[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 195 (Thursday, December 15, 2022)]
[House]
[Pages H9867-H9882]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]





                              {time}  1100
                         PUERTO RICO STATUS ACT

  Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 1519, I 
call up the bill (H.R. 8393) to enable the people of Puerto Rico to 
choose a permanent, nonterritorial, fully self-governing political 
status for Puerto Rico and to provide for a transition to and the 
implementation of that permanent, nonterritorial, fully self-governing 
political status, and for other purposes, and ask for its immediate 
consideration in the House.
  The Clerk read the title of the bill.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mrs. Fletcher). Pursuant to House Resolution 
1519, in lieu of the amendment in the nature of a substitute 
recommended by the Committee on Natural Resources printed in the bill, 
an amendment in the nature of a substitute consisting of the text of 
Rules Committee Print 117-74 is agreed to and the bill, as amended, is 
considered read.
  The text of the bill is as follows:

                               H.R. 8393

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``Puerto Rico Status Act''.

     SEC. 2. TABLE OF CONTENTS.

       The table of contents for this Act is as follows:

Sec. 1. Short title.
Sec. 2. Table of contents.
Sec. 3. Findings.
Sec. 4. Definitions.
Sec. 5. Plebiscite.
Sec. 6. Nonpartisan voter education campaign.
Sec. 7. Oversight.
Sec. 8. Funds for voter education; plebiscites.
Sec. 9. Bilingual voter educational materials and ballots.
Sec. 10. Puerto Rico Oversight, Management, and Economic Stability Act.
Sec. 11. Severability.

         TITLE I--TRANSITION AND IMPLEMENTATION -- INDEPENDENCE

Sec. 101. Constitutional convention.
Sec. 102. Character of the constitution.
Sec. 103. Submission; ratification.
Sec. 104. Election of officers.
Sec. 105. Conforming amendments to existing law.
Sec. 106. Joint Transition Commission.
Sec. 107. Proclamations by President of the United States; Head of 
              State of Puerto Rico.
Sec. 108. Legal and constitutional provisions.
Sec. 109. Judicial pronouncements.
Sec. 110. Citizenship and immigration laws after Puerto Rican 
              independence.
Sec. 111. Individual rights to economic benefits and grants.

    TITLE II--TRANSITION AND IMPLEMENTATION -- SOVEREIGNTY IN FREE 
                   ASSOCIATION WITH THE UNITED STATES

Sec. 201. Constitutional convention.
Sec. 202. Character of the constitution.
Sec. 203. Submission; ratification.
Sec. 204. Election of officers.
Sec. 205. Proclamations by President of the United States; Head of 
              State of Puerto Rico.
Sec. 206. Legal and constitutional provisions.
Sec. 207. Judicial pronouncements.
Sec. 208. Citizenship and immigration laws after sovereignty through 
              free association.
Sec. 209. Conforming amendments to existing law.
Sec. 210. Bilateral Negotiating Commission.
Sec. 211. Articles of Free Association approval and effective date.
Sec. 212. Termination.
Sec. 213. Individual rights to economic benefits and grants.

         TITLE III--TRANSITION AND IMPLEMENTATION -- STATEHOOD

Sec. 301. Presidential proclamation; Admission into the Union.
Sec. 302. Conforming amendments to existing law.
Sec. 303. Territory and boundaries.
Sec. 304. Constitution.
Sec. 305. Elections of Senators and Representatives, certification, and 
              legal disputes.
Sec. 306. State title to land and property.
Sec. 307. Continuity of laws, government, and obligations.
Sec. 308. Judicial pronouncements.

     SEC. 3. FINDINGS.

       In recognition of the inherent limitations of Puerto Rico's 
     territorial status, and the responsibility of the Federal 
     Government to enable the people of the territory to freely 
     express their wishes regarding political status and achieve 
     full self-government, Congress seeks to enable the eligible 
     voters of Puerto Rico to choose a permanent, non-territorial, 
     fully self-governing political status for Puerto Rico and to 
     provide for a transition to and the implementation of said 
     permanent, nonterritorial, fully self-governing status.

     SEC. 4. DEFINITIONS.

       In this Act:
       (1) Bilateral negotiating commission.--The term ``Bilateral 
     Negotiating Commission'' means the Bilateral Negotiating 
     Commission established under section 209(a).
       (2) Elections commission.--The term ``Elections 
     Commission'' means the Puerto Rico State Elections Commission 
     (Comision Estatal de Elecciones de Puerto Rico, in Spanish).
       (3) Eligible voters.--The term ``eligible voters'' means 
     bona fide residents of Puerto Rico who are otherwise 
     qualified to vote in general elections in Puerto Rico.
       (4) Initial plebiscite.--The term ``initial plebiscite'' 
     means the plebiscite required by section 5(a)(1).
       (5) Majority.--The term ``majority'' means more than 50 
     percent.
       (6) Runoff plebiscite.--The term ``runoff plebiscite'' 
     means the plebiscite required by section 5(a)(4).

     SEC. 5. PLEBISCITE.

       (a) In General.--
       (1) Initial plebiscite.--A plebiscite to resolve Puerto 
     Rico's political status shall be held on November 5, 2023.
       (2) Options.--The plebiscite held under paragraph (1) shall 
     offer eligible voters a choice of one of the three options 
     which shall be presented on the ballot as follows:
       (A) Independence.
       (B) Sovereignty in Free Association with the United States.
       (C) Statehood.
       (3) Majority vote required.--Approval of a status option 
     must be by a majority of the valid votes cast.
       (4) Runoff plebiscite.--If there is not a majority in favor 
     of one of the three options defined in this Act, then a 
     runoff plebiscite shall be held on March 3, 2024, which shall 
     offer eligible voters a choice of the two options that 
     received the most votes in the plebiscite held under 
     paragraph (1).
       (b) Ballot Language.--A ballot for a plebiscite required by 
     subsection (a) shall include the following language, except 
     that the ballot for the runoff plebiscite shall omit the 
     option that received the fewest votes in the initial 
     plebiscite:
       (1) Instructions.--Mark the status option you choose as 
     each is defined below. A ballot with more than 1 option 
     marked will not be counted. A ballot with no option marked 
     will not be counted.
       (2) Independence.--If you agree, mark here ____.
       (A) Puerto Rico is a sovereign nation that has full 
     authority and responsibility over its territory and 
     population under a constitution of its own adoption which 
     shall be the supreme law of the nation.
       (B) Puerto Rico is vested with full powers and 
     responsibilities consistent with the rights and 
     responsibilities that devolve upon a sovereign nation under 
     international law, including its own fiscal and monetary 
     policy, immigration, trade, and the conduct in its own name 
     and right of relations with other nations and international 
     organizations.
       (C) Puerto Rico has full authority and responsibility over 
     its citizenship and immigration laws, and birth in Puerto 
     Rico or relationship to persons with statutory United States 
     citizenship by birth in the former territory shall cease to 
     be a basis for United States nationality or citizenship, 
     except that persons who have such United States citizenship 
     have a right to retain United States nationality and 
     citizenship for life, by entitlement or election as provided 
     by Federal law.
       (D) Puerto Rico will no longer be a possession of the 
     United States for purposes of the Internal Revenue Code. In 
     general, United States citizens and United States businesses 
     in the nation of Puerto Rico will be subject to United States 
     Federal tax laws (as is the case with any other United States 
     citizen or United States business abroad) and to Puerto Rican 
     tax laws. Puerto Rico's status as an independent, sovereign 
     nation will be the controlling factor in the taxation of 
     Puerto Rican taxpayers.
       (E) The Constitution and laws of the United States no 
     longer apply in Puerto Rico and United States sovereignty in 
     Puerto Rico is ended.
       (3) Sovereignty in free association with the united 
     states.--If you agree, mark here ___.
       (A) Puerto Rico is a sovereign nation that has full 
     authority and responsibility over its territory and 
     population under a constitution of its own adoption which 
     shall be the supreme law of the nation.
       (B) Puerto Rico is vested with full powers and 
     responsibilities consistent with the rights and 
     responsibilities that devolve upon a sovereign nation under 
     international law, including its own fiscal and monetary 
     policy, immigration, trade, and the conduct in its own name 
     and right of relations with other nations and international 
     organizations, except as otherwise provided for in the 
     Articles of Free Association to be negotiated by Puerto Rico 
     and the United States.
       (C) Puerto Rico has full authority and responsibility over 
     its citizenship and immigration laws, and persons who have 
     United States citizenship have a right to retain United 
     States nationality and citizenship for life by entitlement or 
     election as provided by Federal law.
       (D) Birth in Puerto Rico shall cease to be a basis for 
     United States nationality or citizenship. Individuals born in 
     Puerto Rico to at least one parent who is a citizen of the 
     United States shall be United States citizens at birth, 
     consistent with the immigration laws of the United States, 
     for the duration of the first agreement of the Articles of 
     Free Association.
       (E) Puerto Rico enters into Articles of Free Association 
     with the United States, with such devolution and reservation 
     of governmental functions and other bilateral arrangements as

[[Page H9868]]

     may be agreed to by both Parties under the Articles, which 
     shall be terminable at will by either the United States or 
     Puerto Rico at any time.
       (F) Puerto Rico will no longer be a possession of the 
     United States for purposes of the Internal Revenue Code. In 
     general, United States citizens and United States businesses 
     in the nation of Puerto Rico will be subject to United States 
     Federal tax laws (as is the case with any other United States 
     citizen or United States business abroad) and to Puerto Rican 
     tax laws. Puerto Rico's status as an independent, sovereign 
     nation will be the controlling factor in the taxation of 
     Puerto Rican taxpayers. In addition, Puerto Rico will enter 
     into an agreement with the United States to provide for 
     ``Sovereignty in Free Association'' between the two nations. 
     This agreement may modify the otherwise applicable tax rules, 
     subject to negotiation and ratification by the two nations.
       (G) The Constitution of the United States no longer applies 
     in Puerto Rico, the laws of the United States no longer apply 
     in Puerto Rico except as otherwise provided in the Articles 
     of Free Association, and United States sovereignty in Puerto 
     Rico is ended.
       (H) All matters pertaining to the government-to-government 
     relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States, which 
     may include foreign affairs, trade, finance, taxation, 
     currency, economic assistance, security and defense, dispute 
     resolution and termination, shall be provided for in the 
     Articles of Free Association.
       (4) Statehood.--If you agree, mark here ____.
       (A) The State of Puerto Rico is admitted into the Union on 
     an equal footing with the other States in all respects 
     whatever and is a part of the permanent union of the United 
     States of America, subject to the United States Constitution, 
     with powers not prohibited by the Constitution to the States 
     and reserved to the State of Puerto Rico or to its residents.
       (B) The residents of Puerto Rico are fully self-governing 
     with their rights secured under the United States 
     Constitution, which shall be fully applicable in Puerto Rico 
     and which, with the laws and treaties of the United States, 
     is the supreme law and has the same force and effect in 
     Puerto Rico as in the other States of the Union.
       (C) United States citizenship of those born in Puerto Rico 
     is recognized, protected, and secured under the United States 
     Constitution in the same way such citizenship is for all 
     United States citizens born in the other States.
       (D) Puerto Rico will no longer be a possession of the 
     United States for purposes of the Internal Revenue Code. 
     Instead, the State of Puerto Rico will become a State on 
     equal footing with each of the current 50 States in the 
     United States of America. Individuals and businesses resident 
     in the State of Puerto Rico will be subject to United States 
     Federal tax laws as well as applicable State tax laws.
       (c) Implementation of Plebiscite.--The plebiscites 
     authorized by this section shall be implemented by the 
     Elections Commission, consistent with the laws of Puerto Rico 
     and Federal law.
       (d) Results.--The Elections Commission shall inform the 
     President of the United States, the President pro tempore of 
     the United States Senate, the Speaker of the United States 
     House of Representatives, the Senate Committee on Energy and 
     Natural Resources, and the House Committee on Natural 
     Resources of--
       (1) the results of the initial plebiscite not later than 30 
     calendar days after the initial plebiscite is held; and
       (2) the results of the runoff plebiscite, if held, not 
     later than 30 calendar days after the runoff plebiscite is 
     held.
       (e) Jurisdiction of District Court.--The United States 
     District Court for the District of Puerto Rico shall have 
     original and exclusive jurisdiction of any civil action 
     alleging a dispute or controversy pertaining to electoral 
     processes conducted under this section.

     SEC. 6. NONPARTISAN VOTER EDUCATION CAMPAIGN.

       (a) In General.--The Elections Commission shall carry out a 
     nonpartisan voter education campaign through traditional paid 
     media and make available at all voting locations voter 
     education materials related to the plebiscites authorized 
     under this Act consistent with Department of Justice approval 
     under section 7.
       (b) Voter Education Materials.--At a minimum, the voter 
     education materials shall address for each option--
       (1) international representation;
       (2) citizenship and immigration; and
       (3) access and treatment under Federal law and programs.

     SEC. 7. OVERSIGHT.

       (a) Submission of Materials.--Not later than 60 days after 
     the date of the enactment of this Act, the Elections 
     Commission shall submit the ballot design and voter education 
     materials for the plebiscites authorized under this Act to 
     the United States Attorney General for review and the 
     Elections Commission shall make not more than one submission 
     of the ballot design and voter education materials to the 
     Attorney General for review.
       (b) Effect of Failure To Comply.--If the Attorney General 
     fails to comply with subsection (c) within the 45-day period, 
     the ballot design and voter education materials shall be 
     considered approved.
       (c) Review.--Not later than 45 days after receiving the 
     ballot design and voter education materials under subsection 
     (a), the Attorney General shall review the ballot design and 
     voter education materials to ensure consistency with this Act 
     and to ensure that the three options defined in this Act are 
     represented fairly, especially in the event that any of the 
     three options are not represented on the Elections Commission 
     by a member of a political party that supports such option, 
     and--
       (1) return the materials to the Elections Commission with 
     comments and instructions for changes; or
       (2) before the expiration of the 45-day period, inform the 
     Elections Commission that no instructions or requests for 
     changes shall be made under paragraph (1), but that the 
     Attorney General reserves the right to submit instructions 
     for changes in accordance with this section if additional 
     information comes to the attention of the Attorney General 
     during the remainder of the 45-day period.
       (d) Revision.--Not later than 45 days after receiving 
     comments and instructions for changes from the Attorney 
     General under subsection (c), the Elections Commission shall 
     revise the ballot design and voter education materials as 
     requested by the Attorney General.
       (e) Election Observers.--The Elections Commission shall 
     invite national and international election observers to 
     ensure transparency and confidence in the electoral process. 
     Observers shall be present during the initial plebiscite vote 
     and during the runoff plebiscite vote.

     SEC. 8. FUNDS FOR VOTER EDUCATION; PLEBISCITES.

       (a) Authorization of Appropriations.--There is authorized 
     to be appropriated such sums as are necessary for the 
     Elections Commission to carry out a nonpartisan voter 
     education campaign and an initial plebiscite and, if 
     necessary, a runoff plebiscite under this Act.
       (b) Existing Funds.--Notwithstanding any provision of 
     Public Law 113-76, funds made available under such Act to 
     carry out a plebiscite on Puerto Rico's status shall be made 
     available to carry out this Act.

     SEC. 9. BILINGUAL VOTER EDUCATIONAL MATERIALS AND BALLOTS.

       All voter educational materials and ballots used to carry 
     out this Act shall be made available in English and Spanish.

     SEC. 10. PUERTO RICO OVERSIGHT, MANAGEMENT, AND ECONOMIC 
                   STABILITY ACT.

       Upon the admission of the State of Puerto Rico into the 
     Union or on the date that the Government of the nation of 
     Puerto Rico initially takes office:
       (1) In general.--The Puerto Rico Oversight, Management, and 
     Economic Stability Act (48 U.S.C. 2101 et seq.) shall no 
     longer apply to the State of Puerto Rico or the nation of 
     Puerto Rico, as the case may be.
       (2) Oversight board.--The Financial Oversight and 
     Management Board for Puerto Rico established under section 
     101(b)(1) of the Puerto Rico Oversight, Management, and 
     Economic Stability Act (48 U.S.C. 2121(b)(1)) is terminated 
     and all duties and responsibilities assigned to the Oversight 
     Board shall return to the State of Puerto Rico or the nation 
     of Puerto Rico, as the case may be.
       (3) Transfer.--All funds, property, and assets of the board 
     described in subparagraph (B) shall be transferred to the 
     State of Puerto Rico or the nation of Puerto Rico, as the 
     case may be.

     SEC. 11. SEVERABILITY.

       If any provision of this Act, or any section, subsection, 
     sentence, clause, phrase, or individual word, or the 
     application thereof to any person or circumstance is held 
     invalid by a court of jurisdiction, the validity of the 
     remainder of the Act and of the application of any such 
     provision, section, subsection, sentence, clause, phrase, or 
     individual word to other persons and circumstances shall not 
     be affected thereby.

         TITLE I--TRANSITION AND IMPLEMENTATION -- INDEPENDENCE

     SEC. 101. CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.

       (a) Election of Delegates.-- Not later than 6 months after 
     the effective date of certification of a plebiscite result 
     under this Act in favor of independence, the legislature of 
     Puerto Rico shall provide for the election of delegates to a 
     constitutional Convention to formulate and draft a 
     Constitution for the nation of Puerto Rico.
       (b) Eligible Voters.--All eligible voters may vote in the 
     election of delegates to the constitutional Convention.
       (c) General Applicability of Electoral Law.--The laws of 
     the territory of Puerto Rico relating to the electoral 
     process shall apply to a special election held under this 
     Act.
       (d) Initial Meeting.--Not later than 3 months after the 
     election of delegates to the constitutional Convention, the 
     elected delegates shall meet at such time and place as the 
     legislature of Puerto Rico shall determine. The initial 
     meeting shall constitute the establishment of the 
     constitutional Convention.

     SEC. 102. CHARACTER OF THE CONSTITUTION.

       The constitutional Convention under section 101 shall 
     formulate and draft a Constitution for Puerto Rico that 
     guarantees the protection of fundamental human rights, 
     including--
       (1) due process and equal protection under the law;
       (2) freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, and 
     religion;
       (3) the rights of the accused;
       (4) any other economic, social, and cultural rights as the 
     constitutional Convention may deem appropriate and necessary; 
     and
       (5) provisions to ensure that no individual born in the 
     nation of Puerto Rico shall be stateless at birth.

     SEC. 103. SUBMISSION; RATIFICATION.

       (a) Submission.--Not later than one year after the 
     establishment of the constitutional Convention, the 
     Constitution formulated and drafted by the constitutional 
     Convention shall be submitted to the eligible voters of 
     Puerto Rico for ratification or rejection in a special 
     election.
       (b) Manner of Election.--The special election held under 
     this subsection shall be held in the manner prescribed by the 
     legislature of Puerto Rico.

[[Page H9869]]

  


     SEC. 104. ELECTION OF OFFICERS.

       (a) In General.--Not later than one month after the 
     ratification of the Constitution under section 103, the 
     Governor of the territory of Puerto Rico shall issue a 
     proclamation calling for the election of such officers of the 
     nation of Puerto Rico as may be required by the ratified 
     Constitution.
       (b) Rejection.--If the special election results in 
     rejection of the Constitution, the process provided for in 
     sections 101 through 103 shall be repeated, except that 
     section 101(a) shall be applied by substituting--
       (1) ``the special election'' for ``a plebiscite''; and
       (2) ``rejecting of the Constitution'' for ``in favor of 
     independence''.
       (c) Deadline; Procedures.--The election under subsection 
     (a) shall be held--
       (1) not later than 6 months after the date of ratification 
     of the Constitution; and
       (2) in accordance with the procedures and requirements 
     established in the Constitution of the nation of Puerto Rico.
       (d) Certification of Results.--Not later than 10 days after 
     the election of officers under subsection (a), the Elections 
     Commission shall certify the results of the election. The 
     Governor of the territory of Puerto Rico shall inform the 
     results of the election to the President of the United 
     States, the President pro tempore of the United States 
     Senate, the Speaker of the United States House of 
     Representatives, the Committee on Energy and Natural 
     Resources of the Senate, and the Committee on Natural 
     Resources of the House of Representatives.

     SEC. 105. CONFORMING AMENDMENTS TO EXISTING LAW.

       (a) Review.--Not later than 30 days after the initial 
     meeting of a constitutional Convention under section 101(d), 
     the President shall initiate a review of Federal law with 
     respect to Puerto Rico, including those regarding--
       (1) taxation of persons and businesses;
       (2) health care;
       (3) housing;
       (4) transportation;
       (5) education; and
       (6) entitlement programs.
       (b) Recommendations.--Not later than one year after the 
     date on which the President initiates a review under 
     subsection (a), the President shall submit recommendations to 
     Congress for changes to Federal law identified during such 
     review, as the President deems appropriate.

     SEC. 106. JOINT TRANSITION COMMISSION.

       (a) Appointment.--Not later than 3 months after the 
     establishment of a constitutional Convention under section 
     101(d), a Joint Transition Commission shall be appointed in 
     equal numbers by the President of the United States and the 
     presiding officer of the Constitutional Convention of Puerto 
     Rico.
       (b) Duties.--The Joint Transition Commission shall be 
     responsible for expediting the orderly transfer of all 
     functions currently exercised by the Federal Government in 
     Puerto Rico, or in relation to Puerto Rico to the nation of 
     Puerto Rico, and shall recommend to Congress any appropriate 
     legislation to carry out such transfer.
       (c) Collaboration.--The Government of the territory of 
     Puerto Rico and the agencies of the Government of the United 
     States shall collaborate with the Joint Transition Commission 
     and subsequently the officers of the nation of Puerto Rico, 
     to provide for the orderly transfer of the functions under 
     subsection (b).

     SEC. 107. PROCLAMATIONS BY PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES; 
                   HEAD OF STATE OF PUERTO RICO.

       (a) Proclamation.--Not later than one month after the 
     official certification of the elected officers of the nation 
     of Puerto Rico under section 104(d), the President of the 
     United States shall by proclamation--
       (1) withdraw and surrender all rights of possession, 
     supervision, jurisdiction, control, or sovereignty then 
     existing and exercised by the United States over the 
     territory and residents of Puerto Rico;
       (2) recognize, on behalf of the United States of America, 
     the independence of the nation of Puerto Rico and the 
     authority of the government instituted by eligible voters of 
     Puerto Rico under the Constitution of their own adoption; and
       (3) state that the effective date of withdrawal of the 
     sovereignty of the United States and recognition of 
     independence shall be the same as the date of the 
     proclamation.
       (b) Copy of Proclamation Forwarded.--The President of the 
     United States shall forward a copy of the proclamation issued 
     under subsection (a) not later than one week after signature 
     to the presiding officer of the Constitutional Convention of 
     Puerto Rico, the officer elected as head of state of the 
     nation, the President pro tempore of the United States 
     Senate, the Speaker of the United States House of 
     Representatives, the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural 
     Resources, and the House Committee on Natural Resources.
       (c) Date Government To Take Office.--Not later than one 
     week after the date of receipt of the Presidential 
     proclamation and with the advice of the officer elected as 
     head of state of the nation, the presiding officer of the 
     constitutional Convention shall determine the date on which 
     the Government of the nation shall take office, and shall so 
     notify the Governor of the territory of Puerto Rico, the 
     President of the United States, the President pro tempore of 
     the United States Senate, and the Speaker of the United 
     States House of Representatives.

     SEC. 108. LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS.

       Upon the proclamation of independence as provided in this 
     title, and except as otherwise provided in this title or in 
     any separate agreements thereafter concluded between the 
     United States and the nation of Puerto Rico--
       (1) all property, rights and interests which the United 
     States may have acquired over Puerto Rico by virtue of the 
     Treaty of Paris of 1898, and thereafter by cession, purchase, 
     or eminent domain, with the exception of such land and other 
     property, rights, or interests as may have been sold or 
     otherwise legally disposed of prior to the proclamation of 
     Independence, shall vest ipso facto in the nation of Puerto 
     Rico; and
       (2) except as provided in section 110, all laws of the 
     United States applicable to the territory of Puerto Rico 
     immediately prior to the proclamation of Independence shall 
     no longer apply in the nation of Puerto Rico.

     SEC. 109. JUDICIAL PRONOUNCEMENTS.

       (a) Judgments Before Proclamation.--The nation of Puerto 
     Rico shall recognize and give effect to all orders and 
     judgments rendered by United States or territorial courts 
     before the date of the proclamation of independence pursuant 
     to the laws of the United States then applicable to the 
     territory of Puerto Rico.
       (b) Continuity of Pending Proceedings.--All judicial 
     proceedings pending in the courts of the territory of Puerto 
     Rico on the day of the proclamation of independence shall be 
     continued in the corresponding courts under the Constitution 
     of the nation of Puerto Rico.
       (c) Transfer of Judicial Power.--Upon the proclamation of 
     independence, the judicial power of the United States shall 
     no longer extend to Puerto Rico. All proceedings pending in 
     the United States District Court for the District of Puerto 
     Rico shall be transferred to the corresponding Puerto Rican 
     courts of competence or other competent judicial authority 
     under the Constitution of the nation of Puerto Rico for 
     disposition in conformity with laws applicable at the time 
     when the controversy in process arose. All proceedings 
     pending in the United States Court of Appeals for the First 
     Circuit, or in the Supreme Court of the United States, that 
     initiated in, or that could have been initiated in, the 
     courts of the territory or in the United States District 
     Court for the District of Puerto Rico shall continue until 
     their final disposition and shall be submitted to the 
     competent authority of the nation of Puerto Rico for proper 
     execution: Provided, That neither the United States nor any 
     of its officers is a party, in which case any final judgment 
     shall be properly executed by the competent authority of the 
     United States.

     SEC. 110. CITIZENSHIP AND IMMIGRATION LAWS AFTER PUERTO RICAN 
                   INDEPENDENCE.

       (a) In General.--
       (1) Puerto rican nationality.--After the effective date of 
     independence, the citizenship status of each individual born 
     in Puerto Rico shall be determined in accordance with the 
     Constitution and laws of the nation of Puerto Rico.
       (2) United states immigration laws.--Except as described in 
     this section, after the effective date of independence 
     citizens of Puerto Rico seeking to enter into the United 
     States or obtain citizenship in the United States shall be 
     subject to the immigration laws of the United States (as such 
     term is defined in section 101 of the Immigration and 
     Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101)).
       (b) Effect of Puerto Rican Citizenship.--Nothing in this 
     Act precludes or limits the applicability of section 349 of 
     the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1481), except 
     that the provision of citizenship by the laws of Puerto Rico 
     shall not constitute or otherwise serve as the basis of loss, 
     or relinquishment of United States citizenship under such 
     section.
       (c) Citizenship at Birth After Independence.--An individual 
     born in Puerto Rico after the effective date of independence 
     to at least one parent who became a United States citizen 
     under section 302 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 
     U.S.C. 1402) is not a United States citizen at birth under 
     subsections (c), (d), or (g) of section 301 of the 
     Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1401(c), (d) or 
     (g)).
       (d) Travel and Work Authorization.--
       (1) Any person in the following categories may enter, 
     lawfully engage in occupations, and establish residence as a 
     nonimmigrant in the United States and its territories and 
     possessions without regard to paragraphs (5)(A) and (7) of 
     section 212(a) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 
     U.S.C. 1182(a); (5)(A) and (7))--
       (A) a person who acquires the citizenship of Puerto Rico, 
     at birth, on or after the effective date of independence; or
       (B) a naturalized citizen of Puerto Rico, who has been an 
     actual resident there for not less than five years after 
     attaining such naturalization and who holds a proof of such 
     residence.
     Such persons shall be considered to have the permission of 
     the Secretary of Homeland Security to accept employment in 
     the United States.
       (2) The right of such persons to establish habitual 
     residence in a territory or possession of the United States 
     may, however, be subjected to nondiscriminatory limitations 
     provided for--
       (A) in statutes or regulations of the United States; or
       (B) in those statutes or regulations of the territory or 
     possession concerned which are authorized by the laws of the 
     United States.
       (3) This subsection shall expire 25 years after the date of 
     independence.
       (e) Conforming Amendments.--
       (1) In general.--Section 101 of the Immigration and 
     Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101) is amended by striking 
     ``Puerto Rico,'' in subsection (a) paragraph (36) and in 
     subsection (a) paragraph (38).
       (2) Prior to independence.--Puerto Rico shall be considered 
     to be in the United States, as such term is defined in 
     section 101(a)(38) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 
     U.S.C. 1101(a)(38)) prior to the effective date of 
     independence.
       (f) Rule of Construction.--Nothing in this section shall 
     limit the power and authority of the United States to change 
     policy requirements for United States citizenship.

[[Page H9870]]

  


     SEC. 111. INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS TO ECONOMIC BENEFITS AND GRANTS.

       (a) Rights and Benefits.--All vested rights and benefits 
     which accrue to residents of the territory of Puerto Rico 
     under the laws of the United States from past services or 
     contributions, such as rights and benefits for veterans or 
     relatives of veterans of the Armed Forces of the United 
     States, retired Government employees, or beneficiaries of old 
     age, disability, or survivors' insurance benefits under the 
     Social Security Act, shall not be interrupted after the 
     proclamation of independence but will continue until such 
     time as said rights and benefits are completely extinguished 
     according to the applicable laws of the United States. All 
     services which must be rendered as part of these rights and 
     benefits shall be made available through the Government of 
     the nation of Puerto Rico in accordance with agreements 
     reached by the two nations.
       (b) Social Security System.--Notwithstanding the provisions 
     in subsection (a), all contributions made by employees and 
     employers in Puerto Rico to the Social Security system with 
     respect to persons who, upon the proclamation of 
     independence, are residents of the nation of Puerto Rico and 
     are not yet eligible for old age, disability, or survivors' 
     insurance benefits under the system, shall be transferred to 
     the Government of the nation of Puerto Rico once said 
     Government establishes its own social security system. The 
     Government of the nation of Puerto Rico may not use these 
     funds for any purpose other than the establishment and 
     operation of a social security system. Upon the transfer 
     described herein, the obligations of the United States 
     Government under the Social Security Act with respect to such 
     residents of the nation of Puerto Rico shall cease.
       (c) Other Federal Transfer Payments.--
       (1) Block grants.--All other Federal transfer payments to 
     individuals and to the Government of the territory of Puerto 
     Rico shall be maintained in the form of annual block grants 
     to be used discretionally by the Government of the nation of 
     Puerto Rico.
       (2) Annual aggregate funding.--During the ten fiscal years 
     following the proclamation of independence, the annual block 
     grants shall amount to the annual aggregate funding of all 
     programs which currently extend to the territory of Puerto 
     Rico, or of all programs which shall have been extended to 
     the territory of Puerto Rico during the fiscal year 
     immediately prior to the proclamation of independence, 
     whichever shall be greater.
       (3) Decrease in amount.--The annual block grants shall 
     decrease thereafter on a straight-line basis, at the rate of 
     ten percent each year, beginning on the eleventh fiscal year 
     after the proclamation of independence. At any time during 
     the aforementioned transition period the terms of this 
     subsection may be modified by agreement between the United 
     States and the nation of Puerto Rico.

    TITLE II--TRANSITION AND IMPLEMENTATION -- SOVEREIGNTY IN FREE 
                   ASSOCIATION WITH THE UNITED STATES

     SEC. 201. CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.

       (a) Election of Delegates.--Not later than 6 months after 
     the effective date of certification of a plebiscite result 
     under this Act in favor of Sovereignty in Free Association 
     with the United States, the legislature of Puerto Rico shall 
     provide for the election of delegates to a constitutional 
     Convention to formulate and draft a Constitution for the 
     nation of Puerto Rico.
       (b) Eligible Voters.--All eligible voters may vote in the 
     election of delegates to the constitutional Convention.
       (c) General Applicability of Electoral Law.--The laws of 
     the territory of Puerto Rico relating to the electoral 
     process shall apply to a special election held under this 
     Act.
       (d) Initial Meeting.--Not later than 3 months after the 
     election of delegates to the constitutional Convention, the 
     elected delegates shall meet at such time and place as the 
     legislature of Puerto Rico shall determine. The initial 
     meeting shall constitute the establishment of the 
     constitutional Convention.

     SEC. 202. CHARACTER OF THE CONSTITUTION.

       The constitutional Convention under section 201 shall 
     formulate and draft a Constitution for Puerto Rico that 
     guarantees the protection of fundamental human rights, 
     including--
       (1) due process and equal protection under the law;
       (2) freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, and 
     religion;
       (3) the rights of the accused;
       (4) any other economic, social, and cultural rights as the 
     constitutional Convention may deem appropriate and necessary; 
     and
       (5) provisions to ensure that no individual born in the 
     nation of Puerto Rico shall be stateless at birth.

     SEC. 203. SUBMISSION; RATIFICATION.

       (a) Submission.--Not later than 2 years after the 
     establishment of the constitutional Convention, the 
     Constitution formulated and drafted by the constitutional 
     Convention shall be submitted to the eligible voters of 
     Puerto Rico for ratification or rejection in a special 
     election.
       (b) Manner of Election.--The special election held under 
     this subsection shall be held in the manner prescribed by the 
     legislature of Puerto Rico.

     SEC. 204. ELECTION OF OFFICERS.

       (a) In General.--Not later than one month after the 
     ratification of the Constitution under section 203, the 
     Governor of the territory of Puerto Rico shall issue a 
     proclamation calling for the election of such officers of the 
     nation of Puerto Rico as may be required by the ratified 
     Constitution.
       (b) Rejection.--If the special election results in 
     rejection of the Constitution, the process provided for in 
     sections 201 through 203 shall be repeated, except that 
     section 201(a) shall be applied by substituting--
       (1) ``the special election'' for ``a plebiscite''; and
       (2) ``rejecting the Constitution'' for ``in favor of 
     sovereignty in free association with the United States''.
       (c) Deadline; Procedures.--The election under subsection 
     (a) shall be held--
       (1) not later than 6 months after the date of ratification 
     of the Constitution; and
       (2) in accordance with the procedures and requirements 
     established in the Constitution of the nation of Puerto Rico.
       (d) Certification of Results.--Not later than 10 days after 
     the election of officers under subsection (a), the Elections 
     Commission shall certify the results of the election. The 
     Governor of the territory of Puerto Rico shall inform the 
     results of the election to the President of the United 
     States, the President pro tempore of the United States 
     Senate, the Speaker of the United States House of 
     Representatives, the Committee on Energy and Natural 
     Resources of the Senate, and the Committee on Natural 
     Resources of the House of Representatives.

     SEC. 205. PROCLAMATIONS BY PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES; 
                   HEAD OF STATE OF PUERTO RICO.

       (a) Proclamation.--Not later than one month after the 
     official certification of the elected officers of the nation 
     of Puerto Rico under section 204, the President of the United 
     States shall by proclamation--
       (1) withdraw and surrender all rights of possession, 
     supervision, jurisdiction, control, or sovereignty then 
     existing and exercised by the United States over the 
     territory and residents of Puerto Rico;
       (2) recognize, on behalf of the United States of America, 
     the international sovereignty through free association of the 
     nation of Puerto Rico and the authority of the government 
     instituted by eligible voters of Puerto Rico under the 
     Constitution of their own adoption; and
       (3) state that the effective date of withdrawal of the 
     sovereignty of the United States and recognition of 
     international sovereignty through free association shall be 
     the same as the date of the proclamation.
       (b) Copy of Proclamation Forwarded.--The President of the 
     United States shall forward a copy of the proclamation issued 
     under subsection (a) not later than one week after signature 
     to the presiding officer of the Constitutional Convention of 
     Puerto Rico, the officer elected as head of state of the 
     nation, the President pro tempore of the United States 
     Senate, the Speaker of the United States House of 
     Representatives, the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural 
     Resources, and the House Committee on Natural Resources.
       (c) Date Government To Take Office.--Not later than one 
     week after the date of receipt of the Presidential 
     proclamation and with the advice of the officer elected as 
     head of state of the nation, the presiding officer of the 
     constitutional Convention shall determine the date on which 
     the Government of the nation shall take office, and shall so 
     notify the Governor of the territory of Puerto Rico, the 
     President of the United States, the President pro tempore of 
     the United States Senate, and the Speaker of the United 
     States House of Representatives.

     SEC. 206. LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS.

       Upon the proclamation of international sovereignty through 
     free association as provided in this title, and except as 
     otherwise provided in this title or in any separate 
     agreements thereafter concluded between the United States and 
     the nation of Puerto Rico--
       (1) all property, rights and interests which the United 
     States may have acquired over Puerto Rico by virtue of the 
     Treaty of Paris of 1898, and thereafter by cession, purchase, 
     or eminent domain, with the exception of such land and other 
     property, rights, or interests as may have been sold or 
     otherwise legally disposed of prior to the proclamation of 
     international sovereignty through free association, shall 
     vest ipso facto in the nation of Puerto Rico; and
       (2) except as provided in section 209, all laws of the 
     United States applicable to the territory of Puerto Rico 
     immediately prior to the proclamation of international 
     sovereignty through free association shall no longer apply in 
     the nation of Puerto Rico.

     SEC. 207. JUDICIAL PRONOUNCEMENTS.

       (a) Judgments Before Proclamation.--The nation of Puerto 
     Rico shall recognize and give effect to all orders and 
     judgments rendered by United States or territorial courts 
     before the date of the proclamation of international 
     sovereignty through free association pursuant to the laws of 
     the United States then applicable to the territory of Puerto 
     Rico.
       (b) Continuity of Pending Proceedings.--All judicial 
     proceedings pending in the courts of the territory of Puerto 
     Rico on the day of the proclamation of international 
     sovereignty through free association shall be continued in 
     the corresponding courts under the Constitution of the nation 
     of Puerto Rico.
       (c) Transfer of Judicial Power.--Upon the proclamation of 
     international sovereignty through free association, the 
     judicial power of the United States shall no longer extend to 
     Puerto Rico. All proceedings pending in the United States 
     District Court for the District of Puerto Rico shall be 
     transferred to the corresponding Puerto Rican courts of 
     competence or other competent judicial authority under the 
     Constitution of the nation of Puerto Rico for disposition in 
     conformity with laws applicable at the time when the 
     controversy in process arose. All proceedings pending in the 
     United States Court of Appeals for the First Circuit, or in 
     the Supreme Court of the United States, that initiated in, or 
     that could have been initiated in, the courts of the 
     territory or in the United States District Court for the 
     District of Puerto

[[Page H9871]]

     Rico shall continue until their final disposition and shall 
     be submitted to the competent authority of the nation of 
     Puerto Rico for proper execution: Provided, That neither the 
     United States nor any of its officers is a party, in which 
     case any final judgment shall be properly executed by the 
     competent authority of the United States.

     SEC. 208. CITIZENSHIP AND IMMIGRATION LAWS AFTER SOVEREIGNTY 
                   THROUGH FREE ASSOCIATION.

       (a) In General.--
       (1) Puerto rican nationality.--After the proclamation of 
     international sovereignty through free association, the 
     citizenship status of each individual born in Puerto Rico 
     shall be determined in accordance with the Constitution and 
     laws of the nation of Puerto Rico.
       (2) United states immigration laws.--Except as described in 
     this section, after the proclamation of international 
     sovereignty through free association, citizens of Puerto Rico 
     seeking to enter into the United States or obtain citizenship 
     in the United States shall be subject to the immigration laws 
     of the United States (as such term is defined in section 101 
     of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101)).
       (b) Effect of Puerto Rican Citizenship.--Nothing in this 
     Act precludes or limits the applicability of section 349 of 
     the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1481), except 
     that the provision of citizenship by the laws of Puerto Rico 
     shall not constitute or otherwise serve as the basis of loss, 
     or relinquishment of United States citizenship under such 
     section.
       (c) Citizenship at Birth After Sovereignty.--
       (1) In general.--Except as described in paragraph (2), an 
     individual born in Puerto Rico after the proclamation of 
     international sovereignty through free association to at 
     least one parent who became a United States citizen under 
     section 302 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 
     1402) is not a United States citizen at birth under 
     subsections (c), (d), or (g) of section 301 of the 
     Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1401 (c), (d) or 
     (g)).
       (2) Transition period.--During the implementation of the 
     first Articles of Free Association, an individual born in 
     Puerto Rico to at least one parent who is a citizen of the 
     United States shall be a United States citizen at birth under 
     section 301 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 
     1401) if otherwise eligible.
       (d) Travel and Work Authorization.--
       (1) Any person in the following categories may enter, 
     lawfully engage in occupations, and establish residence as a 
     nonimmigrant in the United States and its territories and 
     possessions without regard to paragraphs (5)(A) and (7) of 
     section 212(a) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 
     U.S.C. 1182(a); (5)(A) and (7)):
       (A) a person who acquires the citizenship of Puerto Rico, 
     at birth, on or after the effective date of international 
     sovereignty through free association; or
       (B) a naturalized citizen of Puerto Rico, who has been an 
     actual resident there for not less than five years after 
     attaining such naturalization and who holds a proof of such 
     residence.
     Such persons shall be considered to have the permission of 
     the Secretary of Homeland Security to accept employment in 
     the United States.
       (2) The right of such persons to establish habitual 
     residence in a territory or possession of the United States 
     may, however, be subjected to nondiscriminatory limitations 
     provided for--
       (A) in statutes or regulations of the United States; or
       (B) in those statutes or regulations of the territory or 
     possession concerned which are authorized by the laws of the 
     United States.
       (3) This subsection shall expire upon the termination of 
     the Articles of Free Association in accordance with section 
     211.
       (e) Conforming Amendments.--
       (1) In general.--Section 101 of the Immigration and 
     Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101) is amended by striking 
     ``Puerto Rico,'' in subsection (a) paragraph (36) and in 
     subsection (a) paragraph (38).
       (2) Prior to sovereignty.--Puerto Rico shall be considered 
     to be in the United States, as such term is defined in 
     section 101(a)(38) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 
     U.S.C. 1101(a)(38)) prior to the date of international 
     sovereignty through free association.
       (f) Rule of Construction.--Nothing in this section shall 
     limit the power and authority of the United States to change 
     policy requirements for United States citizenship.

     SEC. 209. CONFORMING AMENDMENTS TO EXISTING LAW.

       (a) Review.--Not later than 30 days after the initial 
     meeting of a constitutional Convention under section 201(d), 
     the President shall initiate a review of Federal law with 
     respect to Puerto Rico, including those regarding--
       (1) taxation of persons and businesses;
       (2) health care;
       (3) housing;
       (4) transportation;
       (5) education; and
       (6) entitlement programs.
       (b) Recommendations.--Not later than one year after the 
     date on which the President initiates a review under 
     subsection (a), the President shall submit recommendations to 
     Congress for changes to Federal law identified during such 
     review, as the President deems appropriate.

     SEC. 210. BILATERAL NEGOTIATING COMMISSION.

       (a) In General.--If a plebiscite held under this Act 
     results in a majority vote for sovereignty in free 
     association with the United States, there shall be a 
     Bilateral Negotiating Commission which shall conduct 
     negotiations on Articles of Free Association with the United 
     States.
       (b) Members.--Not later than 3 months after the 
     establishment of the constitutional Convention under section 
     201--
       (1) the Convention shall elect, by majority vote, 5 members 
     from among its delegates to join the Bilateral Negotiating 
     Commission on behalf of Puerto Rico; and
       (2) the President of the United States shall designate 5 
     members to the Bilateral Negotiating Commission, one of whom 
     shall also be nominated for the rank of Ambassador, to 
     negotiate on behalf of the United States.
       (c) Initial Meeting.--Not later than 3 months after the 
     election and designation of members to the Bilateral 
     Negotiating Commission, members shall meet at such time and 
     place as the legislature of Puerto Rico shall determine. Such 
     meeting shall constitute the establishment of the Bilateral 
     Negotiating Commission.
       (d) Duties.--The Bilateral Negotiating Commission shall--
       (1) be responsible for expediting the orderly transfer of 
     all functions currently exercised by the Government of the 
     United States in Puerto Rico, to Puerto Rico, and shall 
     recommend to Congress any appropriate legislation to carry 
     into effect such transfer, including any appropriate enabling 
     legislation as may be required by the Articles of Free 
     Association;
       (2) negotiate all matters pertaining to the government-to-
     government relationship between Puerto Rico and the United 
     States through the development of the Articles of Free 
     Association, including foreign affairs, trade, finance, 
     taxation, currency, economic assistance, security and 
     defense, dispute resolution, immigration, economic benefits 
     (including grants), and termination of the free association 
     status; and
       (3) endeavor to complete the Articles of Free Association 
     not later than 2 years after the commencement of the 
     constitutional Convention.
       (e) Collaboration.--The Government of the territory of 
     Puerto Rico and the agencies of the Government of the United 
     States shall collaborate with the Bilateral Negotiating 
     Commission to provide for the orderly transfer of the 
     functions of government as required by the Articles of Free 
     Association.

     SEC. 211. ARTICLES OF FREE ASSOCIATION APPROVAL AND EFFECTIVE 
                   DATE.

       (a) Approval.--The Articles of Free Association shall come 
     into effect upon mutual agreement between the Government of 
     the United States and the Government of Puerto Rico after 
     completion of approval by--
       (1) a separate ratification vote on the Articles by the 
     eligible voters in the special election held under section 
     203; and
       (2) the Government of the United States in accordance with 
     its constitutional processes.
       (b) Rejection.--If the special election under subsection 
     (a)(1) results in rejection of the Articles of Free 
     Association, the process provided for in section 210 and 
     subsection (a) shall be repeated.

     SEC. 212. TERMINATION.

       The Articles of Free Association between the United States 
     and Puerto Rico may be terminated at will by either party at 
     any time.

     SEC. 213. INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS TO ECONOMIC BENEFITS AND GRANTS.

       (a) Rights and Benefits.--All vested rights and benefits 
     which accrue to residents of the territory of Puerto Rico 
     under the laws of the United States from past services or 
     contributions, such as rights and benefits for veterans or 
     relatives of veterans of the Armed Forces of the United 
     States, retired Government employees, or beneficiaries of old 
     age, disability, or survivors' insurance benefits under the 
     Social Security Act, shall not be interrupted after the 
     proclamation of international sovereignty through free 
     association but will continue until such time as said rights 
     and benefits are completely extinguished according to the 
     applicable laws of the United States. All services which must 
     be rendered as part of these rights and benefits shall be 
     made available through the Government of the nation of Puerto 
     Rico in accordance with agreements reached by the two 
     nations.
       (b) Social Security System.--Notwithstanding subsection 
     (a), all contributions made by employees and employers in 
     Puerto Rico to the Social Security system with respect to 
     persons who, upon the proclamation of international 
     sovereignty through free association, are residents of the 
     nation of Puerto Rico and are not yet eligible for old age, 
     disability, or survivors' insurance benefits under the 
     system, shall be transferred to the Government of the nation 
     of Puerto Rico once said Government establishes its own 
     social security system. The Government of the nation of 
     Puerto Rico may not use these funds for any purpose other 
     than the establishment and operation of a social security 
     system. Upon the transfer described herein, the obligations 
     of the United States Government under the Social Security Act 
     with respect to such residents of the nation of Puerto Rico 
     shall cease.
       (c) Other Federal Transfer Payments.--All other Federal 
     transfer payments to individuals and to the Government of the 
     territory of Puerto Rico shall be maintained in the form of 
     annual block grants to be used discretionally by the 
     Government of the nation of Puerto Rico--
       (1) during the 10 fiscal years following the proclamation 
     of international sovereignty through free association, the 
     annual block grants shall amount to the annual aggregate 
     funding of all programs which currently extend to the 
     territory of Puerto Rico, or of all programs which shall have 
     been extended to the territory of Puerto Rico during the 
     fiscal year immediately prior to the proclamation of 
     international sovereignty through free association, whichever 
     shall be greater; and
       (2) the annual block grants shall decrease thereafter on a 
     straight-line basis, at the rate of ten percent each year, 
     beginning on the eleventh fiscal year after the proclamation 
     of international sovereignty through free association. At any 
     time during the aforementioned transition period the terms of 
     this subsection may be modified by agreement between the 
     United States and the nation of Puerto Rico.

[[Page H9872]]

       (d) Revision.--The terms and conditions of this subsection 
     may be revised as part of an agreement under the Articles of 
     Free Association.

         TITLE III--TRANSITION AND IMPLEMENTATION -- STATEHOOD

     SEC. 301. PRESIDENTIAL PROCLAMATION; ADMISSION INTO THE 
                   UNION.

       If a plebiscite held under this Act results in a majority 
     vote for statehood:
       (1) Presidential proclamation; date of admission.--Upon 
     receipt of the Elections Commission's certification of the 
     plebiscite results pursuant to section 5(d), the President 
     shall issue a proclamation declaring the date that Puerto 
     Rico is admitted as a State of the Union on an equal footing 
     with all other States, which shall be a date not later than 
     one year after the effective date of the plebiscite results.
       (2) Submission of proclamation.--The President shall cause 
     such proclamation to be submitted to the Governor of Puerto 
     Rico, the legislature of Puerto Rico, the President pro 
     tempore of the United States Senate, the Speaker of the 
     United States House of Representatives, the Senate Committee 
     on Energy and Natural Resources, and the House Committee on 
     Natural Resources.
       (3) Admission into the union.--Subject to the provisions of 
     this Act, and upon the date declared by the President for 
     admission of Puerto Rico as a State under the proclamation 
     under paragraph (1), the territory of Puerto Rico shall be a 
     State of the United States of America and as such admitted 
     into the Union on an equal footing with the other States in 
     all respects. Upon admission, Puerto Rico shall be known as 
     the State of Puerto Rico.
       (4) Incorporation.--Puerto Rico shall remain unincorporated 
     until its admission as a State of the Union under paragraph 
     (3).

     SEC. 302. CONFORMING AMENDMENTS TO EXISTING LAW.

       (a) Review.--Not later than 30 days after the certification 
     of a plebiscite result under this Act in favor of statehood, 
     the President shall initiate a review of Federal law with 
     respect to Puerto Rico, including those regarding--
       (1) taxation of persons and businesses;
       (2) health care;
       (3) housing;
       (4) transportation;
       (5) education; and
       (6) entitlement programs.
       (b) Recommendations.--Not later than one year after the 
     date on which the President initiates a review under 
     subsection (a), the President shall submit any 
     recommendations to Congress for changes to Federal law 
     identified during such review, as the President deems 
     appropriate.

     SEC. 303. TERRITORY AND BOUNDARIES.

       The State of Puerto Rico shall consist of all of the 
     islands, together with their appurtenant reefs, seafloor, 
     submerged lands, and territorial waters in the seaward 
     boundary, presently under the jurisdiction of the territory 
     of Puerto Rico.

     SEC. 304. CONSTITUTION.

       (a) In General.--The Constitution of the territory of 
     Puerto Rico, as approved by Public Law 82-447 and 
     subsequently amended as of the date of enactment of this Act 
     is hereby found to be republican in form and in conformity 
     with the Constitution of the United States and the principles 
     of the Declaration of Independence, and is hereby accepted, 
     ratified, and confirmed as the Constitution of the State of 
     Puerto Rico.
       (b) Future Constitutions.--The Constitution of the State of 
     Puerto Rico--
       (1) shall always be republican in form; and
       (2) shall not be repugnant to the Constitution of the 
     United States and the principles of the Declaration of 
     Independence.

     SEC. 305. ELECTIONS OF SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES, 
                   CERTIFICATION, AND LEGAL DISPUTES.

       (a) Elections of Senators and Representatives.--Not more 
     than one month after the proclamation under section 301, the 
     Governor of Puerto Rico shall issue a declaration that shall 
     designate and announce the dates and other requirements for 
     primary and general elections under applicable Federal and 
     local law for representation in the Senate and the House of 
     Representatives of the United States upon admission of Puerto 
     Rico as a State.
       (b) Resident Commissioner.--The office of Resident 
     Commissioner of Puerto Rico shall cease to exist upon the 
     swearing in of the first Representative from the State of 
     Puerto Rico to the House of Representatives.
       (c) Senators and Representatives.--
       (1) In general.--Upon its admission into the Union, the 
     State of Puerto Rico shall be entitled to Senators and 
     Representatives who shall be entitled to be admitted to seats 
     in the Congress of the United States and to all the rights 
     and privileges of Senators and Representatives of the other 
     States in the Congress of the United States.
       (2) First election of senators.--In the first election of 
     Senators, the two senatorial offices shall be separately 
     identified and designated, and no person may be a candidate 
     for both offices. Nothing in this section shall impair the 
     privilege of the Senate to determine the class and term to 
     which each of the Senators elected shall be assigned, with 
     the exception that the Senators shall not be in the same 
     class.
       (3) First election of representatives.--In the first 
     election of Representatives, and subsequent elections until 
     the next Census-based reapportionment cycle, the State of 
     Puerto Rico shall be entitled to the same number of 
     Representatives as the State whose most recent Census 
     population was closest to, but less than, that of Puerto 
     Rico, and such Representatives shall be in addition to the 
     membership of the House of Representatives as now prescribed 
     by law. Any such increase in the membership shall not operate 
     to either increase or decrease the permanent membership of 
     the House of Representatives as prescribed in the Act of 
     August 8, 1911 (37 Stat. 13), nor shall such temporary 
     increase affect the basis of apportionment established by the 
     Act of November 15, 1941 (55 Stat. 761), for the 83d Congress 
     and each Congress thereafter, unless Congress acts to 
     increase the total number of Members of the House of 
     Representatives. Thereafter, the State of Puerto Rico shall 
     be entitled to such number of Representatives as provided for 
     by applicable law based on the next reapportionment. The 
     apportionment of congressional districts for the first 
     election and subsequent election of Representatives shall be 
     conducted as provided for by the Constitution and laws of the 
     State of Puerto Rico for state legislative districts.
       (d) Certification of Results.--The Elections Commission 
     shall certify the results of primary and general elections 
     for representation in the Senate and the House of 
     Representatives of the United States to the Governor. Not 
     later than 10 days after the date of each certification, the 
     Governor shall declare the results of the primary and general 
     elections, and transmit the results of each election to the 
     President of the United States, the President pro tempore of 
     the Senate, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives.
       (e) Jurisdiction of District Court.--The United States 
     District Court for the District of Puerto Rico shall have 
     original and exclusive jurisdiction of any civil action 
     alleging a dispute or controversy pertaining to electoral 
     processes conducted under this section.

     SEC. 306. STATE TITLE TO LAND AND PROPERTY.

       (a) State Title.--The State of Puerto Rico and its 
     political subdivisions and dependencies shall have and retain 
     title to all property, real and personal, held by the 
     territory of Puerto Rico and its political subdivisions and 
     dependencies on the date of the admission of Puerto Rico into 
     the Union.
       (b) Federal Title.--Any lands and other properties that, as 
     of the date of admission of Puerto Rico into the Union, are 
     set aside pursuant to law for the use of the United States 
     under any--
       (1) Act of Congress;
       (2) Executive order;
       (3) proclamation of the President; or
       (4) proclamation of the Governor of the territory of Puerto 
     Rico,
     shall remain the property of the United States.
       (c) Continental Shelf.--The State of Puerto Rico shall have 
     the exclusive right to explore, exploit, lease, possess, and 
     use all seabed, natural, and mineral resources lying within 
     three marine leagues (nine nautical miles) from its shore, as 
     granted under section 8 of the Act of March 2, 1917 (48 
     U.S.C. 749; 39 Stat. 954). All other rights of sovereignty in 
     regards to the continental shelf and waters, shall belong to 
     the United States, except those already vested in Puerto 
     Rico.

     SEC. 307. CONTINUITY OF LAWS, GOVERNMENT, AND OBLIGATIONS.

       Upon the admission of the State of Puerto Rico into the 
     Union:
       (1) Continuity of laws.--All of the territorial laws in 
     force in Puerto Rico on the date of issuance of the 
     proclamation described in section 301(1) not inconsistent 
     with this Act or the Constitution of the State of Puerto Rico 
     shall be and continue in force and effect throughout the 
     State, until amended, modified, or repealed by the State. All 
     of the laws of the United States shall have the same force 
     and effect within the State as in the other several States.
       (2) Continuity of government.--The individuals holding 
     legislative, executive, and judicial offices of Puerto Rico 
     shall continue to discharge the duties of their respective 
     offices when Puerto Rico becomes a State of the Union in, 
     under, or by authority of the government of the State, as 
     provided by the constitution and laws of the State.
       (3) Continuity of obligations.--All contracts, obligations, 
     liabilities, debts, and claims of the territory of Puerto 
     Rico and its instrumentalities at the moment of admission 
     shall continue in full force and effect as the contracts, 
     obligations, liabilities, debts, and claims of the State of 
     Puerto Rico and its instrumentalities when Puerto Rico 
     becomes a State of the Union.
       (4) Use and enjoyment of property.--All laws of the United 
     States reserving to the United States the free use or 
     enjoyment of property which vests in or is conveyed to the 
     State of Puerto Rico or its political subdivisions pursuant 
     to this section or reserving the right to alter, amend, or 
     repeal laws relating thereto, shall cease to be effective.

     SEC. 308. JUDICIAL PRONOUNCEMENTS.

       (a) Pending.--No writ, action, indictment, cause, or 
     proceeding pending in any court of the territory of Puerto 
     Rico, shall abate by reason of the admission of the State of 
     Puerto Rico into the Union, but shall proceed within such 
     appropriate State courts as shall be established under the 
     Constitution of the State of Puerto Rico, or shall continue 
     in the United States District Court for the District of 
     Puerto Rico, as the nature of the case may require.
       (b) Not Yet Pending.--All civil causes of action and all 
     criminal offenses, which shall have arisen or been committed 
     before the admission of the State, but as to which no writ, 
     action, indictment, or proceeding shall be pending at the 
     date of such admission, shall be subject to prosecution in 
     the appropriate State courts or in the United States District 
     Court for the District of Puerto Rico in like manner, to the 
     same extent, and with like right of appellate review, as if 
     such State had been created and such State courts had been 
     established prior to the accrual of such causes of action or 
     the commission of such offenses. The admission of the State 
     shall effect no change in the procedural or substantive laws 
     governing causes of action and criminal offenses which shall 
     have arisen or

[[Page H9873]]

     been committed, and any such criminal offenses as shall have 
     been committed against the laws of the territory of Puerto 
     Rico, shall be tried and punished by the appropriate courts 
     of the State, and any such criminal offenses as shall have 
     been committed against the laws of the United States shall be 
     tried and punished in the United States District Court for 
     the District of Puerto Rico.
       (c) Appeals.--Parties shall have the same rights of 
     judicial review of final decisions of the United States 
     District Court for the District of Puerto Rico or the Supreme 
     Court of Puerto Rico, in any case finally decided prior to 
     the admission of the State of Puerto Rico into the Union, 
     whether or not an appeal therefrom shall have been perfected 
     prior to such admission. The United States Court of Appeals 
     for the First Circuit and the Supreme Court of the United 
     States, shall have the same jurisdiction in such cases as by 
     law provided prior to the admission of the State into the 
     Union. Any mandate issued subsequent to the admission of the 
     State, shall be to the United States District Court for the 
     District of Puerto Rico or a court of the State, as 
     appropriate. Parties shall have the same rights of appeal 
     from and appellate review of all orders, judgments, and 
     decrees of the United States District Court for the District 
     of Puerto Rico and of the Supreme Court of Puerto Rico, in 
     any case pending at the time of admission of the State into 
     the Union, and the Supreme Court of Puerto Rico and the 
     Supreme Court of the United States shall have the same 
     jurisdiction therein, as by law provided in any case arising 
     subsequent to the admission of the State into the Union.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The bill shall be debatable for 1 hour 
equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority member 
of the Committee on Natural Resources or their respective designees.
  The gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Grijalva) and the gentleman from 
Arkansas (Mr. Westerman) each will control 30 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Grijalva).


                             General Leave

  Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks 
and include extraneous material on H.R. 8393.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Arizona?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Madam Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 8393, legislation I was 
proud to introduce along with my colleagues, Representatives Nydia 
Velazquez and Darren Soto, Resident Commissioner Jenniffer Gonzalez-
Colon, and Majority Leader Steny Hoyer, to resolve Puerto Rico's 
territorial status.
  This bill being on the floor today was far from assured. There were 
many times over the past several weeks when it appeared there wasn't 
any hope of ever bringing this bill to the floor. In fact, my 
colleagues and I were negotiating final changes as recently as 24 hours 
ago.
  But with the prodding of Leader Hoyer, we persevered. In spite of 
opposition to the historic nature of what we are about to accomplish, 
we persevered.
  I commend and congratulate my colleagues who put aside their 
philosophical differences and worked to arrive at a compromise that we 
can all support.
  Last year, the Natural Resources Committee held two legislative 
hearings where Puerto Rican-elected government officials, legal and 
human rights experts, and residents offered testimony and feedback to 
the committee on the details of those bills.
  Those bills that we were discussing were two bills, one dealing 
primarily with statehood status and the other one seeking a self-
determination path. Those two bills were diametrically opposed, and 
until the negotiations began, little progress was seen moving the 
question of status forward.
  The Puerto Rico Status Act combines important elements of these two 
bills to present a compromise that also incorporates input from the 
full range of voices among Puerto Rico's status debate and that would 
be supported by a majority of Members of Congress. That is the bill 
that we bring forward today.
  We had in-person public hearings, including with over 100 individuals 
who shared comments and suggestions on the text with the delegation at 
our public forum in Puerto Rico. In addition to these in-person 
opportunities for public input, we also published the draft text on 
POPVOX, an online submission tool that members of the public used to 
share more than 100 comments, all of which were reviewed and considered 
while developing the final language.
  The Puerto Rico Status Act is, therefore, the product of a 
participatory and informed process. It incorporates expertise and 
knowledge from a wide range of stakeholders who have grappled with the 
dilemma of Puerto Rico's second-class political status for many years.
  Finding a resolution to Puerto Rico's political status has been 
elusive and difficult, and it has been that way for a long time. Recent 
efforts to resolve the issue began in 1991 with competing bills 
introduced in the House and Senate, followed by legislation sponsored 
by our former colleague Don Young in 1998, and finally the Puerto Rico 
Democracy Act in 2010, sponsored by then-Puerto Rico Resident 
Commissioner and current Governor Pierluisi.
  While each of those previous bills passed the House, as we hope our 
bill will today, as well, they ultimately failed because they did not 
possess the necessary elements to end the colonial status of the island 
through a fair and informed process.
  In becoming chair of the Natural Resources Committee, I made the 
issue of resolving Puerto Rico's political status a priority. It is 
crucial to me that any proposal from Congress to decolonize Puerto Rico 
be informed and led by Puerto Ricans.
  As a non-Puerto Rican, I cannot claim the experience of Puerto Ricans 
who have fought for equality and autonomy for their island for so many 
years. However, as someone of Mexican descent and indigenous ancestry, 
I feel a sense of solidarity with the people of Puerto Rico in that 
enduring struggle. We continue to strive for equality and preserve our 
traditions, as we all do that, and that struggle is a shared experience 
among marginalized and disenfranchised people in this country and in 
Puerto Rico.
  I am proud to be discussing a piece of legislation, a proposal, today 
that assists the people of Puerto Rico to directly be involved in 
determining their political future.
  In recent years, we have seen all too painfully that the current 
colonial territory status is no longer viable and is incapable of 
providing either adequate political or economic benefits to the people 
of Puerto Rico.
  Puerto Rico's current status is what impedes its economic 
development. PROMESA and its financial oversight and management board, 
the shortcomings of the Puerto Rico Electric Power Authority, or PREPA, 
and the inadequate Federal response under the previous administration 
to disasters like Hurricane Maria and the COVID-19 pandemic, these are 
all products of the current territorial status.
  Recent Supreme Court rulings have only further clarified that, as a 
territory, Puerto Rico lacks the same constitutional protections and 
rights as in the 50 States.
  This bill would finally stop offering the problem as a continued 
solution and would let the people of Puerto Rico choose a nonterritory, 
noncolonial status for themselves.

  I am extremely grateful to all the political and community leaders, 
residents, and staff who worked to produce this compromise and 
contributed to this bill.
  I thank House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer; the Governor of Puerto 
Rico, Pedro Pierluisi; Representatives Velazquez, Soto, and Ocasio-
Cortez; and Resident Commissioner Gonzalez-Colon for their leadership 
and dedication throughout a difficult but very necessary process.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Madam Speaker, introduced in July 2022, H.R. 8393, the Puerto Rico 
Status Act, would authorize a federally sponsored plebiscite to occur 
on November 5, 2023, and it would dictate to the voters of Puerto Rico 
three and only three choices: independence, sovereignty and free 
association, or statehood. If no one option receives a majority vote, 
there will be a runoff on March 3, 2024.
  I cannot support this measure because of process concerns and wide-
ranging policy changes that involve the jurisdiction of the Natural 
Resources Committee, along with several

[[Page H9874]]

other House committees that haven't even seen this bill.
  The Committee on Natural Resources has not held a hearing on this 
bill, nor have the other committees with expertise on complex issues of 
U.S. citizenship, taxation and entitlement programs, foreign policy, 
and many other matters. None of them have been given an opportunity to 
openly consider, debate, and amend this bill.
  The question of Puerto Rico's political status is a life-altering 
decision for the people of Puerto Rico. Just as we would expect the 
people of Puerto Rico to deliberate its questions, understand its 
consequences, and accept responsibility for the choice, so should 
Congress.
  These issues are far too important for this body to act without 
proper deliberation. Because of the hasty and secretive process that 
was used to develop this bill, it contains many concerning and 
unresolved issues.
  The bill contradicts itself, offering Puerto Rico the promise of 
independence while prescribing actions that should be taken by the 
newly sovereign nation. How can you be independent yet have another 
nation dictate what your actions will be?
  It promises the trappings of U.S. citizenship without the 
responsibilities of being a part of the United States.
  It is unfortunate that we are here considering this legislation on 
the House floor after the majority has held backroom negotiations 
instead of open, transparent hearings and markups. A regular and open 
legislative process would have allowed Members of this body and the 
people of Puerto Rico--more than 3 million United States citizens--to 
fully assess what this bill proposes and what it means for this and 
future generations.
  In fact, the majority made changes to the bill that had even less 
consideration than the version ordered to be reported by the Committee 
on Natural Resources in July, cutting backroom deals as recently as 
this week.
  We learned this bill would be on the floor even before we had the 
text from the Rules Committee. We didn't even know what we would be 
debating when we learned this bill would be on the floor.
  Madam Speaker, there is a favorite Latin expression of mine. It is 
lux et veritas. It means light and truth. This body, this Congress, and 
this Federal Government could use a lot more light and truth.
  You see, without light, when you are in the darkness, you don't know 
what truth is. If you don't know what truth is, then you make bad 
policy decisions.
  Unfortunately, the lack of transparency seems to be par for the 
course in Congress anymore. This bill should have been debated. It 
should have had light shone on it.
  This is just bad policy. I don't see how anybody could read this bill 
and think that there are not problems with it, that there is not a lack 
of logic. There is incoherence in the text of the bill, and it is 
taking us to a position where we would make bad decisions.
  Here we are, just a week after this Chamber was left guessing what 
would be in the final NDAA and while we are currently guessing what 
will be in a last-minute omnibus spending bill that will, no doubt, be 
rolled out in the dark of night. This is another example of what is so 
broken about this process, what is so broken about the way this 
majority has led.
  If this majority were interested in helping Puerto Rico, we would be 
advancing legislation to address the reliability of the island's energy 
grid, ensure its fiscal solvency, repair its infrastructure, or meet 
any of the other tangible needs for the people of Puerto Rico.
  We should be treating these U.S. citizens with respect and letting a 
full and robust legislative process in the light of day take place to 
address the status question and the many implications for the people of 
Puerto Rico and for all Americans.
  Madam Speaker, I urge a ``no'' vote on H.R. 8393, and I reserve the 
balance of my time.

                              {time}  1115

  Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, the only point of darkness that I can 
see is the greatest democracy on Earth, the United States of America, 
and what this bill does is provides some light and consistency to that 
great democracy by saying you must rid yourself of this colonial 
legacy. Our great Nation should not be a colonial holder of other 
countries and other futures. This is an opportunity to break from that 
and to encourage democracy.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York 
(Ms. Velazquez). As I indicated earlier, my thanks go to her for her 
work, as well.
  Ms. VELAZQUEZ. Madam Speaker, for 124 years Puerto Rico, the nation 
where I was born and raised, has been a colony of the United States.
  Invaded by the United States during the 1898 Spanish-American War, 
Puerto Rico has remained in a state of colonial limbo that flies in the 
face of the anticolonial values upon which the American Republic was 
founded.
  Congress' unlimited plenary powers over Puerto Rico are reminiscent 
of the monarchical powers enjoyed by King George III against which the 
Founders of the American Republic so bravely fought.
  If Hamilton and Madison were alive today, they would be shocked to 
see how the anticolonial Constitution they drafted in 1787 is currently 
used to legitimize colonialism in Puerto Rico over 300 years later. 
Advocating now for the continuation of the status quo on the island is 
the height of hypocrisy.
  Colonialism has destroyed the Puerto Rican economy.
  Colonialism has divided the Puerto Rican people.
  Colonialism has eaten away our people's sense of dignity and self-
worth.
  Colonialism has made the people of Puerto Rico both psychologically 
and economically dependent on the United States.
  Colonialism is not only humiliating for Puerto Rico, but it is an 
embarrassment to the United States--the United States that holds itself 
out as a leader of the free world and that stands up to imperialist 
tyrants abroad while keeping colonies in the Caribbean and the Pacific.
  Puerto Rico's colonial crisis is not a simple domestic issue as some 
erroneously believe. Make no mistake, Madam Speaker, this is an 
international issue that directly affects America's standing and image 
around the world, which is why this double-talk must come to an end.
  The time has come to fully decolonize Puerto Rico. It has been 100 
years since the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Balzac--the last 
Insular Case--and 70 years after the ratification of the territorial 
constitution of 1952. History calls upon us to put politics aside and 
do right by the people of Puerto Rico.
  For the last 2 years, I have been tirelessly fighting to craft a bill 
for Puerto Rico that is anticolonial, fair, and transparent. A bill 
that will, first and foremost, put the people of Puerto Rico who--since 
the days of the 1898 invasion--have remained on the sideline front and 
center.
  From Puerto Rico to Florida, and, yes, to the barrios of New York--
the ones I am proud to represent--the voices of Boricuas are now 
finally being heard. Let us not forget that it is thanks to the vibrant 
Puerto Rican diaspora from Brooklyn, Queens, and the Bronx that my 
colleague, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and I are able to walk these Halls 
of Congress today.
  Today, I stand on the shoulders of millions of Puerto Ricans who had 
to flee Puerto Rico because its colonial condition has not allowed them 
to live on the island where they were born.
  But Puerto Ricans are strong. They have been kicked out of their home 
and yet have managed to succeed and flourish in cold and foreign places 
and have graced us with the likes of Lola Rodriguez de Tio, Maria 
Libertad Gomez, Nilita Vientos Gaston, Justice Sonia Sotomayor, Rita 
Moreno, Julia de Burgos, and Mari Carmen Aponte, among many others. I 
feel so honored to be here standing today on the shoulders of all these 
women and many others who have paved the way.
  More importantly, we are here today for the people on the island: 
those who suffer every day because the prices they pay for necessities 
like electricity and food are sky-high thanks to the Jones Act.
  We are here for those who have lost all their appliances time and 
time again because we have failed in helping the island to keep the 
lights on.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.

[[Page H9875]]

  

  Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the 
gentlewoman from New York.
  Ms. VELAZQUEZ. Madam Speaker, we are here for those who have lost 
loved ones after Maria, the earthquakes, COVID-19, and, most recently, 
Fiona.
  We are here today because we must move towards decolonization. The 
current status is unsustainable, fundamentally unfair, and un-American.
  The process that has led us to this moment has been contentious, 
complex, and full of debate. It is no secret that Members advocating 
for this bill, including myself, hold differing opinions on which 
noncolonial option is the best for the people of Puerto Rico.
  The consensus bill before us today clearly defines Puerto Rico's non-
territorial status options; namely, free association, independence, and 
statehood. It is the first time Congress recognizes free association as 
a separate decolonizing formula.
  More importantly, this bill includes dual citizenship rights under 
both the independence and free association options like we have in the 
Marshall Islands or Palau.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has again 
expired.
  Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the 
gentlewoman from New York.
  Ms. VELAZQUEZ. Madam Speaker, I fought hard for the incorporation of 
these provisions because Congress has the moral obligation to offer 
Puerto Rico the necessary tools to transition to a new postcolonial 
order. And, yes, that includes financial resources to make Puerto Rico 
whole after 124 years of exploitation of natural resources and 
environmental degradation.

  Madam Speaker, I want to take this time to thank Chairman Grijalva; 
the Resident Commissioner of Puerto Rico (Miss Gonzalez-Colon); 
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who has made incredible contributions to make 
this bill better and transparent; Congressman Soto; and the staff who 
worked day in and day out.
  Madam Speaker, I ask my colleagues to support this bill.
  Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Madam Speaker, I want to be as crystal clear as I can. I think this 
is not only my position, but I believe it is the position of everyone 
in the minority--the whole Republican Conference and I would hope it 
would be the position of all of the Democratic Caucus--that America is 
not a symbol of darkness.
  America is still a shining city on a hill. America offers more hope 
and more protections for freedom than anybody in the history of the 
world has offered and will continue to offer that. A country that is 
founded on the protection of life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness cannot be considered a country that is a symbol of darkness.
  I heard a lot of talk about colonialism. But passing a bill that 
tells a sovereign nation what its laws should be sounds a lot like 
colonialism to me.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. 
Bentz).
  Mr. BENTZ. Madam Speaker, let me ask this question: Will the United 
States be the better for adding Puerto Rico as a State?
  The answer is perhaps.
  The answer also is that we need to address the issue, and we need to 
address the issue correctly.
  I had the privilege of sitting through a discussion of this bill 6 
months ago. I was surprised when it abruptly appeared this morning, 
because back then I pointed out that as a practicing attorney, I have 
had many occasions to put together large business deals, and we used 
incredible care to bring those deals together.
  Yet, when I see something that is dealing with not only the 3.2 
million people in Puerto Rico but also the 340 million people in the 
United States being treated with such a cavalier nature, then I have to 
ask:
  Why do such a disservice not only to the United States but also 
Puerto Rico?
  I asked that question in committee.
  The bill fails to talk about and address U.S. sovereignty, U.S. 
elections, government benefits, taxation, immigration, and a myriad of 
other important issues, all of which need to be addressed. This is not 
to suggest that Puerto Rico at some point shouldn't be a State.
  The question is: How do we go about doing it?
  Because if we are going to add two more Senators and a number of 
other Representatives, if we are going to upset the structure of our 
Nation with this addition, then why aren't we doing the proper study to 
get it right?
  Because there is no reason for us to jump into something like this 
and upset the rest of our Nation.
  Why would we do such a thing?
  It makes no sense.
  I was sad to see this bill appear here today because I don't like 
getting up and talking this aggressively about hard work that has been 
done by the people of Puerto Rico and my good friends in the 
delegation. But the truth has to be called out. If we are going to add 
another State to this Nation, then let's do it right.
  Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).
  (Mr. HOYER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, I have been working on this issue almost 
all of my career in the Congress of the United States.
  The previous gentleman said: Let's do it right.
  This does it right. This does it after years and years and years and 
years and years of consideration.
  I hesitate because I agree, I think, almost in whole with the remarks 
that Mr. Westerman has made. Mr. Westerman is a Member of the Congress 
that I respect. He and I work on things that we think are very 
important to mankind, here in this country and around the world, in 
terms of our global environment.
  America is a great nation. It is a generous nation. I have said 
throughout the world that America is the least acquisitive great power 
that has existed in the world.
  What do I mean by acquisitive?
  We did not fight wars to take property and to acquire countries, to 
do what Putin criminally does today. In fact, what we did in those wars 
in which we have participated in was to build up countries, and they 
are now democracies: Germany, Japan, Italy, and other nations which we 
have occupied for a temporary period of time to make sure they were 
free and help them be free. This bill is about the Puerto Rican people 
and their island.

                              {time}  1130

  And to redeem a premise that we have argued to all the world ought to 
be central to their policies. That is the right of peoples to self-
determination. The right of peoples to say: This is who I am, and this 
is the political environment in which I want to live--by free votes, 
not arms, not force, but by the choice of the people. That is what this 
legislation does.
  Puerto Ricans and people of Puerto Rican descent have had an 
important place in the American family for over a century. They 
contribute to American culture. They help protect America's national 
security. They support the American economy and our shared prosperity.
  They are American citizens. We made that decision because that was 
our decision to make whether we were going to allow them to be American 
citizens or not. Frankly, whether they have any relationship with us or 
not is our American Congress' decision. They are today American 
citizens like all of us.
  For far too long, however, the people of Puerto Rico have been 
excluded from the full promise of American democracy and self-
determination that our Nation has always championed. We owe it to our 
own values, and we owe it to the Puerto Rican people to bring an end to 
their island's 124-year-old status as a U.S. territory.
  Less than us. Less than Maryland. Less than Virginia or Oregon or 
Texas or Maine or Washington State. Yes, they are citizens but less--
3\1/2\ million people are less. We hold these truths to be self-evident 
that all are created equal. Now, not all people ought to be U.S. 
citizens because of that comment, but all citizens ought to be equal. 
That

[[Page H9876]]

is why I am for D.C. statehood--700,000-plus people. Citizens. Our 
people.
  They are franchised if they move to Maryland and disenfranchised if 
they move from Maryland to D.C. That is not right. We passed a bill to 
say that was not right. This is another opportunity to give the people 
of Puerto Rico the ability to set it right, and we make that decision.
  The gentleman is correct. We don't have to give that right to Puerto 
Ricans, we make that decision, and we ought to make it. That is what 
this bill is about--making that decision to give our fellow citizens a 
choice--their choice, not our choice.
  The gentlewoman from New York, a wonderful, dear, close friend of 
mine, she and I have disagreed through the years as to what that choice 
ought to be. But what we agree on is it is not our choice; it is Puerto 
Rico's choice. That is why I am proud to bring the Puerto Rico Status 
Act to the floor today.
  This bipartisan legislation would organize and fund a binding, 
island-wide plebiscite that would allow the people of Puerto Rico to 
vote among these three options:
  Statehood. That would be my option. If I were a Puerto Rican and I 
were living in Port-au-Prince or wherever I was living, I would vote to 
be a State. That is not my choice, I don't live there, I am not in 
Puerto Rico. San Juan--I said Port-au-Prince. San Juan. It ought to be 
their choice, and that is what this bill does--statehood.
  Independence. They have a right to do that. They are either going to 
be a State or they will have a right to determine their own destiny, 
their own status, or as the bill also gives them an option to do, be a 
sovereign State with an association with our country.
  Now, that has to be done through agreement because we have to make 
that decision as well as the Puerto Ricans. That would have to be an 
agreement between us, and both sides would have to be willing partners 
to that agreement.
  Additionally, it would implement comprehensive, nonpartisan public-
education campaigns to help voters understand the implications of each 
option long before any ballots are cast.
  The gentlewoman from New York has made it an essential part of her 
argument that the people of Puerto Rico have to know what they are 
voting on and what the consequences of that vote will be. Ms. Ocasio-
Cortez has made that same point correctly.
  This bipartisan bill also includes a variety of oversight measures to 
ensure that the election is secure, transparent, and fair.
  I have long-believed that Puerto Ricans deserve the right to 
determine their political destiny. This is not a new concept for me. I 
don't think it is a new concept for any of us in this Congress. We 
believe in self-determination of peoples. We believe that dictators 
cannot impose upon people a government they do not choose. That is 
bedrock belief for us. That is what this bill is about.
  A group of House Members and senior Puerto Rican officials--I am 
honored that my former colleague and my dear friend is on the floor 
with us today, Pedro Pierluisi. The Governor has been selected by the 
people of Puerto Rico.
  I am honored to be the friend of and ally of the gentlewoman from 
Puerto Rico who is the Resident Commissioner from Puerto Rico, who has 
worked tirelessly with Nydia Velazquez, with the rest of us, in 
ensuring that the people of Puerto Rico have an honest, fair choice 
available to them to affect their status, and to reach the long-sought 
consensus on a path forward for self-determination.
  Madam Speaker, I thank Chairman Grijalva. This has been a long and 
torturous path because the disagreements about how we get to where we 
want to get are so difficult. Chairman Grijalva deserves great praise 
from all of us for his patience, for his knowledge, for his wisdom, for 
his role that he played in trying to bring this to a head. He has done 
it, it is here on this floor, and he is responsible for that.
  Madam Speaker, I thank the members of the Natural Resources Committee 
on both sides of the aisle, and I thank the staff for the work that 
they have done--tireless hours and difficult discussions, debates, and 
so much disharmony from all those, both the diaspora and those in 
Puerto Rico--strong feelings that had to be brought to bear to reach 
this consensus.
  Madam Speaker, I thank Chairwoman Nydia Velazquez; Representative 
Darren Soto, who is on the floor and perhaps is going to speak after 
me; Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez; the Puerto Rican Resident 
Commissioner that I have spoken of, Jenniffer Gonzalez-Colon; and you, 
Governor.

  Madam Speaker, the Governor and I have had the opportunity to work 
together when you were a Member of this House. We passed a bill that 
this House passed saying that the Puerto Rican people ought to have a 
choice, so this is not new. The previous gentleman wasn't here in 
Congress then--I don't know that, but I don't think he was. This is not 
new. This has not been done haphazardly. This has been done carefully 
with difficult efforts made by all parties.
  All of the people that I mentioned, I thank for their efforts to 
reach this historic consensus and action on behalf of the people of 
Puerto Rico. We are all in agreement that the decision must belong to 
the people of Puerto Rico alone. Their destiny ought to be up to them.
  The Puerto Rican Status Act, of which we will consider in just a few 
minutes, will give them that choice. They will have that choice only if 
we vote ``yes.'' If we do not vote ``yes'' today, I fear we may not 
vote ``yes'' for a very long time. The people of Puerto Rico would be 
held in a status that I believe the majority of them do not want to be 
in.
  Madam Speaker, I, therefore, ask all of my colleagues on both sides 
of the aisle to represent the values of America in this vote. The 
values that say to us that people have the inherent right to self-
determination, not to have it imposed upon them by force or by dictate 
of the Congress of the United States, but to choose a status of their 
choosing, of their desire, of their vision. Vote for this status bill, 
it represents the best of American values. We have a moral 
responsibility to do so.
  Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  I thank the distinguished gentleman, the leader of the Democratic 
Party, for his remarks. I agree with many things that he said. I think 
all of us would agree with many of the things that he stated. I was 
with him right up there until the part about using D.C. statehood as a 
metaphor with Puerto Rican statehood. If the gentleman wanted to talk 
about the residents of D.C., we can talk about taking those residential 
neighborhoods and commercial neighborhoods in D.C. and putting them 
back with the State of Maryland if that is an issue. D.C. statehood is 
totally different from Puerto Rican statehood, and it shouldn't even be 
brought into this discussion.
  The gentleman talked about the inherent right to self-determination. 
He said it is something that shouldn't be dictated by the Congress of 
the U.S. to the people of Puerto Rico. He said the decision belongs to 
the people of Puerto Rico. Their destiny belongs to them. I think we 
would all agree with that in principle, but that is not what this bill 
says.
  Section 102 talking about the independence option. I am reading 
directly from the bill: ``The constitutional convention under section 
101 shall formulate and draft a constitution for Puerto Rico that 
guarantees the protection of fundamental human rights . . . ''
  We all agree that should happen, but if they are an independent 
nation, what right do we have to tell them that? It says it shall 
include: ``Due process and equal protection under the law; freedom of 
speech, press, assembly, association, and religion; the rights of the 
accused; any other economic, social, and cultural rights as the 
constitutional convention may deem appropriate and necessary; and 
provisions to ensure that no individual born in the nation of Puerto 
Rico shall be stateless at birth.''
  I don't disagree with that, but if they vote for independence, what 
right do we have to dictate to them how they write their constitution 
and what is included in it?
  The other option of free association, section 202 of the bill: ``The 
constitutional convention under section 201 shall formulate and draft a 
constitution for Puerto Rico that guarantees

[[Page H9877]]

the protection of fundamental human rights . . . ''
  Again, if they have the sovereignty under a free association, what 
right does Congress have to dictate what their constitution will say? 
The leader's words that their destiny shouldn't be dictated by the U.S. 
Congress. Their destiny belongs to them. Yet, this bill tells them what 
they shall do if they vote for either of those options.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from Puerto Rico 
(Miss Gonzalez-Colon).

                              {time}  1145

  Miss GONZALEZ-COLON. Madam Speaker, today is a truly historic day for 
Puerto Rico. Ironically, it is also a perfect example of the island's 
colonial reality.
  I am Puerto Rico's only voice in Congress. I represent 3.2 million 
American citizens living back home, more constituents than anyone in 
this Chamber. Yet, while we consider a bill I helped write, a bill that 
will directly impact the life of every citizen I represent, I still 
must rely and depend on everybody here because I cannot vote on the 
floor. This is the best example of why this bill is so important for 
Puerto Rico.
  Today, Congress takes a step toward finally assuming its 
responsibility under Article IV, Section 3, Clause 2 of our 
Constitution to provide the people of Puerto Rico with an opportunity, 
a federally binding choice to democratically decide our future among 
three nonterritorial, constitutionally viable options: statehood, 
independence, and independence in association with the United States.
  For the first time in history, we are considering legislation that 
would authorize a self-executing plebiscite on the island. With the 
adoption of this bill, this Chamber is also recognizing and making 
clear that Puerto Rico's century-old territorial status is the problem 
and cannot be part of the solution.
  The territorial condition constrains the island's ability to prosper 
and has relegated the island to an indefinite second-class status when 
compared to the 50 States.
  This is the main reason behind social, economic, and physical 
challenges we have faced, forcing a mass exodus of millions of Puerto 
Ricans to the mainland in search of that equality.
  Congress has perpetuated by its inaction this dysfunctional 
political-economic condition, one that at its core is, as President 
Ronald Reagan once characterized it, ``historically unnatural.''
  Because we are a territory, the people of Puerto Rico lack full 
voting representation in the House and Senate and cannot vote for the 
President, who sends our sons and daughters to war.
  Because we are a territory, the Federal Government can, and often 
does, treat us unequally under Federal laws and programs.
  Because we are a territory, we are treated as second-class citizens.
  Because we are a territory, I am here today discussing a bill related 
to one of our most critical issues, yet I cannot vote on this bill. 
This is the reason this discussion is so important.
  I support statehood for the island, and our people have voted not 
once, not twice, but three times already supporting statehood.
  In response, I introduced H.R. 1522, which, following the most recent 
precedents of Alaska and Hawaii, would have established a process to 
admit the island as a State of the Union in a simple yes or no vote. 
However, given the political realities in this Congress, and in the 
interest of advancing the status issue, I led negotiations on this bill 
before us.
  This bill would make an offer to the people of Puerto Rico to choose. 
I prefer statehood, but this bill would allow the people to choose 
between statehood, independence, or independence in association with 
the United States, and spell out the consequences of each option.
  Of course, this bill is not perfect, but at least it will advance the 
issue.
  Today, I remember the late Congressman Don Young of Alaska, who 
understood better than anyone else the inequities that come with being 
a territory and always championed statehood for Puerto Rico.
  Madam Speaker, never has a U.S. territory had to wait longer than 
Puerto Rico to become an independent nation or to become a State, and 
we have voted three times for that. We have more than earned the right 
to do so.
  Today, as the sole representative of the people of the island, I urge 
my colleagues to vote for this bill, H.R. 8393, and allow us to finally 
put an end to our shameful territorial status.
  Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Soto), someone who, with other colleagues, worked through 
this difficult process and produced the consensus today.
  Mr. SOTO. Madam Speaker, it is time to set our people free. After 124 
years, it is past time for Americans in Puerto Rico to decide their own 
form of government.
  The Puerto Rico Status Act will finally allow Puerto Ricans to throw 
off their colonial bonds, finally end their territorial status and 
choose for themselves: statehood, independence, and sovereignty with 
free association. What a historic day today is in the U.S. House of 
Representatives.
  With the option of statehood, which is my preference, it is simple. 
Puerto Rico would become the 51st State in our Nation, with all the 
representation rights of our States.
  With independence, they would become an independent nation, a 
sovereign free to decide their own future.
  With sovereignty with free association, they would be an independent 
nation and would have the right to enter into a compact, a contract 
between the United States and Puerto Rico that would provide for 
citizenship for a limited time, foreign policy agreements, among other 
matters.
  The history of this bill this term is really important to discuss. We 
had two hearings that lasted a day each. We had bipartisan negotiations 
with the great leader on the Republican side, Jenniffer Gonzalez-Colon, 
the very voice of the island of Puerto Rico, along with my colleagues 
Nydia Velazquez, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, our great chairman here, 
and, of course, our leader.
  It is bipartisan. Just to make sure, we had another nearly daylong 
hearing, meeting with stakeholders on the island after the draft was 
released.
  Then, of course, we had a markup. That lasted all day. In fact, I 
can't think of a single bill that we have gotten out of the Natural 
Resources Committee that we spent more time on this term than this 
bill.

  Of course, we see a long history of discrimination against 
territories, or excuses for why territories shouldn't become States.
  With Texas, they said, ``Could a nation become a State?'' But they 
got in.
  With New Mexico, they talked about a majority Hispanic native State. 
It took them nearly 70 years. They got in.
  In Utah, there was religious discrimination. In Hawaii, it was a 
nation and a predominantly native island--Alaska, as well.
  One by one, we admitted these territories as States based upon their 
desire to join the Union.
  At this moment, I can't help but well up with emotion. I think about 
the brave, Borinqueneers, who fought in World War I, World War II, 
Korea. Puerto Ricans serve in our armed services to this day in greater 
numbers, in many instances, than States. Many died fighting for a 
country that organized them into segregated units, sent them there on 
orders of a Commander in Chief for whom they could not vote under our 
laws. Yet, as Puerto Ricans, as Americans, they did so proudly, 
sacrificing their lives for our freedom.
  I think about my trips to Iraq and Afghanistan during the global war 
on terror. I can never forget traveling through the vast desert of 
Kuwait and, upon landing at an isolated base, there was the Puerto 
Rican flag flying in the middle of the desert. You have to wonder, what 
were they doing there? It is out of love of this country that they were 
there.
  I was similarly welcomed by a Puerto Rican medical unit proudly 
serving in Afghanistan under constant threat of danger.
  I think about those families I met after Hurricane Maria and the 
devastation caused there, the most deadly disaster in modern history. 
That was a watershed moment for so many of us. It just showed how 
fragile the rights of those on the island were, recovering from Puerto 
Rico's worst disaster, with Hurricane Maria.

[[Page H9878]]

  I also think of my bisabuela, Altagracia Casanova. Born just after 
the turn of the 20th century, I met her for the first time when she was 
in her late eighties during my first trip to the island. I was only 3 
years old. We developed a close relationship, and she ultimately lived 
to 96 years old.
  Her life spanned nearly a century. All the while, she lived in a 
colonial territory as a second-class citizen in the greatest democracy 
in the world. What a tragedy. What an irony.
  I think about my abuela, Sara Casanova, who would come to the 
mainland every summer to spend time with us, teach us the language and 
history, enjoy our native food and music, and familiarize us with our 
family's native culture.
  She died right before my first successful primary to the Florida 
House of Representatives back in 2007. But before she passed, even with 
a fading memory, she read about the campaign in La Prensa and cried. 
She understood it was a historic moment for our family, a passing of 
the torch to the next generation.
  I carry that torch into this Chamber, and I ask you all to support 
freedom for our family back on the island, just like we expect for 
every other American.
  Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania (Mr. Smucker).
  Mr. SMUCKER. Madam Speaker, I am especially grateful to the ranking 
member for allowing me 2 minutes because he knows I am rising in 
support of this bill.
  I understand and completely agree with my friend, Mr. Westerman, who 
is a dear friend and who does a wonderful job as ranking member on this 
committee. I understand his frustration with this process because this 
did come up quickly. There are a lot of unanswered questions about what 
this will mean, depending on what the Puerto Rican people will choose.
  I agree with him when he said that America is a beacon of hope to the 
world, and it is a light to the world. I think that makes the case for 
why we should allow the Puerto Rican people to make their choice about 
their own future.
  I have heard concerns on our side about economic issues, taking on 
debt. I think this bill will specifically address that. Puerto Rico, if 
it chooses to be a State, would keep the debt. I would argue the 
opposite. Puerto Rico has been a territory since 1898, with 3.2 million 
American citizens. We have not provided them every tool we possibly can 
to ensure they can be prosperous.
  I have visited Puerto Rico. I have a large community in my district 
from Puerto Rico, who have family. I visited after the hurricane. I was 
grateful for the support that we were able to provide.
  But let's give every tool that we possibly can, including full 
citizenship in the United States of America, if that is what they 
choose, to be prosperous, to contribute to the American economy.

  I think we can look at this as a net positive. It will be a net 
positive if, indeed, Puerto Rico chooses to become the 51st State.
  Again, I am grateful for the work of the ranking member and the 
committee on this. It is not taken lightly to disagree with him on a 
particular issue. There will be other steps in this process.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
  Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the 
gentleman from Pennsylvania.
  Mr. SMUCKER. There will be other steps in this process during which I 
hope some of those real, legitimate questions can be answered.
  We should allow the Puerto Rican people to make their choice about 
their future. I know, certainly, the Puerto Rican population, who have 
families back in the community, this is what they are looking for. I am 
proud to stand with them and their family members if they have the 
opportunity to freely determine the future of their beloved island.
  Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman 
from New York (Ms. Ocasio-Cortez), one of the principals that worked on 
this consensus.
  Ms. OCASIO-CORTEZ. Madam Speaker, before I begin today, I would like 
to express and begin my remarks by expressing solidarity with other 
U.S. colonies, colonized people, indigenous communities, and 
descendants of the enslaved.
  Today represents a historic moment. While Puerto Rico is not the 
United States' only colony, it is its oldest. Today, for the first time 
in our Nation's history, the United States will acknowledge its role as 
a colonizing force and Puerto Rico's status as an extended colony.
  The Puerto Rico Status Act begins a process for Boricuas to decide 
their own future.
  In this bill, we have made historic and unprecedented gains. Never 
before have terms for independence and free association been so clearly 
defined, including ramifications for citizenship.
  This bill excludes the current unsustainable colonial status. It 
clarifies that U.S. birthright citizenship and transmission of 
citizenship remain the same in any event of status selection.

                              {time}  1200

  It provides 10 years of compensatory finance in the event of free 
association, and it also includes an agreement to international 
election observers over the course of a plebiscite.
  This bill has also achieved historic and unprecedented multiparty 
agreement on the island, including representatives from the 
Independence, Statehood, and Movimiento Victoria Parties. These gains 
are critically important to codify in precedent here in this House.
  I also want to acknowledge, rightfully, some of the criticisms of 
what is not in this bill. It is not perfect. But we have fought 
tirelessly to expand the transparency where previously there was less, 
and there is still more to go. It does not address reparations. It does 
not address the issues of Act 20, PROMESA, and LUMA, but I am confident 
that in solidarity with movements on the island, we will solve these 
issues and achieve those victories, as well.
  I also want to note that decolonization is more than a vote. It 
doesn't happen just with a vote. It is a social, political, cultural, 
economic, and psychological process that extends far beyond the floor 
of this House. That being said, the gains that are made here are a 
watershed moment.
  I thank, first and foremost, my incredible mentor, Representative 
Nydia Velazquez, who has fought for the people of Puerto Rico for her 
entire career and her entire life.
  I thank our other colleagues: Chairman Grijalva for elevating this 
issue, Leader Hoyer for making this a priority, as well as Resident 
Commissioner Gonzalez-Colon.
  I also thank grassroots advocacy organizations as well as our 
partners in the Independence, Free Association, and Statehood Parties. 
These gains are incredibly important, and they are a waypoint and a 
stepping stone for the future of our island. I think it sends a very 
strong message to all. For there to be any vote, prior to any vote, we 
hope that the energy of people both in the diaspora and on the island 
are here.
  Lastly, but certainly not least, as we ring out a refrain that is 
said among people across the world and Puerto Ricans across the world: 
``Yo si soy boricua, pa'que tu lo sepas,'' ``I am Puerto Rican, so you 
know.''
  Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is 
remaining?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Arkansas has 12 minutes 
remaining.
  The gentleman from Arizona has 6\1/2\ minutes remaining.
  Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  If there is one thing that I think has come out in this discussion is 
that there are problems with this bill. It is not a ``perfect piece of 
legislation.'' It needs work done on it.
  But we have to look at what the bill says. The way this bill is 
written, if it were to pass today, if it passes out of this House and 
it went through the process in the Senate, signed by the President, 
then we have abrogated all of our responsibilities and authority, 
because it doesn't come back to Congress for any kind of approval.
  So both sides have agreed, in a bipartisan manner, that this bill has 
problems, yet we are voting on it today to

[[Page H9879]]

say, with problems, that is okay; we are just going to go ahead and 
move it through the process, even though we have all recognized that 
there are problems with the bill.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from California 
(Mr. McClintock).
  Mr. McCLINTOCK. Madam Speaker, we have heard a lot about self-
determination today, but let's put that to the smell test.
  The options that the Democrats are presenting to the Puerto Rican 
people don't include the most obvious choice, to remain as a 
commonwealth. So if you prefer the status quo, you are completely out 
of luck. The Democrats have already decided you are not allowed to vote 
for that. That is not self-determination. That is rigging an election.
  Now, if none of the three options the Democrats have chosen for you 
gets 50 percent, then there is a runoff, even if the option dropped was 
the clear second choice of voters. And a narrow, transient majority 
seems to be most likely, since the November 2020 plebiscite scored just 
52.5 percent in favor of statehood, 47.5 percent opposed, with just 53 
percent turning out to vote. Completely ignored is the right of all the 
American people to discuss and decide so momentous and irreversible a 
question as this.
  Statehood would mean that in the next reapportionment, other States 
will lose a total of four seats in the House of Representatives in 
order to accommodate the Puerto Rican delegation.
  Only about 20 percent of the population is fluent in English, which 
means that we would be admitting a State whose vast majority is 
isolated from the national political debate that is central to our 
democracy.
  Nor will statehood solve Puerto Rico's economic problems. Residents 
would now have to pay all Federal income taxes from which they are 
currently exempt. The GAO estimates that would cost Puerto Rico 70 
percent of its existing manufacturing base. There is not even a CBO 
estimate of the cost to American taxpayers of admitting a chronically 
mismanaged and utterly bankrupt State government.
  The economy of Puerto Rico is expected to underperform the national 
economy, which is itself a disaster. For American taxpayers, it would 
mean a new State that has the lowest per capita income in the country 
and the largest per capita debt. Its labor participation rate is 40 
percent, compared to 62 percent nationally. Forty-three percent of the 
population lives below the poverty line. Its academic performance would 
be the worst in the Nation.
  So how does it benefit America to admit a State that would be the 
most indebted, uneducated, poorest, and least employed State in the 
Nation?

  We don't get to consider that question, because under this bill, 
Congress gets no further say in the matter once Puerto Rico has voted. 
That makes it a blanket abrogation of the responsibility of Congress to 
make these decisions in the best interest of all of the people of the 
United States.
  Whichever of the three options is chosen would be automatically 
enacted without any further debate or decision by Congress. It hands 
the constitutional authority reserved for the welfare of the entire 
Nation to the hands of what would be a narrow and transient majority in 
Puerto Rico.
  The only debate in Congress on Puerto Rican statehood is the debate 
that we are having right now, when the Nation is oblivious to the 
legislation or its implications. Our constituents will awaken across 
the country to the realization of a fait accompli that was quickly 
rushed through the very last days of session with no opportunity for 
national debate on the implications of making such a profound and 
permanent change in the fabric of our Nation. This is as cynical as it 
gets.
  If the motion to recommit is adopted, I will introduce an amendment 
that will require the question to be returned to the House for a full 
national debate on such a momentous issue and require a two-thirds vote 
to assure a broad, bipartisan consensus.
  Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of the 
amendment in the Record immediately prior to the vote on the motion to 
recommit.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from California?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the 
gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Castor).
  Ms. CASTOR of Florida. Madam Speaker, the people of Puerto Rico 
deserve to live in dignity with the freedom to determine their future. 
That is why I rise in support of the Puerto Rico Status Act.
  The act simply provides Puerto Ricans the opportunity to determine 
their future and choose whether statehood, independence, or sovereignty 
and free association makes the most sense for them.
  Colleagues, I hope we can all agree that we all value basic human 
rights, and that means, like every American citizen, our Puerto Rican 
neighbors deserve true representation, equal rights, and everything 
that flows from that.
  After Hurricane Maria devastated the island in 2017, boricuas in the 
Tampa Bay area came together to advocate for resources to rebuild the 
island. The disparate treatment became so plain at that time, but it 
has existed for decades, even as Puerto Ricans have given their life in 
service of America's freedom.
  So it is time that the territorial status of Puerto Rico be 
reexamined. It is unsustainable and cannot continue. Puerto Ricans 
deserve the opportunity to have their say.
  I thank Representatives Velazquez, Soto, Ocasio-Cortez, Gonzalez-
Colon, Leader Hoyer, and Chair Grijalva for crafting this landmark 
legislation for self-determination per the democratic values that we 
hold dear.
  Vote for self-determination and freedom and democracy for everyone. I 
urge you to adopt this bill.
  Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Our neighbors in Puerto Rico are American citizens. They are afforded 
the protections under the Constitution of the United States. I am from 
Arkansas. Arkansas was a territory at one time. There is a process for 
becoming a State.
  The American citizens in Puerto Rico deserve the respect to have a 
process that has actually been thought out, that has been debated, and 
that gives them an opportunity to enter statehood in a way that is more 
common to the way other States have entered. This bill is not that. 
This bill has serious problems with it.
  We are right here at the end of Congress. To me, this just looks like 
a political ploy as we are waiting to pass a massive spending bill 
before we go home for Christmas and start the new Congress.
  Madam Speaker, in closing, it is obvious there is bipartisan support 
for Puerto Rican self-determination. That is not the issue. The issue 
is the process, and this is a bad process.
  If this is so important to the majority, then I ask: Why today? Why 
today?
  Less than 20 days before this Congress ends and Democrats transition 
to the minority, why bring this bill today?
  Was there not time in the past 4 years to have hearings on this bill, 
to have other committees look at this bill?
  But yesterday, we get notice of an emergency Rules Committee meeting 
to consider this bill that all of a sudden is so important, but it 
wasn't important, certainly not in this Congress. We didn't have a 
hearing on this bill. We had a markup, a markup without a hearing.
  The committee spent more time talking about big cats. We had hearings 
on big cats, then we talked about Puerto Rican status. There are 10,000 
big cats in the United States, and there are over 3 million Puerto 
Rican citizens.
  That is why we are not supporting this bill today, and that is why it 
is disingenuous to bring it to the House less than 20 days before the 
end of this Congress when both sides have agreed that there are 
problems with the bill, problems that need to be worked out, but there 
is no recourse in this bill for Congress to have a second look at it.
  We can't control the Senate, but I doubt very seriously the Senate is 
going to be taking up this bill. So that leads me to conclude that what 
we are doing here at the end of December, discussing Puerto Rican 
status, is simply just a political ploy on the backs of the

[[Page H9880]]

Puerto Rican citizens of the United States.
  Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``no,'' and I yield back 
the balance of my time.

                              {time}  1215

  Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  This has been a typical debate on Puerto Rico because the question of 
status and the question of decolonizing our relationship with the 
people of the island is a question that causes spirited debate. That is 
okay, but spirited debate with misinformation and hastily drawn 
conclusions is not the way to debate. We will leave that for another 
day.
  The important point today is that this did not get parachuted at the 
last minute. This has been a difficult process for all involved, and, I 
might add, a bipartisan process, to bring one final resolution 
regardless of where the clock is in terms of this session. This is the 
time that this was completed.
  Madam Speaker, I am proud of this, and I am urging a ``yes'' vote on 
the legislation.
  There are two fundamental differences between ourselves and the 
minority on this. The intent of the bill is simple: that there be three 
options, all requiring a deliberate and informed decision by the people 
of the island.
  The current status is not one of those three options. Why? Because 
the intent of this legislation is to allow the Puerto Rican people not 
to be colonized and be a colony. That is the decolonization part of the 
legislation.
  The other part, although it has been the habit lately of people 
wanting not only to predict outcomes of elections but to guarantee 
outcomes of elections, contrary to that philosophy, this directs that 
the people of Puerto Rico make the decision and respect that decision.
  Our identity as a Nation is built on the values that we are all here 
to support and respect. It is built on the rule of law. The people of 
Puerto Rico, as citizens of this Nation, must be extended the respect 
and the consideration that, since 1898, we have been the overseer of a 
colony in this country. We must extend them the opportunity to choose 
their path forward.
  That is all it is. It is democratic; it is fair; and it is overdue.
  Madam Speaker, I thank all the Members who worked on this--in 
particular, Representatives Velazquez, Soto, Gonzalez-Colon, and 
Ocasio-Cortez--for the difficult periods and times they went through in 
this process, and obviously Majority Leader Hoyer for his insistence, 
his prodding, and, on occasion, his calmness to get us to this point.
  I thank the staff on our committee: chief counsel, Luis Urbina; 
deputy chief counsel, Margarita Varela; policy aide, Ivan Robles; staff 
director, David Watkins; and director of our Office of Insular Affairs, 
Brian Modeste.
  I also thank each and every one on Leader Hoyer's staff: Trent 
Bauserman and Chris Bowman; also Renata Beca-Barragan on Ms. 
Velazquez's staff; Gabriella Boffelli on Miss Gonzalez-Colon's staff; 
and Andrea Valdes on Mr. Soto's staff for their hard work and 
dedication to getting us to this point today. Sometimes that kind of 
work is underappreciated. I acknowledge their work and thank them.
  Madam Speaker, I urge a ``yes'' vote, and I yield back the balance of 
my time.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 8393--
Puerto Rico Status Act, to provide a plebiscite to be held on November 
5th, 2023, to resolve Puerto Rico's political status.
  Throughout my decades of service in Congress, I have been an ardent 
and consistent supporter of the Puerto Rican peoples' right to self-
determination.
  I have stood alongside our Puerto Rican brothers and sisters on many 
legislative efforts that would empower them to choose the governance 
status of their preference, as is their right, both as American 
citizens and in accordance with their basic human rights.
  The population of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico is 3.19 million.
  Puerto Ricans are the largest group of U.S. citizens with Hispanic 
heritage, and yet, are treated with only 2nd-class citizenship.
  In fact, Puerto Ricans have been the largest body of U.S. citizens 
which do not enjoy the privileges usually accorded to citizenship, 
including voting representation in Congress and the right to vote in 
Presidential elections.
  It is a widely held belief in Puerto Rico that the residents of the 
Commonwealth should be empowered to decide their own political status. 
The Commonwealth's status is an internal matter among the people of 
Puerto Rico.
  Puerto Rico has hosted 6 referendums on the topic of statehood, with 
the most recent being in November 2020. The results of that referendum 
were that 52.5 percent of the electorate voted for statehood.
  It is obvious that the people of Puerto Rico want to change the way 
they are represented in their own governance and that of the United 
States Government.
  During the referendum in 2012, 54 percent of voters agreed that they 
did not want to maintain their current method of governance.
  The majority of those that did not want to maintain the status quo 
chose statehood as the alternative that they preferred.
  While many of these referendums have been held and have told us what 
the people of Puerto Rico think, nothing has materialized as a result.
  This is why it is essential that Congress allow a plebiscite to 
Puerto Rico to resolve it's political status.
  Voters in Puerto Rico should be provided with the opportunity to 
choose independence, sovereignty in free association with the United 
States, or statehood.
  It is imperative that this voting process be fair and free of any 
disinformation, propaganda, or wrongdoing.
  All voters should be provided with voting materials in both English 
and Spanish, and all voting campaigns should be dedicated to providing 
voters with educational materials related to the plebiscites and 
potential outcomes.
  The Puerto Rico State Elections Commission shall ensure that any 
educational campaigns are non-partisan in nature and provide voters 
with accurate information that allow them to vote according to their 
best interests.
  I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 8393--Puerto Rico Status Act, so 
that the Commonwealth can decide what is best for its people.
  All Americans deserve representation, and this bill provides Puerto 
Ricans the right to make that decision for themselves.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 1519, the 
previous question is ordered on the bill, as amended.
  The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the bill.
  The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was 
read the third time.


                           Motion to Recommit

  Mr. McCLINTOCK. Madam Speaker, I have a motion to recommit at the 
desk.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the motion to 
recommit.
  The Clerk read as follows:

       Mr. McClintock of California moves to recommit the bill 
     H.R. 8393 to the Committee on Natural Resources.

  The material previously referred to by Mr. McClintock is as follows:

       After section 11, insert the following:

     SEC. 12. CONGRESSIONAL RATIFICATION REQUIRED.

       The result of a plebiscite under section 4 may not be 
     certified before the date on which the House of 
     Representatives and the Senate approve, by a two-thirds 
     majority vote, the result of the plebiscite.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule XIX, the 
previous question is ordered on the motion to recommit.
  The question is on the motion to recommit.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the noes appeared to have it.
  Mr. McCLINTOCK. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 9 of rule XX, this 15-
minute vote on the motion to recommit will be followed by 5-minute 
votes on passage of H.R. 8393, if ordered, and passage of H.R. 1948.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 209, 
nays 217, not voting 4, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 528]

                               YEAS--209

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Bost
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carey
     Carl
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Conway
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Curtis
     Davidson

[[Page H9881]]


     Davis, Rodney
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Donalds
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Ellzey
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Finstad
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fitzpatrick
     Fleischmann
     Flood
     Flores
     Foxx
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Gonzales, Tony
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hollingsworth
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Jacobs (NY)
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Katko
     Keller
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kinzinger
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Letlow
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mace
     Malliotakis
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Murphy (NC)
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Posey
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Roy
     Rutherford
     Salazar
     Scalise
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sempolinski
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Taylor
     Tenney
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Turner
     Upton
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Yakym
     Zeldin

                               NAYS--217

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown (MD)
     Brown (OH)
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Carter (LA)
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Cheney
     Cherfilus-McCormick
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Golden
     Gomez
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Harder (CA)
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Peltola
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan (NY)
     Ryan (OH)
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stansbury
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Underwood
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                             NOT VOTING--4

     Hinson
     Kelly (MS)
     McKinley
     Wexton

                              {time}  1258

  Ms. SCHAKOWSKY, Messrs. CLEAVER, COURTNEY, Ms. STANSBURY, Messrs. 
PAYNE, BISHOP of Georgia, PANETTA, Ms. CRAIG, Messrs. CLYBURN, VEASEY, 
BOWMAN, Mses. CLARK of Massachusetts, SEWELL, DelBENE, Mrs. BUSTOS, 
Messrs. QUIGLEY, HIMES, Mrs. PELTOLA, Mses. TLAIB, and JACKSON LEE 
changed their vote from ``yea'' to ``nay''.
  Messrs. MULLIN, CLINE, JOHNSON of Ohio, FITZGERALD, BUCSHON, 
CRENSHAW, Ms. SALAZAR, Messrs. LaMALFA, STEUBE, and Mrs. MILLER-MEEKS 
changed their vote from ``nay'' to ``yea''.
  So the motion to recommit was rejected.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.


    Members Recorded Pursuant to House Resolution 8, 117th Congress

     Auchincloss (Beyer)
     Axne (Pappas)
     Beatty (Neguse)
     Bishop (NC) (Hice (GA))
     Boebert (Donalds)
     Brooks (Moore (AL))
     Brown (MD) (Evans)
     Bustos (Schneider)
     Butterfield (Beyer)
     Carter (LA) (Horsford)
     Cawthorn (Donalds)
     Cherfilus-McCormick (Brown (OH))
     Cicilline (Jayapal)
     Cuellar (Correa)
     DeFazio (Pallone)
     DelBene (Schneider)
     DesJarlais (Fleischmann)
     Dingell (Pappas)
     Doyle, Michael F. (Evans)
     Duncan (Williams (TX))
     Dunn (Salazar)
     Escobar (Garcia (TX))
     Espaillat (Correa)
     Ferguson (Gonzales, Tony (TX))
     Gaetz (Donalds)
     Gallego (Beyer)
     Gibbs (Smucker)
     Gosar (Weber (TX))
     Hartzler (Weber (TX))
     Herrera Beutler (Valadao)
     Issa (Calvert)
     Jackson (Van Duyne)
     Jacobs (NY) (Sempolinski)
     Johnson (TX) (Pallone)
     Kelly (IL) (Horsford)
     Khanna (Pappas)
     Kim (NJ) (Pallone)
     Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
     Krishnamoorthi (Pappas)
     LaHood (Kustoff)
     Larson (CT) (Pappas)
     Lawrence (Garcia (TX))
     Lawson (FL) (Evans)
     Letlow (Moore (UT))
     Levin (CA) (Huffman)
     Long (Fleischmann)
     Malliotakis (Armstrong)
     Maloney, Sean P. (Beyer)
     Meeks (Horsford)
     Moulton (Trone)
     Newman (Correa)
     Norcross (Pallone)
     O'Halleran (Pappas)
     Omar (Beyer)
     Palazzo (Fleischmann)
     Pascrell (Pallone)
     Phillips (Craig)
     Pingree (Beyer)
     Porter (Beyer)
     Pressley (Neguse)
     Quigley (Schneider)
     Rice (SC) (Weber (TX))
     Rush (Beyer)
     Sewell (Schneider)
     Sherrill (Beyer)
     Simpson (Fulcher)
     Sires (Pallone)
     Spartz (Harshbarger)
     Speier (Garcia (TX))
     Stevens (Craig)
     Stewart (Owens)
     Strickland (Correa)
     Suozzi (Correa)
     Tiffany (Fitzgerald)
     Titus (Pallone)
     Trahan (Lynch)
     Welch (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL) (Evans)
     Wilson (SC) (Timmons)

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. Ocasio-Cortez). The question is on the 
passage of the bill.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Ms. CONWAY. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  This will be a 5-minute vote.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 233, 
nays 191, not voting 6, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 529]

                               YEAS--233

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Bacon
     Barragan
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown (MD)
     Brown (OH)
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Carter (LA)
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Cheney
     Cherfilus-McCormick
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Davis, Rodney
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fitzpatrick
     Fletcher
     Flores
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garbarino
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Golden
     Gomez
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Harder (CA)
     Hayes
     Herrera Beutler
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Huizenga
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Joyce (OH)
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Katko
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newhouse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Peltola
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Posey
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan (NY)
     Ryan (OH)
     Salazar
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon

[[Page H9882]]


     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (WA)
     Smucker
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stansbury
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Underwood
     Upton
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                               NAYS--191

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Bost
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carey
     Carl
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Conway
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Curtis
     Davidson
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Donalds
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Ellzey
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Finstad
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fleischmann
     Flood
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Gonzales, Tony
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hollingsworth
     Hudson
     Issa
     Jackson
     Jacobs (NY)
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (PA)
     Keller
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kinzinger
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Letlow
     Long
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mace
     Malliotakis
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Murphy (NC)
     Nehls
     Norman
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Roy
     Rutherford
     Scalise
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sempolinski
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Taylor
     Tenney
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Turner
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Yakym
     Zeldin

                             NOT VOTING--6

     Baird
     Foxx
     Hinson
     Kelly (MS)
     Loudermilk
     McKinley

                              {time}  1312

  So the bill was passed.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.


    members recorded pursuant to house resolution 8, 117th congress

     Auchincloss (Beyer)
     Axne (Pappas)
     Beatty (Neguse)
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