balance of my time.

[[Page H70]]

  

  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  In closing, I urge all my colleagues to support this resolution 
establishing the rules of the 118th Congress. The changes we are 
proposing today will ensure that the institution is set on a path of 
success for the new Congress.
  They will ensure that Members return to Washington and do their work 
here.
  They will set up an institution to hold the Biden administration 
accountable.
  They will put in place budgetary rules designed to prevent the kind 
of reckless spending spree Democrats recently engaged in.
  I urge all Members to vote ``yes'' on the previous question and 
``yes'' on the rule.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to H. Res. 
5, Adopting the Rules of the 118th Congress. Instead of building on the 
extraordinary work done by House Democrats in the 117th Congress, 
Republicans are choosing to lead off this term with legislation that 
attacks women's health freedoms, make it easier for companies to 
pollute without consequence, and hand out tax breaks to the wealthy and 
well connected.
  This problematic Rules package is the product of non-transparent 
negotiations, backroom deals and promises that were made to appease the 
demands made by extremist members of the Republican Party to get them 
to vote or in some cases vote present for Speaker of the House.
  Last week's catastrophic Speaker's election showed Americans how 
disorganized, chaotic, and inefficient the Republican leadership and 
Caucus can be.
  Last week's chaos showed the American people how Republicans plan to 
govern for the next two years. This body will be ill managed, less 
transparent, slow moving, and will put forth legislation that will 
attack our freedoms and undermine our Nation's values.
  Concessions made by Republican leadership last week will have 
devastating effects on this institution. The passage of this Rules 
package will pave the way for:
  Any member to file a ``motion to vacate the chair,'' effectively 
holding the Speaker hostage;
  Extreme right-wing members on key committees;
  Putting an end to the possibility of Congressional staff 
unionization;
  Reinstating the Holman Rules so Republicans can target civil servants 
who challenge them; and
  Shut down criminal investigations into the previous president.
  This problematic Rule is creating more turmoil in the Republican 
ranks as members wrestle with the image of witnessing the Speaker being 
coerced into agreeing to give a small faction of the Republican Caucus 
treats to appease them--including concessions to individual members for 
votes he needed to become Speaker.
  It is not inconceivable that Republican members of the delegation 
must show they are not being bullied into voting for this Rules Bill.
  The most problematic aspect of the Rule is that it does not spell out 
what the Speaker agreed to give to his opponents so that the Congress 
and the American people know what the Speakership actually cost them.
  This is the People's House--not the Republican or Democratic House 
any bargaining should be focused on the needs of the American people--
they must come first.
  Throughout the last election cycle, Republicans campaigned on 
addressing inflation and lowering the cost of living for millions of 
Americans.
  Ironically, the first bill they are introducing repays the wealthy 
donors that got them their majority through dark money contributions by 
making it easier for the wealthiest 1 percent of Americans to cheat on 
their taxes.
   We all may have varying beliefs about taxes, but we as Americans 
know that nothing in this life is free and that in order for our Nation 
to be a beacon of freedom we must have a strong defense, public 
assistance programs to help those in need, an education system that 
prepares young minds to lead, retirement programs that provided for our 
elder and disabled, and a healthcare system that cares for all in need 
of healthcare.
  Passage of the rule will pave the way for Republicans to continue 
their assault on a woman's bodily autonomy and impede on medical 
decisions that should remain between medical professionals and their 
patient.
  Although the Born-Alive Abortion Survivors Protection Act does not 
criminalize abortion nationwide, make no mistake, that is their end 
goal, and the passage of this bill will get them one step closer to 
their sick idea of stripping all women of their rights.
  There are concerns that language in the House Rules Package would 
eliminate rules requiring spending offsets for bills that sell or 
transfer federal public lands and waters.
  This will result in a loss of public access enjoyed by the 70 million 
American hunters and anglers that help support the $862 billion outdoor 
recreation economy in the United States. Additionally, giving away 
public assets with no return would be a loss for American taxpayers.
  As a result, hunters and anglers are strongly opposed to this rule 
change, which would eliminate the necessity of spending offsets to sell 
or transfer public lands.
  I urge all my colleagues to oppose this bill and see it for what it 
truly is:
  an effort by Republicans to give tax breaks to the ultra-rich and the 
corporations who fund their campaigns, and
  an effort to continue carrying out their distorted notion of America 
by decimating the programs set in place to help the Americans who 
depend on government assistance the most.
  The text of the material previously referred to by Mr. McGovern is as 
follows:
       At the end of the resolution, add the following new 
     section:

     SEC.__. WOMEN'S HEALTH PROTECTION ACT.

       Not later than January 12, 2023, the Speaker shall, 
     pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule XVIII, declare the House 
     resolved into the Committee of the Whole House on the State 
     of the Union for consideration of a bill consisting of the 
     text of H.R. 8296 of the One Hundred Seventeenth Congress, as 
     passed by the House on July 15, 2022, to protect a person's 
     ability to determine whether to continue or end a pregnancy, 
     and to protect a health care provider's ability to provide 
     abortion services. The first reading of the bill shall be 
     dispensed with. All points of order against consideration of 
     the bill are waived. General debate shall be confined to the 
     bill and shall not ceed one hour equally divided and 
     controlled by the Majority Leader and the Minority Leader or 
     their respective designees. After general debate the bill 
     shall be considered for amendment under the five-minute rule. 
     The bill shall be considered as read. All points of order 
     against provisions in the bill are waived. No amendment shall 
     be in order except: (1) those amendments to the bill received 
     for printing in the portion of the Congressional Record 
     designated for that purpose in clause 8 of rule XVIII dated 
     at least one day before the day of consideration of the 
     amendment; and (2) up to 20 pro forma amendments for the 
     purpose of debate, 10 of which may be offered by the Majority 
     Leader or a designee and 10 of which may be offered by the 
     Minority Leader or a designee. Each amendment so received may 
     be offered only by the Member who caused it to be printed or 
     a designee and shall be considered as read if printed. At the 
     conclusion of consideration of the bill for amendment the 
     Committee shall rise and report the bill to the House with 
     such amendments as may have been adopted. The previous 
     question shall be considered as ordered on the bill and 
     amendments thereto to final passage without intervening 
     motion except one motion to recommit.

  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I 
move the previous question on the resolution.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on ordering the previous 
question.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the order of the House of today, 
further proceedings on this question are postponed.

                          ____________________