[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 195 (Thursday, December 15, 2022)]
[House]
[Pages H9867-H9882]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
{time} 1100
PUERTO RICO STATUS ACT
Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 1519, I
call up the bill (H.R. 8393) to enable the people of Puerto Rico to
choose a permanent, nonterritorial, fully self-governing political
status for Puerto Rico and to provide for a transition to and the
implementation of that permanent, nonterritorial, fully self-governing
political status, and for other purposes, and ask for its immediate
consideration in the House.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mrs. Fletcher). Pursuant to House Resolution
1519, in lieu of the amendment in the nature of a substitute
recommended by the Committee on Natural Resources printed in the bill,
an amendment in the nature of a substitute consisting of the text of
Rules Committee Print 117-74 is agreed to and the bill, as amended, is
considered read.
The text of the bill is as follows:
H.R. 8393
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Puerto Rico Status Act''.
SEC. 2. TABLE OF CONTENTS.
The table of contents for this Act is as follows:
Sec. 1. Short title.
Sec. 2. Table of contents.
Sec. 3. Findings.
Sec. 4. Definitions.
Sec. 5. Plebiscite.
Sec. 6. Nonpartisan voter education campaign.
Sec. 7. Oversight.
Sec. 8. Funds for voter education; plebiscites.
Sec. 9. Bilingual voter educational materials and ballots.
Sec. 10. Puerto Rico Oversight, Management, and Economic Stability Act.
Sec. 11. Severability.
TITLE I--TRANSITION AND IMPLEMENTATION -- INDEPENDENCE
Sec. 101. Constitutional convention.
Sec. 102. Character of the constitution.
Sec. 103. Submission; ratification.
Sec. 104. Election of officers.
Sec. 105. Conforming amendments to existing law.
Sec. 106. Joint Transition Commission.
Sec. 107. Proclamations by President of the United States; Head of
State of Puerto Rico.
Sec. 108. Legal and constitutional provisions.
Sec. 109. Judicial pronouncements.
Sec. 110. Citizenship and immigration laws after Puerto Rican
independence.
Sec. 111. Individual rights to economic benefits and grants.
TITLE II--TRANSITION AND IMPLEMENTATION -- SOVEREIGNTY IN FREE
ASSOCIATION WITH THE UNITED STATES
Sec. 201. Constitutional convention.
Sec. 202. Character of the constitution.
Sec. 203. Submission; ratification.
Sec. 204. Election of officers.
Sec. 205. Proclamations by President of the United States; Head of
State of Puerto Rico.
Sec. 206. Legal and constitutional provisions.
Sec. 207. Judicial pronouncements.
Sec. 208. Citizenship and immigration laws after sovereignty through
free association.
Sec. 209. Conforming amendments to existing law.
Sec. 210. Bilateral Negotiating Commission.
Sec. 211. Articles of Free Association approval and effective date.
Sec. 212. Termination.
Sec. 213. Individual rights to economic benefits and grants.
TITLE III--TRANSITION AND IMPLEMENTATION -- STATEHOOD
Sec. 301. Presidential proclamation; Admission into the Union.
Sec. 302. Conforming amendments to existing law.
Sec. 303. Territory and boundaries.
Sec. 304. Constitution.
Sec. 305. Elections of Senators and Representatives, certification, and
legal disputes.
Sec. 306. State title to land and property.
Sec. 307. Continuity of laws, government, and obligations.
Sec. 308. Judicial pronouncements.
SEC. 3. FINDINGS.
In recognition of the inherent limitations of Puerto Rico's
territorial status, and the responsibility of the Federal
Government to enable the people of the territory to freely
express their wishes regarding political status and achieve
full self-government, Congress seeks to enable the eligible
voters of Puerto Rico to choose a permanent, non-territorial,
fully self-governing political status for Puerto Rico and to
provide for a transition to and the implementation of said
permanent, nonterritorial, fully self-governing status.
SEC. 4. DEFINITIONS.
In this Act:
(1) Bilateral negotiating commission.--The term ``Bilateral
Negotiating Commission'' means the Bilateral Negotiating
Commission established under section 209(a).
(2) Elections commission.--The term ``Elections
Commission'' means the Puerto Rico State Elections Commission
(Comision Estatal de Elecciones de Puerto Rico, in Spanish).
(3) Eligible voters.--The term ``eligible voters'' means
bona fide residents of Puerto Rico who are otherwise
qualified to vote in general elections in Puerto Rico.
(4) Initial plebiscite.--The term ``initial plebiscite''
means the plebiscite required by section 5(a)(1).
(5) Majority.--The term ``majority'' means more than 50
percent.
(6) Runoff plebiscite.--The term ``runoff plebiscite''
means the plebiscite required by section 5(a)(4).
SEC. 5. PLEBISCITE.
(a) In General.--
(1) Initial plebiscite.--A plebiscite to resolve Puerto
Rico's political status shall be held on November 5, 2023.
(2) Options.--The plebiscite held under paragraph (1) shall
offer eligible voters a choice of one of the three options
which shall be presented on the ballot as follows:
(A) Independence.
(B) Sovereignty in Free Association with the United States.
(C) Statehood.
(3) Majority vote required.--Approval of a status option
must be by a majority of the valid votes cast.
(4) Runoff plebiscite.--If there is not a majority in favor
of one of the three options defined in this Act, then a
runoff plebiscite shall be held on March 3, 2024, which shall
offer eligible voters a choice of the two options that
received the most votes in the plebiscite held under
paragraph (1).
(b) Ballot Language.--A ballot for a plebiscite required by
subsection (a) shall include the following language, except
that the ballot for the runoff plebiscite shall omit the
option that received the fewest votes in the initial
plebiscite:
(1) Instructions.--Mark the status option you choose as
each is defined below. A ballot with more than 1 option
marked will not be counted. A ballot with no option marked
will not be counted.
(2) Independence.--If you agree, mark here ____.
(A) Puerto Rico is a sovereign nation that has full
authority and responsibility over its territory and
population under a constitution of its own adoption which
shall be the supreme law of the nation.
(B) Puerto Rico is vested with full powers and
responsibilities consistent with the rights and
responsibilities that devolve upon a sovereign nation under
international law, including its own fiscal and monetary
policy, immigration, trade, and the conduct in its own name
and right of relations with other nations and international
organizations.
(C) Puerto Rico has full authority and responsibility over
its citizenship and immigration laws, and birth in Puerto
Rico or relationship to persons with statutory United States
citizenship by birth in the former territory shall cease to
be a basis for United States nationality or citizenship,
except that persons who have such United States citizenship
have a right to retain United States nationality and
citizenship for life, by entitlement or election as provided
by Federal law.
(D) Puerto Rico will no longer be a possession of the
United States for purposes of the Internal Revenue Code. In
general, United States citizens and United States businesses
in the nation of Puerto Rico will be subject to United States
Federal tax laws (as is the case with any other United States
citizen or United States business abroad) and to Puerto Rican
tax laws. Puerto Rico's status as an independent, sovereign
nation will be the controlling factor in the taxation of
Puerto Rican taxpayers.
(E) The Constitution and laws of the United States no
longer apply in Puerto Rico and United States sovereignty in
Puerto Rico is ended.
(3) Sovereignty in free association with the united
states.--If you agree, mark here ___.
(A) Puerto Rico is a sovereign nation that has full
authority and responsibility over its territory and
population under a constitution of its own adoption which
shall be the supreme law of the nation.
(B) Puerto Rico is vested with full powers and
responsibilities consistent with the rights and
responsibilities that devolve upon a sovereign nation under
international law, including its own fiscal and monetary
policy, immigration, trade, and the conduct in its own name
and right of relations with other nations and international
organizations, except as otherwise provided for in the
Articles of Free Association to be negotiated by Puerto Rico
and the United States.
(C) Puerto Rico has full authority and responsibility over
its citizenship and immigration laws, and persons who have
United States citizenship have a right to retain United
States nationality and citizenship for life by entitlement or
election as provided by Federal law.
(D) Birth in Puerto Rico shall cease to be a basis for
United States nationality or citizenship. Individuals born in
Puerto Rico to at least one parent who is a citizen of the
United States shall be United States citizens at birth,
consistent with the immigration laws of the United States,
for the duration of the first agreement of the Articles of
Free Association.
(E) Puerto Rico enters into Articles of Free Association
with the United States, with such devolution and reservation
of governmental functions and other bilateral arrangements as
[[Page H9868]]
may be agreed to by both Parties under the Articles, which
shall be terminable at will by either the United States or
Puerto Rico at any time.
(F) Puerto Rico will no longer be a possession of the
United States for purposes of the Internal Revenue Code. In
general, United States citizens and United States businesses
in the nation of Puerto Rico will be subject to United States
Federal tax laws (as is the case with any other United States
citizen or United States business abroad) and to Puerto Rican
tax laws. Puerto Rico's status as an independent, sovereign
nation will be the controlling factor in the taxation of
Puerto Rican taxpayers. In addition, Puerto Rico will enter
into an agreement with the United States to provide for
``Sovereignty in Free Association'' between the two nations.
This agreement may modify the otherwise applicable tax rules,
subject to negotiation and ratification by the two nations.
(G) The Constitution of the United States no longer applies
in Puerto Rico, the laws of the United States no longer apply
in Puerto Rico except as otherwise provided in the Articles
of Free Association, and United States sovereignty in Puerto
Rico is ended.
(H) All matters pertaining to the government-to-government
relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States, which
may include foreign affairs, trade, finance, taxation,
currency, economic assistance, security and defense, dispute
resolution and termination, shall be provided for in the
Articles of Free Association.
(4) Statehood.--If you agree, mark here ____.
(A) The State of Puerto Rico is admitted into the Union on
an equal footing with the other States in all respects
whatever and is a part of the permanent union of the United
States of America, subject to the United States Constitution,
with powers not prohibited by the Constitution to the States
and reserved to the State of Puerto Rico or to its residents.
(B) The residents of Puerto Rico are fully self-governing
with their rights secured under the United States
Constitution, which shall be fully applicable in Puerto Rico
and which, with the laws and treaties of the United States,
is the supreme law and has the same force and effect in
Puerto Rico as in the other States of the Union.
(C) United States citizenship of those born in Puerto Rico
is recognized, protected, and secured under the United States
Constitution in the same way such citizenship is for all
United States citizens born in the other States.
(D) Puerto Rico will no longer be a possession of the
United States for purposes of the Internal Revenue Code.
Instead, the State of Puerto Rico will become a State on
equal footing with each of the current 50 States in the
United States of America. Individuals and businesses resident
in the State of Puerto Rico will be subject to United States
Federal tax laws as well as applicable State tax laws.
(c) Implementation of Plebiscite.--The plebiscites
authorized by this section shall be implemented by the
Elections Commission, consistent with the laws of Puerto Rico
and Federal law.
(d) Results.--The Elections Commission shall inform the
President of the United States, the President pro tempore of
the United States Senate, the Speaker of the United States
House of Representatives, the Senate Committee on Energy and
Natural Resources, and the House Committee on Natural
Resources of--
(1) the results of the initial plebiscite not later than 30
calendar days after the initial plebiscite is held; and
(2) the results of the runoff plebiscite, if held, not
later than 30 calendar days after the runoff plebiscite is
held.
(e) Jurisdiction of District Court.--The United States
District Court for the District of Puerto Rico shall have
original and exclusive jurisdiction of any civil action
alleging a dispute or controversy pertaining to electoral
processes conducted under this section.
SEC. 6. NONPARTISAN VOTER EDUCATION CAMPAIGN.
(a) In General.--The Elections Commission shall carry out a
nonpartisan voter education campaign through traditional paid
media and make available at all voting locations voter
education materials related to the plebiscites authorized
under this Act consistent with Department of Justice approval
under section 7.
(b) Voter Education Materials.--At a minimum, the voter
education materials shall address for each option--
(1) international representation;
(2) citizenship and immigration; and
(3) access and treatment under Federal law and programs.
SEC. 7. OVERSIGHT.
(a) Submission of Materials.--Not later than 60 days after
the date of the enactment of this Act, the Elections
Commission shall submit the ballot design and voter education
materials for the plebiscites authorized under this Act to
the United States Attorney General for review and the
Elections Commission shall make not more than one submission
of the ballot design and voter education materials to the
Attorney General for review.
(b) Effect of Failure To Comply.--If the Attorney General
fails to comply with subsection (c) within the 45-day period,
the ballot design and voter education materials shall be
considered approved.
(c) Review.--Not later than 45 days after receiving the
ballot design and voter education materials under subsection
(a), the Attorney General shall review the ballot design and
voter education materials to ensure consistency with this Act
and to ensure that the three options defined in this Act are
represented fairly, especially in the event that any of the
three options are not represented on the Elections Commission
by a member of a political party that supports such option,
and--
(1) return the materials to the Elections Commission with
comments and instructions for changes; or
(2) before the expiration of the 45-day period, inform the
Elections Commission that no instructions or requests for
changes shall be made under paragraph (1), but that the
Attorney General reserves the right to submit instructions
for changes in accordance with this section if additional
information comes to the attention of the Attorney General
during the remainder of the 45-day period.
(d) Revision.--Not later than 45 days after receiving
comments and instructions for changes from the Attorney
General under subsection (c), the Elections Commission shall
revise the ballot design and voter education materials as
requested by the Attorney General.
(e) Election Observers.--The Elections Commission shall
invite national and international election observers to
ensure transparency and confidence in the electoral process.
Observers shall be present during the initial plebiscite vote
and during the runoff plebiscite vote.
SEC. 8. FUNDS FOR VOTER EDUCATION; PLEBISCITES.
(a) Authorization of Appropriations.--There is authorized
to be appropriated such sums as are necessary for the
Elections Commission to carry out a nonpartisan voter
education campaign and an initial plebiscite and, if
necessary, a runoff plebiscite under this Act.
(b) Existing Funds.--Notwithstanding any provision of
Public Law 113-76, funds made available under such Act to
carry out a plebiscite on Puerto Rico's status shall be made
available to carry out this Act.
SEC. 9. BILINGUAL VOTER EDUCATIONAL MATERIALS AND BALLOTS.
All voter educational materials and ballots used to carry
out this Act shall be made available in English and Spanish.
SEC. 10. PUERTO RICO OVERSIGHT, MANAGEMENT, AND ECONOMIC
STABILITY ACT.
Upon the admission of the State of Puerto Rico into the
Union or on the date that the Government of the nation of
Puerto Rico initially takes office:
(1) In general.--The Puerto Rico Oversight, Management, and
Economic Stability Act (48 U.S.C. 2101 et seq.) shall no
longer apply to the State of Puerto Rico or the nation of
Puerto Rico, as the case may be.
(2) Oversight board.--The Financial Oversight and
Management Board for Puerto Rico established under section
101(b)(1) of the Puerto Rico Oversight, Management, and
Economic Stability Act (48 U.S.C. 2121(b)(1)) is terminated
and all duties and responsibilities assigned to the Oversight
Board shall return to the State of Puerto Rico or the nation
of Puerto Rico, as the case may be.
(3) Transfer.--All funds, property, and assets of the board
described in subparagraph (B) shall be transferred to the
State of Puerto Rico or the nation of Puerto Rico, as the
case may be.
SEC. 11. SEVERABILITY.
If any provision of this Act, or any section, subsection,
sentence, clause, phrase, or individual word, or the
application thereof to any person or circumstance is held
invalid by a court of jurisdiction, the validity of the
remainder of the Act and of the application of any such
provision, section, subsection, sentence, clause, phrase, or
individual word to other persons and circumstances shall not
be affected thereby.
TITLE I--TRANSITION AND IMPLEMENTATION -- INDEPENDENCE
SEC. 101. CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.
(a) Election of Delegates.-- Not later than 6 months after
the effective date of certification of a plebiscite result
under this Act in favor of independence, the legislature of
Puerto Rico shall provide for the election of delegates to a
constitutional Convention to formulate and draft a
Constitution for the nation of Puerto Rico.
(b) Eligible Voters.--All eligible voters may vote in the
election of delegates to the constitutional Convention.
(c) General Applicability of Electoral Law.--The laws of
the territory of Puerto Rico relating to the electoral
process shall apply to a special election held under this
Act.
(d) Initial Meeting.--Not later than 3 months after the
election of delegates to the constitutional Convention, the
elected delegates shall meet at such time and place as the
legislature of Puerto Rico shall determine. The initial
meeting shall constitute the establishment of the
constitutional Convention.
SEC. 102. CHARACTER OF THE CONSTITUTION.
The constitutional Convention under section 101 shall
formulate and draft a Constitution for Puerto Rico that
guarantees the protection of fundamental human rights,
including--
(1) due process and equal protection under the law;
(2) freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, and
religion;
(3) the rights of the accused;
(4) any other economic, social, and cultural rights as the
constitutional Convention may deem appropriate and necessary;
and
(5) provisions to ensure that no individual born in the
nation of Puerto Rico shall be stateless at birth.
SEC. 103. SUBMISSION; RATIFICATION.
(a) Submission.--Not later than one year after the
establishment of the constitutional Convention, the
Constitution formulated and drafted by the constitutional
Convention shall be submitted to the eligible voters of
Puerto Rico for ratification or rejection in a special
election.
(b) Manner of Election.--The special election held under
this subsection shall be held in the manner prescribed by the
legislature of Puerto Rico.
[[Page H9869]]
SEC. 104. ELECTION OF OFFICERS.
(a) In General.--Not later than one month after the
ratification of the Constitution under section 103, the
Governor of the territory of Puerto Rico shall issue a
proclamation calling for the election of such officers of the
nation of Puerto Rico as may be required by the ratified
Constitution.
(b) Rejection.--If the special election results in
rejection of the Constitution, the process provided for in
sections 101 through 103 shall be repeated, except that
section 101(a) shall be applied by substituting--
(1) ``the special election'' for ``a plebiscite''; and
(2) ``rejecting of the Constitution'' for ``in favor of
independence''.
(c) Deadline; Procedures.--The election under subsection
(a) shall be held--
(1) not later than 6 months after the date of ratification
of the Constitution; and
(2) in accordance with the procedures and requirements
established in the Constitution of the nation of Puerto Rico.
(d) Certification of Results.--Not later than 10 days after
the election of officers under subsection (a), the Elections
Commission shall certify the results of the election. The
Governor of the territory of Puerto Rico shall inform the
results of the election to the President of the United
States, the President pro tempore of the United States
Senate, the Speaker of the United States House of
Representatives, the Committee on Energy and Natural
Resources of the Senate, and the Committee on Natural
Resources of the House of Representatives.
SEC. 105. CONFORMING AMENDMENTS TO EXISTING LAW.
(a) Review.--Not later than 30 days after the initial
meeting of a constitutional Convention under section 101(d),
the President shall initiate a review of Federal law with
respect to Puerto Rico, including those regarding--
(1) taxation of persons and businesses;
(2) health care;
(3) housing;
(4) transportation;
(5) education; and
(6) entitlement programs.
(b) Recommendations.--Not later than one year after the
date on which the President initiates a review under
subsection (a), the President shall submit recommendations to
Congress for changes to Federal law identified during such
review, as the President deems appropriate.
SEC. 106. JOINT TRANSITION COMMISSION.
(a) Appointment.--Not later than 3 months after the
establishment of a constitutional Convention under section
101(d), a Joint Transition Commission shall be appointed in
equal numbers by the President of the United States and the
presiding officer of the Constitutional Convention of Puerto
Rico.
(b) Duties.--The Joint Transition Commission shall be
responsible for expediting the orderly transfer of all
functions currently exercised by the Federal Government in
Puerto Rico, or in relation to Puerto Rico to the nation of
Puerto Rico, and shall recommend to Congress any appropriate
legislation to carry out such transfer.
(c) Collaboration.--The Government of the territory of
Puerto Rico and the agencies of the Government of the United
States shall collaborate with the Joint Transition Commission
and subsequently the officers of the nation of Puerto Rico,
to provide for the orderly transfer of the functions under
subsection (b).
SEC. 107. PROCLAMATIONS BY PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES;
HEAD OF STATE OF PUERTO RICO.
(a) Proclamation.--Not later than one month after the
official certification of the elected officers of the nation
of Puerto Rico under section 104(d), the President of the
United States shall by proclamation--
(1) withdraw and surrender all rights of possession,
supervision, jurisdiction, control, or sovereignty then
existing and exercised by the United States over the
territory and residents of Puerto Rico;
(2) recognize, on behalf of the United States of America,
the independence of the nation of Puerto Rico and the
authority of the government instituted by eligible voters of
Puerto Rico under the Constitution of their own adoption; and
(3) state that the effective date of withdrawal of the
sovereignty of the United States and recognition of
independence shall be the same as the date of the
proclamation.
(b) Copy of Proclamation Forwarded.--The President of the
United States shall forward a copy of the proclamation issued
under subsection (a) not later than one week after signature
to the presiding officer of the Constitutional Convention of
Puerto Rico, the officer elected as head of state of the
nation, the President pro tempore of the United States
Senate, the Speaker of the United States House of
Representatives, the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural
Resources, and the House Committee on Natural Resources.
(c) Date Government To Take Office.--Not later than one
week after the date of receipt of the Presidential
proclamation and with the advice of the officer elected as
head of state of the nation, the presiding officer of the
constitutional Convention shall determine the date on which
the Government of the nation shall take office, and shall so
notify the Governor of the territory of Puerto Rico, the
President of the United States, the President pro tempore of
the United States Senate, and the Speaker of the United
States House of Representatives.
SEC. 108. LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS.
Upon the proclamation of independence as provided in this
title, and except as otherwise provided in this title or in
any separate agreements thereafter concluded between the
United States and the nation of Puerto Rico--
(1) all property, rights and interests which the United
States may have acquired over Puerto Rico by virtue of the
Treaty of Paris of 1898, and thereafter by cession, purchase,
or eminent domain, with the exception of such land and other
property, rights, or interests as may have been sold or
otherwise legally disposed of prior to the proclamation of
Independence, shall vest ipso facto in the nation of Puerto
Rico; and
(2) except as provided in section 110, all laws of the
United States applicable to the territory of Puerto Rico
immediately prior to the proclamation of Independence shall
no longer apply in the nation of Puerto Rico.
SEC. 109. JUDICIAL PRONOUNCEMENTS.
(a) Judgments Before Proclamation.--The nation of Puerto
Rico shall recognize and give effect to all orders and
judgments rendered by United States or territorial courts
before the date of the proclamation of independence pursuant
to the laws of the United States then applicable to the
territory of Puerto Rico.
(b) Continuity of Pending Proceedings.--All judicial
proceedings pending in the courts of the territory of Puerto
Rico on the day of the proclamation of independence shall be
continued in the corresponding courts under the Constitution
of the nation of Puerto Rico.
(c) Transfer of Judicial Power.--Upon the proclamation of
independence, the judicial power of the United States shall
no longer extend to Puerto Rico. All proceedings pending in
the United States District Court for the District of Puerto
Rico shall be transferred to the corresponding Puerto Rican
courts of competence or other competent judicial authority
under the Constitution of the nation of Puerto Rico for
disposition in conformity with laws applicable at the time
when the controversy in process arose. All proceedings
pending in the United States Court of Appeals for the First
Circuit, or in the Supreme Court of the United States, that
initiated in, or that could have been initiated in, the
courts of the territory or in the United States District
Court for the District of Puerto Rico shall continue until
their final disposition and shall be submitted to the
competent authority of the nation of Puerto Rico for proper
execution: Provided, That neither the United States nor any
of its officers is a party, in which case any final judgment
shall be properly executed by the competent authority of the
United States.
SEC. 110. CITIZENSHIP AND IMMIGRATION LAWS AFTER PUERTO RICAN
INDEPENDENCE.
(a) In General.--
(1) Puerto rican nationality.--After the effective date of
independence, the citizenship status of each individual born
in Puerto Rico shall be determined in accordance with the
Constitution and laws of the nation of Puerto Rico.
(2) United states immigration laws.--Except as described in
this section, after the effective date of independence
citizens of Puerto Rico seeking to enter into the United
States or obtain citizenship in the United States shall be
subject to the immigration laws of the United States (as such
term is defined in section 101 of the Immigration and
Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101)).
(b) Effect of Puerto Rican Citizenship.--Nothing in this
Act precludes or limits the applicability of section 349 of
the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1481), except
that the provision of citizenship by the laws of Puerto Rico
shall not constitute or otherwise serve as the basis of loss,
or relinquishment of United States citizenship under such
section.
(c) Citizenship at Birth After Independence.--An individual
born in Puerto Rico after the effective date of independence
to at least one parent who became a United States citizen
under section 302 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8
U.S.C. 1402) is not a United States citizen at birth under
subsections (c), (d), or (g) of section 301 of the
Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1401(c), (d) or
(g)).
(d) Travel and Work Authorization.--
(1) Any person in the following categories may enter,
lawfully engage in occupations, and establish residence as a
nonimmigrant in the United States and its territories and
possessions without regard to paragraphs (5)(A) and (7) of
section 212(a) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8
U.S.C. 1182(a); (5)(A) and (7))--
(A) a person who acquires the citizenship of Puerto Rico,
at birth, on or after the effective date of independence; or
(B) a naturalized citizen of Puerto Rico, who has been an
actual resident there for not less than five years after
attaining such naturalization and who holds a proof of such
residence.
Such persons shall be considered to have the permission of
the Secretary of Homeland Security to accept employment in
the United States.
(2) The right of such persons to establish habitual
residence in a territory or possession of the United States
may, however, be subjected to nondiscriminatory limitations
provided for--
(A) in statutes or regulations of the United States; or
(B) in those statutes or regulations of the territory or
possession concerned which are authorized by the laws of the
United States.
(3) This subsection shall expire 25 years after the date of
independence.
(e) Conforming Amendments.--
(1) In general.--Section 101 of the Immigration and
Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101) is amended by striking
``Puerto Rico,'' in subsection (a) paragraph (36) and in
subsection (a) paragraph (38).
(2) Prior to independence.--Puerto Rico shall be considered
to be in the United States, as such term is defined in
section 101(a)(38) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8
U.S.C. 1101(a)(38)) prior to the effective date of
independence.
(f) Rule of Construction.--Nothing in this section shall
limit the power and authority of the United States to change
policy requirements for United States citizenship.
[[Page H9870]]
SEC. 111. INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS TO ECONOMIC BENEFITS AND GRANTS.
(a) Rights and Benefits.--All vested rights and benefits
which accrue to residents of the territory of Puerto Rico
under the laws of the United States from past services or
contributions, such as rights and benefits for veterans or
relatives of veterans of the Armed Forces of the United
States, retired Government employees, or beneficiaries of old
age, disability, or survivors' insurance benefits under the
Social Security Act, shall not be interrupted after the
proclamation of independence but will continue until such
time as said rights and benefits are completely extinguished
according to the applicable laws of the United States. All
services which must be rendered as part of these rights and
benefits shall be made available through the Government of
the nation of Puerto Rico in accordance with agreements
reached by the two nations.
(b) Social Security System.--Notwithstanding the provisions
in subsection (a), all contributions made by employees and
employers in Puerto Rico to the Social Security system with
respect to persons who, upon the proclamation of
independence, are residents of the nation of Puerto Rico and
are not yet eligible for old age, disability, or survivors'
insurance benefits under the system, shall be transferred to
the Government of the nation of Puerto Rico once said
Government establishes its own social security system. The
Government of the nation of Puerto Rico may not use these
funds for any purpose other than the establishment and
operation of a social security system. Upon the transfer
described herein, the obligations of the United States
Government under the Social Security Act with respect to such
residents of the nation of Puerto Rico shall cease.
(c) Other Federal Transfer Payments.--
(1) Block grants.--All other Federal transfer payments to
individuals and to the Government of the territory of Puerto
Rico shall be maintained in the form of annual block grants
to be used discretionally by the Government of the nation of
Puerto Rico.
(2) Annual aggregate funding.--During the ten fiscal years
following the proclamation of independence, the annual block
grants shall amount to the annual aggregate funding of all
programs which currently extend to the territory of Puerto
Rico, or of all programs which shall have been extended to
the territory of Puerto Rico during the fiscal year
immediately prior to the proclamation of independence,
whichever shall be greater.
(3) Decrease in amount.--The annual block grants shall
decrease thereafter on a straight-line basis, at the rate of
ten percent each year, beginning on the eleventh fiscal year
after the proclamation of independence. At any time during
the aforementioned transition period the terms of this
subsection may be modified by agreement between the United
States and the nation of Puerto Rico.
TITLE II--TRANSITION AND IMPLEMENTATION -- SOVEREIGNTY IN FREE
ASSOCIATION WITH THE UNITED STATES
SEC. 201. CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.
(a) Election of Delegates.--Not later than 6 months after
the effective date of certification of a plebiscite result
under this Act in favor of Sovereignty in Free Association
with the United States, the legislature of Puerto Rico shall
provide for the election of delegates to a constitutional
Convention to formulate and draft a Constitution for the
nation of Puerto Rico.
(b) Eligible Voters.--All eligible voters may vote in the
election of delegates to the constitutional Convention.
(c) General Applicability of Electoral Law.--The laws of
the territory of Puerto Rico relating to the electoral
process shall apply to a special election held under this
Act.
(d) Initial Meeting.--Not later than 3 months after the
election of delegates to the constitutional Convention, the
elected delegates shall meet at such time and place as the
legislature of Puerto Rico shall determine. The initial
meeting shall constitute the establishment of the
constitutional Convention.
SEC. 202. CHARACTER OF THE CONSTITUTION.
The constitutional Convention under section 201 shall
formulate and draft a Constitution for Puerto Rico that
guarantees the protection of fundamental human rights,
including--
(1) due process and equal protection under the law;
(2) freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, and
religion;
(3) the rights of the accused;
(4) any other economic, social, and cultural rights as the
constitutional Convention may deem appropriate and necessary;
and
(5) provisions to ensure that no individual born in the
nation of Puerto Rico shall be stateless at birth.
SEC. 203. SUBMISSION; RATIFICATION.
(a) Submission.--Not later than 2 years after the
establishment of the constitutional Convention, the
Constitution formulated and drafted by the constitutional
Convention shall be submitted to the eligible voters of
Puerto Rico for ratification or rejection in a special
election.
(b) Manner of Election.--The special election held under
this subsection shall be held in the manner prescribed by the
legislature of Puerto Rico.
SEC. 204. ELECTION OF OFFICERS.
(a) In General.--Not later than one month after the
ratification of the Constitution under section 203, the
Governor of the territory of Puerto Rico shall issue a
proclamation calling for the election of such officers of the
nation of Puerto Rico as may be required by the ratified
Constitution.
(b) Rejection.--If the special election results in
rejection of the Constitution, the process provided for in
sections 201 through 203 shall be repeated, except that
section 201(a) shall be applied by substituting--
(1) ``the special election'' for ``a plebiscite''; and
(2) ``rejecting the Constitution'' for ``in favor of
sovereignty in free association with the United States''.
(c) Deadline; Procedures.--The election under subsection
(a) shall be held--
(1) not later than 6 months after the date of ratification
of the Constitution; and
(2) in accordance with the procedures and requirements
established in the Constitution of the nation of Puerto Rico.
(d) Certification of Results.--Not later than 10 days after
the election of officers under subsection (a), the Elections
Commission shall certify the results of the election. The
Governor of the territory of Puerto Rico shall inform the
results of the election to the President of the United
States, the President pro tempore of the United States
Senate, the Speaker of the United States House of
Representatives, the Committee on Energy and Natural
Resources of the Senate, and the Committee on Natural
Resources of the House of Representatives.
SEC. 205. PROCLAMATIONS BY PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES;
HEAD OF STATE OF PUERTO RICO.
(a) Proclamation.--Not later than one month after the
official certification of the elected officers of the nation
of Puerto Rico under section 204, the President of the United
States shall by proclamation--
(1) withdraw and surrender all rights of possession,
supervision, jurisdiction, control, or sovereignty then
existing and exercised by the United States over the
territory and residents of Puerto Rico;
(2) recognize, on behalf of the United States of America,
the international sovereignty through free association of the
nation of Puerto Rico and the authority of the government
instituted by eligible voters of Puerto Rico under the
Constitution of their own adoption; and
(3) state that the effective date of withdrawal of the
sovereignty of the United States and recognition of
international sovereignty through free association shall be
the same as the date of the proclamation.
(b) Copy of Proclamation Forwarded.--The President of the
United States shall forward a copy of the proclamation issued
under subsection (a) not later than one week after signature
to the presiding officer of the Constitutional Convention of
Puerto Rico, the officer elected as head of state of the
nation, the President pro tempore of the United States
Senate, the Speaker of the United States House of
Representatives, the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural
Resources, and the House Committee on Natural Resources.
(c) Date Government To Take Office.--Not later than one
week after the date of receipt of the Presidential
proclamation and with the advice of the officer elected as
head of state of the nation, the presiding officer of the
constitutional Convention shall determine the date on which
the Government of the nation shall take office, and shall so
notify the Governor of the territory of Puerto Rico, the
President of the United States, the President pro tempore of
the United States Senate, and the Speaker of the United
States House of Representatives.
SEC. 206. LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS.
Upon the proclamation of international sovereignty through
free association as provided in this title, and except as
otherwise provided in this title or in any separate
agreements thereafter concluded between the United States and
the nation of Puerto Rico--
(1) all property, rights and interests which the United
States may have acquired over Puerto Rico by virtue of the
Treaty of Paris of 1898, and thereafter by cession, purchase,
or eminent domain, with the exception of such land and other
property, rights, or interests as may have been sold or
otherwise legally disposed of prior to the proclamation of
international sovereignty through free association, shall
vest ipso facto in the nation of Puerto Rico; and
(2) except as provided in section 209, all laws of the
United States applicable to the territory of Puerto Rico
immediately prior to the proclamation of international
sovereignty through free association shall no longer apply in
the nation of Puerto Rico.
SEC. 207. JUDICIAL PRONOUNCEMENTS.
(a) Judgments Before Proclamation.--The nation of Puerto
Rico shall recognize and give effect to all orders and
judgments rendered by United States or territorial courts
before the date of the proclamation of international
sovereignty through free association pursuant to the laws of
the United States then applicable to the territory of Puerto
Rico.
(b) Continuity of Pending Proceedings.--All judicial
proceedings pending in the courts of the territory of Puerto
Rico on the day of the proclamation of international
sovereignty through free association shall be continued in
the corresponding courts under the Constitution of the nation
of Puerto Rico.
(c) Transfer of Judicial Power.--Upon the proclamation of
international sovereignty through free association, the
judicial power of the United States shall no longer extend to
Puerto Rico. All proceedings pending in the United States
District Court for the District of Puerto Rico shall be
transferred to the corresponding Puerto Rican courts of
competence or other competent judicial authority under the
Constitution of the nation of Puerto Rico for disposition in
conformity with laws applicable at the time when the
controversy in process arose. All proceedings pending in the
United States Court of Appeals for the First Circuit, or in
the Supreme Court of the United States, that initiated in, or
that could have been initiated in, the courts of the
territory or in the United States District Court for the
District of Puerto
[[Page H9871]]
Rico shall continue until their final disposition and shall
be submitted to the competent authority of the nation of
Puerto Rico for proper execution: Provided, That neither the
United States nor any of its officers is a party, in which
case any final judgment shall be properly executed by the
competent authority of the United States.
SEC. 208. CITIZENSHIP AND IMMIGRATION LAWS AFTER SOVEREIGNTY
THROUGH FREE ASSOCIATION.
(a) In General.--
(1) Puerto rican nationality.--After the proclamation of
international sovereignty through free association, the
citizenship status of each individual born in Puerto Rico
shall be determined in accordance with the Constitution and
laws of the nation of Puerto Rico.
(2) United states immigration laws.--Except as described in
this section, after the proclamation of international
sovereignty through free association, citizens of Puerto Rico
seeking to enter into the United States or obtain citizenship
in the United States shall be subject to the immigration laws
of the United States (as such term is defined in section 101
of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101)).
(b) Effect of Puerto Rican Citizenship.--Nothing in this
Act precludes or limits the applicability of section 349 of
the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1481), except
that the provision of citizenship by the laws of Puerto Rico
shall not constitute or otherwise serve as the basis of loss,
or relinquishment of United States citizenship under such
section.
(c) Citizenship at Birth After Sovereignty.--
(1) In general.--Except as described in paragraph (2), an
individual born in Puerto Rico after the proclamation of
international sovereignty through free association to at
least one parent who became a United States citizen under
section 302 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C.
1402) is not a United States citizen at birth under
subsections (c), (d), or (g) of section 301 of the
Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1401 (c), (d) or
(g)).
(2) Transition period.--During the implementation of the
first Articles of Free Association, an individual born in
Puerto Rico to at least one parent who is a citizen of the
United States shall be a United States citizen at birth under
section 301 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C.
1401) if otherwise eligible.
(d) Travel and Work Authorization.--
(1) Any person in the following categories may enter,
lawfully engage in occupations, and establish residence as a
nonimmigrant in the United States and its territories and
possessions without regard to paragraphs (5)(A) and (7) of
section 212(a) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8
U.S.C. 1182(a); (5)(A) and (7)):
(A) a person who acquires the citizenship of Puerto Rico,
at birth, on or after the effective date of international
sovereignty through free association; or
(B) a naturalized citizen of Puerto Rico, who has been an
actual resident there for not less than five years after
attaining such naturalization and who holds a proof of such
residence.
Such persons shall be considered to have the permission of
the Secretary of Homeland Security to accept employment in
the United States.
(2) The right of such persons to establish habitual
residence in a territory or possession of the United States
may, however, be subjected to nondiscriminatory limitations
provided for--
(A) in statutes or regulations of the United States; or
(B) in those statutes or regulations of the territory or
possession concerned which are authorized by the laws of the
United States.
(3) This subsection shall expire upon the termination of
the Articles of Free Association in accordance with section
211.
(e) Conforming Amendments.--
(1) In general.--Section 101 of the Immigration and
Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101) is amended by striking
``Puerto Rico,'' in subsection (a) paragraph (36) and in
subsection (a) paragraph (38).
(2) Prior to sovereignty.--Puerto Rico shall be considered
to be in the United States, as such term is defined in
section 101(a)(38) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8
U.S.C. 1101(a)(38)) prior to the date of international
sovereignty through free association.
(f) Rule of Construction.--Nothing in this section shall
limit the power and authority of the United States to change
policy requirements for United States citizenship.
SEC. 209. CONFORMING AMENDMENTS TO EXISTING LAW.
(a) Review.--Not later than 30 days after the initial
meeting of a constitutional Convention under section 201(d),
the President shall initiate a review of Federal law with
respect to Puerto Rico, including those regarding--
(1) taxation of persons and businesses;
(2) health care;
(3) housing;
(4) transportation;
(5) education; and
(6) entitlement programs.
(b) Recommendations.--Not later than one year after the
date on which the President initiates a review under
subsection (a), the President shall submit recommendations to
Congress for changes to Federal law identified during such
review, as the President deems appropriate.
SEC. 210. BILATERAL NEGOTIATING COMMISSION.
(a) In General.--If a plebiscite held under this Act
results in a majority vote for sovereignty in free
association with the United States, there shall be a
Bilateral Negotiating Commission which shall conduct
negotiations on Articles of Free Association with the United
States.
(b) Members.--Not later than 3 months after the
establishment of the constitutional Convention under section
201--
(1) the Convention shall elect, by majority vote, 5 members
from among its delegates to join the Bilateral Negotiating
Commission on behalf of Puerto Rico; and
(2) the President of the United States shall designate 5
members to the Bilateral Negotiating Commission, one of whom
shall also be nominated for the rank of Ambassador, to
negotiate on behalf of the United States.
(c) Initial Meeting.--Not later than 3 months after the
election and designation of members to the Bilateral
Negotiating Commission, members shall meet at such time and
place as the legislature of Puerto Rico shall determine. Such
meeting shall constitute the establishment of the Bilateral
Negotiating Commission.
(d) Duties.--The Bilateral Negotiating Commission shall--
(1) be responsible for expediting the orderly transfer of
all functions currently exercised by the Government of the
United States in Puerto Rico, to Puerto Rico, and shall
recommend to Congress any appropriate legislation to carry
into effect such transfer, including any appropriate enabling
legislation as may be required by the Articles of Free
Association;
(2) negotiate all matters pertaining to the government-to-
government relationship between Puerto Rico and the United
States through the development of the Articles of Free
Association, including foreign affairs, trade, finance,
taxation, currency, economic assistance, security and
defense, dispute resolution, immigration, economic benefits
(including grants), and termination of the free association
status; and
(3) endeavor to complete the Articles of Free Association
not later than 2 years after the commencement of the
constitutional Convention.
(e) Collaboration.--The Government of the territory of
Puerto Rico and the agencies of the Government of the United
States shall collaborate with the Bilateral Negotiating
Commission to provide for the orderly transfer of the
functions of government as required by the Articles of Free
Association.
SEC. 211. ARTICLES OF FREE ASSOCIATION APPROVAL AND EFFECTIVE
DATE.
(a) Approval.--The Articles of Free Association shall come
into effect upon mutual agreement between the Government of
the United States and the Government of Puerto Rico after
completion of approval by--
(1) a separate ratification vote on the Articles by the
eligible voters in the special election held under section
203; and
(2) the Government of the United States in accordance with
its constitutional processes.
(b) Rejection.--If the special election under subsection
(a)(1) results in rejection of the Articles of Free
Association, the process provided for in section 210 and
subsection (a) shall be repeated.
SEC. 212. TERMINATION.
The Articles of Free Association between the United States
and Puerto Rico may be terminated at will by either party at
any time.
SEC. 213. INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS TO ECONOMIC BENEFITS AND GRANTS.
(a) Rights and Benefits.--All vested rights and benefits
which accrue to residents of the territory of Puerto Rico
under the laws of the United States from past services or
contributions, such as rights and benefits for veterans or
relatives of veterans of the Armed Forces of the United
States, retired Government employees, or beneficiaries of old
age, disability, or survivors' insurance benefits under the
Social Security Act, shall not be interrupted after the
proclamation of international sovereignty through free
association but will continue until such time as said rights
and benefits are completely extinguished according to the
applicable laws of the United States. All services which must
be rendered as part of these rights and benefits shall be
made available through the Government of the nation of Puerto
Rico in accordance with agreements reached by the two
nations.
(b) Social Security System.--Notwithstanding subsection
(a), all contributions made by employees and employers in
Puerto Rico to the Social Security system with respect to
persons who, upon the proclamation of international
sovereignty through free association, are residents of the
nation of Puerto Rico and are not yet eligible for old age,
disability, or survivors' insurance benefits under the
system, shall be transferred to the Government of the nation
of Puerto Rico once said Government establishes its own
social security system. The Government of the nation of
Puerto Rico may not use these funds for any purpose other
than the establishment and operation of a social security
system. Upon the transfer described herein, the obligations
of the United States Government under the Social Security Act
with respect to such residents of the nation of Puerto Rico
shall cease.
(c) Other Federal Transfer Payments.--All other Federal
transfer payments to individuals and to the Government of the
territory of Puerto Rico shall be maintained in the form of
annual block grants to be used discretionally by the
Government of the nation of Puerto Rico--
(1) during the 10 fiscal years following the proclamation
of international sovereignty through free association, the
annual block grants shall amount to the annual aggregate
funding of all programs which currently extend to the
territory of Puerto Rico, or of all programs which shall have
been extended to the territory of Puerto Rico during the
fiscal year immediately prior to the proclamation of
international sovereignty through free association, whichever
shall be greater; and
(2) the annual block grants shall decrease thereafter on a
straight-line basis, at the rate of ten percent each year,
beginning on the eleventh fiscal year after the proclamation
of international sovereignty through free association. At any
time during the aforementioned transition period the terms of
this subsection may be modified by agreement between the
United States and the nation of Puerto Rico.
[[Page H9872]]
(d) Revision.--The terms and conditions of this subsection
may be revised as part of an agreement under the Articles of
Free Association.
TITLE III--TRANSITION AND IMPLEMENTATION -- STATEHOOD
SEC. 301. PRESIDENTIAL PROCLAMATION; ADMISSION INTO THE
UNION.
If a plebiscite held under this Act results in a majority
vote for statehood:
(1) Presidential proclamation; date of admission.--Upon
receipt of the Elections Commission's certification of the
plebiscite results pursuant to section 5(d), the President
shall issue a proclamation declaring the date that Puerto
Rico is admitted as a State of the Union on an equal footing
with all other States, which shall be a date not later than
one year after the effective date of the plebiscite results.
(2) Submission of proclamation.--The President shall cause
such proclamation to be submitted to the Governor of Puerto
Rico, the legislature of Puerto Rico, the President pro
tempore of the United States Senate, the Speaker of the
United States House of Representatives, the Senate Committee
on Energy and Natural Resources, and the House Committee on
Natural Resources.
(3) Admission into the union.--Subject to the provisions of
this Act, and upon the date declared by the President for
admission of Puerto Rico as a State under the proclamation
under paragraph (1), the territory of Puerto Rico shall be a
State of the United States of America and as such admitted
into the Union on an equal footing with the other States in
all respects. Upon admission, Puerto Rico shall be known as
the State of Puerto Rico.
(4) Incorporation.--Puerto Rico shall remain unincorporated
until its admission as a State of the Union under paragraph
(3).
SEC. 302. CONFORMING AMENDMENTS TO EXISTING LAW.
(a) Review.--Not later than 30 days after the certification
of a plebiscite result under this Act in favor of statehood,
the President shall initiate a review of Federal law with
respect to Puerto Rico, including those regarding--
(1) taxation of persons and businesses;
(2) health care;
(3) housing;
(4) transportation;
(5) education; and
(6) entitlement programs.
(b) Recommendations.--Not later than one year after the
date on which the President initiates a review under
subsection (a), the President shall submit any
recommendations to Congress for changes to Federal law
identified during such review, as the President deems
appropriate.
SEC. 303. TERRITORY AND BOUNDARIES.
The State of Puerto Rico shall consist of all of the
islands, together with their appurtenant reefs, seafloor,
submerged lands, and territorial waters in the seaward
boundary, presently under the jurisdiction of the territory
of Puerto Rico.
SEC. 304. CONSTITUTION.
(a) In General.--The Constitution of the territory of
Puerto Rico, as approved by Public Law 82-447 and
subsequently amended as of the date of enactment of this Act
is hereby found to be republican in form and in conformity
with the Constitution of the United States and the principles
of the Declaration of Independence, and is hereby accepted,
ratified, and confirmed as the Constitution of the State of
Puerto Rico.
(b) Future Constitutions.--The Constitution of the State of
Puerto Rico--
(1) shall always be republican in form; and
(2) shall not be repugnant to the Constitution of the
United States and the principles of the Declaration of
Independence.
SEC. 305. ELECTIONS OF SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES,
CERTIFICATION, AND LEGAL DISPUTES.
(a) Elections of Senators and Representatives.--Not more
than one month after the proclamation under section 301, the
Governor of Puerto Rico shall issue a declaration that shall
designate and announce the dates and other requirements for
primary and general elections under applicable Federal and
local law for representation in the Senate and the House of
Representatives of the United States upon admission of Puerto
Rico as a State.
(b) Resident Commissioner.--The office of Resident
Commissioner of Puerto Rico shall cease to exist upon the
swearing in of the first Representative from the State of
Puerto Rico to the House of Representatives.
(c) Senators and Representatives.--
(1) In general.--Upon its admission into the Union, the
State of Puerto Rico shall be entitled to Senators and
Representatives who shall be entitled to be admitted to seats
in the Congress of the United States and to all the rights
and privileges of Senators and Representatives of the other
States in the Congress of the United States.
(2) First election of senators.--In the first election of
Senators, the two senatorial offices shall be separately
identified and designated, and no person may be a candidate
for both offices. Nothing in this section shall impair the
privilege of the Senate to determine the class and term to
which each of the Senators elected shall be assigned, with
the exception that the Senators shall not be in the same
class.
(3) First election of representatives.--In the first
election of Representatives, and subsequent elections until
the next Census-based reapportionment cycle, the State of
Puerto Rico shall be entitled to the same number of
Representatives as the State whose most recent Census
population was closest to, but less than, that of Puerto
Rico, and such Representatives shall be in addition to the
membership of the House of Representatives as now prescribed
by law. Any such increase in the membership shall not operate
to either increase or decrease the permanent membership of
the House of Representatives as prescribed in the Act of
August 8, 1911 (37 Stat. 13), nor shall such temporary
increase affect the basis of apportionment established by the
Act of November 15, 1941 (55 Stat. 761), for the 83d Congress
and each Congress thereafter, unless Congress acts to
increase the total number of Members of the House of
Representatives. Thereafter, the State of Puerto Rico shall
be entitled to such number of Representatives as provided for
by applicable law based on the next reapportionment. The
apportionment of congressional districts for the first
election and subsequent election of Representatives shall be
conducted as provided for by the Constitution and laws of the
State of Puerto Rico for state legislative districts.
(d) Certification of Results.--The Elections Commission
shall certify the results of primary and general elections
for representation in the Senate and the House of
Representatives of the United States to the Governor. Not
later than 10 days after the date of each certification, the
Governor shall declare the results of the primary and general
elections, and transmit the results of each election to the
President of the United States, the President pro tempore of
the Senate, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives.
(e) Jurisdiction of District Court.--The United States
District Court for the District of Puerto Rico shall have
original and exclusive jurisdiction of any civil action
alleging a dispute or controversy pertaining to electoral
processes conducted under this section.
SEC. 306. STATE TITLE TO LAND AND PROPERTY.
(a) State Title.--The State of Puerto Rico and its
political subdivisions and dependencies shall have and retain
title to all property, real and personal, held by the
territory of Puerto Rico and its political subdivisions and
dependencies on the date of the admission of Puerto Rico into
the Union.
(b) Federal Title.--Any lands and other properties that, as
of the date of admission of Puerto Rico into the Union, are
set aside pursuant to law for the use of the United States
under any--
(1) Act of Congress;
(2) Executive order;
(3) proclamation of the President; or
(4) proclamation of the Governor of the territory of Puerto
Rico,
shall remain the property of the United States.
(c) Continental Shelf.--The State of Puerto Rico shall have
the exclusive right to explore, exploit, lease, possess, and
use all seabed, natural, and mineral resources lying within
three marine leagues (nine nautical miles) from its shore, as
granted under section 8 of the Act of March 2, 1917 (48
U.S.C. 749; 39 Stat. 954). All other rights of sovereignty in
regards to the continental shelf and waters, shall belong to
the United States, except those already vested in Puerto
Rico.
SEC. 307. CONTINUITY OF LAWS, GOVERNMENT, AND OBLIGATIONS.
Upon the admission of the State of Puerto Rico into the
Union:
(1) Continuity of laws.--All of the territorial laws in
force in Puerto Rico on the date of issuance of the
proclamation described in section 301(1) not inconsistent
with this Act or the Constitution of the State of Puerto Rico
shall be and continue in force and effect throughout the
State, until amended, modified, or repealed by the State. All
of the laws of the United States shall have the same force
and effect within the State as in the other several States.
(2) Continuity of government.--The individuals holding
legislative, executive, and judicial offices of Puerto Rico
shall continue to discharge the duties of their respective
offices when Puerto Rico becomes a State of the Union in,
under, or by authority of the government of the State, as
provided by the constitution and laws of the State.
(3) Continuity of obligations.--All contracts, obligations,
liabilities, debts, and claims of the territory of Puerto
Rico and its instrumentalities at the moment of admission
shall continue in full force and effect as the contracts,
obligations, liabilities, debts, and claims of the State of
Puerto Rico and its instrumentalities when Puerto Rico
becomes a State of the Union.
(4) Use and enjoyment of property.--All laws of the United
States reserving to the United States the free use or
enjoyment of property which vests in or is conveyed to the
State of Puerto Rico or its political subdivisions pursuant
to this section or reserving the right to alter, amend, or
repeal laws relating thereto, shall cease to be effective.
SEC. 308. JUDICIAL PRONOUNCEMENTS.
(a) Pending.--No writ, action, indictment, cause, or
proceeding pending in any court of the territory of Puerto
Rico, shall abate by reason of the admission of the State of
Puerto Rico into the Union, but shall proceed within such
appropriate State courts as shall be established under the
Constitution of the State of Puerto Rico, or shall continue
in the United States District Court for the District of
Puerto Rico, as the nature of the case may require.
(b) Not Yet Pending.--All civil causes of action and all
criminal offenses, which shall have arisen or been committed
before the admission of the State, but as to which no writ,
action, indictment, or proceeding shall be pending at the
date of such admission, shall be subject to prosecution in
the appropriate State courts or in the United States District
Court for the District of Puerto Rico in like manner, to the
same extent, and with like right of appellate review, as if
such State had been created and such State courts had been
established prior to the accrual of such causes of action or
the commission of such offenses. The admission of the State
shall effect no change in the procedural or substantive laws
governing causes of action and criminal offenses which shall
have arisen or
[[Page H9873]]
been committed, and any such criminal offenses as shall have
been committed against the laws of the territory of Puerto
Rico, shall be tried and punished by the appropriate courts
of the State, and any such criminal offenses as shall have
been committed against the laws of the United States shall be
tried and punished in the United States District Court for
the District of Puerto Rico.
(c) Appeals.--Parties shall have the same rights of
judicial review of final decisions of the United States
District Court for the District of Puerto Rico or the Supreme
Court of Puerto Rico, in any case finally decided prior to
the admission of the State of Puerto Rico into the Union,
whether or not an appeal therefrom shall have been perfected
prior to such admission. The United States Court of Appeals
for the First Circuit and the Supreme Court of the United
States, shall have the same jurisdiction in such cases as by
law provided prior to the admission of the State into the
Union. Any mandate issued subsequent to the admission of the
State, shall be to the United States District Court for the
District of Puerto Rico or a court of the State, as
appropriate. Parties shall have the same rights of appeal
from and appellate review of all orders, judgments, and
decrees of the United States District Court for the District
of Puerto Rico and of the Supreme Court of Puerto Rico, in
any case pending at the time of admission of the State into
the Union, and the Supreme Court of Puerto Rico and the
Supreme Court of the United States shall have the same
jurisdiction therein, as by law provided in any case arising
subsequent to the admission of the State into the Union.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The bill shall be debatable for 1 hour
equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority member
of the Committee on Natural Resources or their respective designees.
The gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Grijalva) and the gentleman from
Arkansas (Mr. Westerman) each will control 30 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Grijalva).
General Leave
Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks
and include extraneous material on H.R. 8393.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Arizona?
There was no objection.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Madam Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 8393, legislation I was
proud to introduce along with my colleagues, Representatives Nydia
Velazquez and Darren Soto, Resident Commissioner Jenniffer Gonzalez-
Colon, and Majority Leader Steny Hoyer, to resolve Puerto Rico's
territorial status.
This bill being on the floor today was far from assured. There were
many times over the past several weeks when it appeared there wasn't
any hope of ever bringing this bill to the floor. In fact, my
colleagues and I were negotiating final changes as recently as 24 hours
ago.
But with the prodding of Leader Hoyer, we persevered. In spite of
opposition to the historic nature of what we are about to accomplish,
we persevered.
I commend and congratulate my colleagues who put aside their
philosophical differences and worked to arrive at a compromise that we
can all support.
Last year, the Natural Resources Committee held two legislative
hearings where Puerto Rican-elected government officials, legal and
human rights experts, and residents offered testimony and feedback to
the committee on the details of those bills.
Those bills that we were discussing were two bills, one dealing
primarily with statehood status and the other one seeking a self-
determination path. Those two bills were diametrically opposed, and
until the negotiations began, little progress was seen moving the
question of status forward.
The Puerto Rico Status Act combines important elements of these two
bills to present a compromise that also incorporates input from the
full range of voices among Puerto Rico's status debate and that would
be supported by a majority of Members of Congress. That is the bill
that we bring forward today.
We had in-person public hearings, including with over 100 individuals
who shared comments and suggestions on the text with the delegation at
our public forum in Puerto Rico. In addition to these in-person
opportunities for public input, we also published the draft text on
POPVOX, an online submission tool that members of the public used to
share more than 100 comments, all of which were reviewed and considered
while developing the final language.
The Puerto Rico Status Act is, therefore, the product of a
participatory and informed process. It incorporates expertise and
knowledge from a wide range of stakeholders who have grappled with the
dilemma of Puerto Rico's second-class political status for many years.
Finding a resolution to Puerto Rico's political status has been
elusive and difficult, and it has been that way for a long time. Recent
efforts to resolve the issue began in 1991 with competing bills
introduced in the House and Senate, followed by legislation sponsored
by our former colleague Don Young in 1998, and finally the Puerto Rico
Democracy Act in 2010, sponsored by then-Puerto Rico Resident
Commissioner and current Governor Pierluisi.
While each of those previous bills passed the House, as we hope our
bill will today, as well, they ultimately failed because they did not
possess the necessary elements to end the colonial status of the island
through a fair and informed process.
In becoming chair of the Natural Resources Committee, I made the
issue of resolving Puerto Rico's political status a priority. It is
crucial to me that any proposal from Congress to decolonize Puerto Rico
be informed and led by Puerto Ricans.
As a non-Puerto Rican, I cannot claim the experience of Puerto Ricans
who have fought for equality and autonomy for their island for so many
years. However, as someone of Mexican descent and indigenous ancestry,
I feel a sense of solidarity with the people of Puerto Rico in that
enduring struggle. We continue to strive for equality and preserve our
traditions, as we all do that, and that struggle is a shared experience
among marginalized and disenfranchised people in this country and in
Puerto Rico.
I am proud to be discussing a piece of legislation, a proposal, today
that assists the people of Puerto Rico to directly be involved in
determining their political future.
In recent years, we have seen all too painfully that the current
colonial territory status is no longer viable and is incapable of
providing either adequate political or economic benefits to the people
of Puerto Rico.
Puerto Rico's current status is what impedes its economic
development. PROMESA and its financial oversight and management board,
the shortcomings of the Puerto Rico Electric Power Authority, or PREPA,
and the inadequate Federal response under the previous administration
to disasters like Hurricane Maria and the COVID-19 pandemic, these are
all products of the current territorial status.
Recent Supreme Court rulings have only further clarified that, as a
territory, Puerto Rico lacks the same constitutional protections and
rights as in the 50 States.
This bill would finally stop offering the problem as a continued
solution and would let the people of Puerto Rico choose a nonterritory,
noncolonial status for themselves.
I am extremely grateful to all the political and community leaders,
residents, and staff who worked to produce this compromise and
contributed to this bill.
I thank House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer; the Governor of Puerto
Rico, Pedro Pierluisi; Representatives Velazquez, Soto, and Ocasio-
Cortez; and Resident Commissioner Gonzalez-Colon for their leadership
and dedication throughout a difficult but very necessary process.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Madam Speaker, introduced in July 2022, H.R. 8393, the Puerto Rico
Status Act, would authorize a federally sponsored plebiscite to occur
on November 5, 2023, and it would dictate to the voters of Puerto Rico
three and only three choices: independence, sovereignty and free
association, or statehood. If no one option receives a majority vote,
there will be a runoff on March 3, 2024.
I cannot support this measure because of process concerns and wide-
ranging policy changes that involve the jurisdiction of the Natural
Resources Committee, along with several
[[Page H9874]]
other House committees that haven't even seen this bill.
The Committee on Natural Resources has not held a hearing on this
bill, nor have the other committees with expertise on complex issues of
U.S. citizenship, taxation and entitlement programs, foreign policy,
and many other matters. None of them have been given an opportunity to
openly consider, debate, and amend this bill.
The question of Puerto Rico's political status is a life-altering
decision for the people of Puerto Rico. Just as we would expect the
people of Puerto Rico to deliberate its questions, understand its
consequences, and accept responsibility for the choice, so should
Congress.
These issues are far too important for this body to act without
proper deliberation. Because of the hasty and secretive process that
was used to develop this bill, it contains many concerning and
unresolved issues.
The bill contradicts itself, offering Puerto Rico the promise of
independence while prescribing actions that should be taken by the
newly sovereign nation. How can you be independent yet have another
nation dictate what your actions will be?
It promises the trappings of U.S. citizenship without the
responsibilities of being a part of the United States.
It is unfortunate that we are here considering this legislation on
the House floor after the majority has held backroom negotiations
instead of open, transparent hearings and markups. A regular and open
legislative process would have allowed Members of this body and the
people of Puerto Rico--more than 3 million United States citizens--to
fully assess what this bill proposes and what it means for this and
future generations.
In fact, the majority made changes to the bill that had even less
consideration than the version ordered to be reported by the Committee
on Natural Resources in July, cutting backroom deals as recently as
this week.
We learned this bill would be on the floor even before we had the
text from the Rules Committee. We didn't even know what we would be
debating when we learned this bill would be on the floor.
Madam Speaker, there is a favorite Latin expression of mine. It is
lux et veritas. It means light and truth. This body, this Congress, and
this Federal Government could use a lot more light and truth.
You see, without light, when you are in the darkness, you don't know
what truth is. If you don't know what truth is, then you make bad
policy decisions.
Unfortunately, the lack of transparency seems to be par for the
course in Congress anymore. This bill should have been debated. It
should have had light shone on it.
This is just bad policy. I don't see how anybody could read this bill
and think that there are not problems with it, that there is not a lack
of logic. There is incoherence in the text of the bill, and it is
taking us to a position where we would make bad decisions.
Here we are, just a week after this Chamber was left guessing what
would be in the final NDAA and while we are currently guessing what
will be in a last-minute omnibus spending bill that will, no doubt, be
rolled out in the dark of night. This is another example of what is so
broken about this process, what is so broken about the way this
majority has led.
If this majority were interested in helping Puerto Rico, we would be
advancing legislation to address the reliability of the island's energy
grid, ensure its fiscal solvency, repair its infrastructure, or meet
any of the other tangible needs for the people of Puerto Rico.
We should be treating these U.S. citizens with respect and letting a
full and robust legislative process in the light of day take place to
address the status question and the many implications for the people of
Puerto Rico and for all Americans.
Madam Speaker, I urge a ``no'' vote on H.R. 8393, and I reserve the
balance of my time.
{time} 1115
Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, the only point of darkness that I can
see is the greatest democracy on Earth, the United States of America,
and what this bill does is provides some light and consistency to that
great democracy by saying you must rid yourself of this colonial
legacy. Our great Nation should not be a colonial holder of other
countries and other futures. This is an opportunity to break from that
and to encourage democracy.
Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York
(Ms. Velazquez). As I indicated earlier, my thanks go to her for her
work, as well.
Ms. VELAZQUEZ. Madam Speaker, for 124 years Puerto Rico, the nation
where I was born and raised, has been a colony of the United States.
Invaded by the United States during the 1898 Spanish-American War,
Puerto Rico has remained in a state of colonial limbo that flies in the
face of the anticolonial values upon which the American Republic was
founded.
Congress' unlimited plenary powers over Puerto Rico are reminiscent
of the monarchical powers enjoyed by King George III against which the
Founders of the American Republic so bravely fought.
If Hamilton and Madison were alive today, they would be shocked to
see how the anticolonial Constitution they drafted in 1787 is currently
used to legitimize colonialism in Puerto Rico over 300 years later.
Advocating now for the continuation of the status quo on the island is
the height of hypocrisy.
Colonialism has destroyed the Puerto Rican economy.
Colonialism has divided the Puerto Rican people.
Colonialism has eaten away our people's sense of dignity and self-
worth.
Colonialism has made the people of Puerto Rico both psychologically
and economically dependent on the United States.
Colonialism is not only humiliating for Puerto Rico, but it is an
embarrassment to the United States--the United States that holds itself
out as a leader of the free world and that stands up to imperialist
tyrants abroad while keeping colonies in the Caribbean and the Pacific.
Puerto Rico's colonial crisis is not a simple domestic issue as some
erroneously believe. Make no mistake, Madam Speaker, this is an
international issue that directly affects America's standing and image
around the world, which is why this double-talk must come to an end.
The time has come to fully decolonize Puerto Rico. It has been 100
years since the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Balzac--the last
Insular Case--and 70 years after the ratification of the territorial
constitution of 1952. History calls upon us to put politics aside and
do right by the people of Puerto Rico.
For the last 2 years, I have been tirelessly fighting to craft a bill
for Puerto Rico that is anticolonial, fair, and transparent. A bill
that will, first and foremost, put the people of Puerto Rico who--since
the days of the 1898 invasion--have remained on the sideline front and
center.
From Puerto Rico to Florida, and, yes, to the barrios of New York--
the ones I am proud to represent--the voices of Boricuas are now
finally being heard. Let us not forget that it is thanks to the vibrant
Puerto Rican diaspora from Brooklyn, Queens, and the Bronx that my
colleague, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and I are able to walk these Halls
of Congress today.
Today, I stand on the shoulders of millions of Puerto Ricans who had
to flee Puerto Rico because its colonial condition has not allowed them
to live on the island where they were born.
But Puerto Ricans are strong. They have been kicked out of their home
and yet have managed to succeed and flourish in cold and foreign places
and have graced us with the likes of Lola Rodriguez de Tio, Maria
Libertad Gomez, Nilita Vientos Gaston, Justice Sonia Sotomayor, Rita
Moreno, Julia de Burgos, and Mari Carmen Aponte, among many others. I
feel so honored to be here standing today on the shoulders of all these
women and many others who have paved the way.
More importantly, we are here today for the people on the island:
those who suffer every day because the prices they pay for necessities
like electricity and food are sky-high thanks to the Jones Act.
We are here for those who have lost all their appliances time and
time again because we have failed in helping the island to keep the
lights on.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
[[Page H9875]]
Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from New York.
Ms. VELAZQUEZ. Madam Speaker, we are here for those who have lost
loved ones after Maria, the earthquakes, COVID-19, and, most recently,
Fiona.
We are here today because we must move towards decolonization. The
current status is unsustainable, fundamentally unfair, and un-American.
The process that has led us to this moment has been contentious,
complex, and full of debate. It is no secret that Members advocating
for this bill, including myself, hold differing opinions on which
noncolonial option is the best for the people of Puerto Rico.
The consensus bill before us today clearly defines Puerto Rico's non-
territorial status options; namely, free association, independence, and
statehood. It is the first time Congress recognizes free association as
a separate decolonizing formula.
More importantly, this bill includes dual citizenship rights under
both the independence and free association options like we have in the
Marshall Islands or Palau.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has again
expired.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the
gentlewoman from New York.
Ms. VELAZQUEZ. Madam Speaker, I fought hard for the incorporation of
these provisions because Congress has the moral obligation to offer
Puerto Rico the necessary tools to transition to a new postcolonial
order. And, yes, that includes financial resources to make Puerto Rico
whole after 124 years of exploitation of natural resources and
environmental degradation.
Madam Speaker, I want to take this time to thank Chairman Grijalva;
the Resident Commissioner of Puerto Rico (Miss Gonzalez-Colon);
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who has made incredible contributions to make
this bill better and transparent; Congressman Soto; and the staff who
worked day in and day out.
Madam Speaker, I ask my colleagues to support this bill.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Madam Speaker, I want to be as crystal clear as I can. I think this
is not only my position, but I believe it is the position of everyone
in the minority--the whole Republican Conference and I would hope it
would be the position of all of the Democratic Caucus--that America is
not a symbol of darkness.
America is still a shining city on a hill. America offers more hope
and more protections for freedom than anybody in the history of the
world has offered and will continue to offer that. A country that is
founded on the protection of life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness cannot be considered a country that is a symbol of darkness.
I heard a lot of talk about colonialism. But passing a bill that
tells a sovereign nation what its laws should be sounds a lot like
colonialism to me.
Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr.
Bentz).
Mr. BENTZ. Madam Speaker, let me ask this question: Will the United
States be the better for adding Puerto Rico as a State?
The answer is perhaps.
The answer also is that we need to address the issue, and we need to
address the issue correctly.
I had the privilege of sitting through a discussion of this bill 6
months ago. I was surprised when it abruptly appeared this morning,
because back then I pointed out that as a practicing attorney, I have
had many occasions to put together large business deals, and we used
incredible care to bring those deals together.
Yet, when I see something that is dealing with not only the 3.2
million people in Puerto Rico but also the 340 million people in the
United States being treated with such a cavalier nature, then I have to
ask:
Why do such a disservice not only to the United States but also
Puerto Rico?
I asked that question in committee.
The bill fails to talk about and address U.S. sovereignty, U.S.
elections, government benefits, taxation, immigration, and a myriad of
other important issues, all of which need to be addressed. This is not
to suggest that Puerto Rico at some point shouldn't be a State.
The question is: How do we go about doing it?
Because if we are going to add two more Senators and a number of
other Representatives, if we are going to upset the structure of our
Nation with this addition, then why aren't we doing the proper study to
get it right?
Because there is no reason for us to jump into something like this
and upset the rest of our Nation.
Why would we do such a thing?
It makes no sense.
I was sad to see this bill appear here today because I don't like
getting up and talking this aggressively about hard work that has been
done by the people of Puerto Rico and my good friends in the
delegation. But the truth has to be called out. If we are going to add
another State to this Nation, then let's do it right.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).
(Mr. HOYER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, I have been working on this issue almost
all of my career in the Congress of the United States.
The previous gentleman said: Let's do it right.
This does it right. This does it after years and years and years and
years and years of consideration.
I hesitate because I agree, I think, almost in whole with the remarks
that Mr. Westerman has made. Mr. Westerman is a Member of the Congress
that I respect. He and I work on things that we think are very
important to mankind, here in this country and around the world, in
terms of our global environment.
America is a great nation. It is a generous nation. I have said
throughout the world that America is the least acquisitive great power
that has existed in the world.
What do I mean by acquisitive?
We did not fight wars to take property and to acquire countries, to
do what Putin criminally does today. In fact, what we did in those wars
in which we have participated in was to build up countries, and they
are now democracies: Germany, Japan, Italy, and other nations which we
have occupied for a temporary period of time to make sure they were
free and help them be free. This bill is about the Puerto Rican people
and their island.
{time} 1130
And to redeem a premise that we have argued to all the world ought to
be central to their policies. That is the right of peoples to self-
determination. The right of peoples to say: This is who I am, and this
is the political environment in which I want to live--by free votes,
not arms, not force, but by the choice of the people. That is what this
legislation does.
Puerto Ricans and people of Puerto Rican descent have had an
important place in the American family for over a century. They
contribute to American culture. They help protect America's national
security. They support the American economy and our shared prosperity.
They are American citizens. We made that decision because that was
our decision to make whether we were going to allow them to be American
citizens or not. Frankly, whether they have any relationship with us or
not is our American Congress' decision. They are today American
citizens like all of us.
For far too long, however, the people of Puerto Rico have been
excluded from the full promise of American democracy and self-
determination that our Nation has always championed. We owe it to our
own values, and we owe it to the Puerto Rican people to bring an end to
their island's 124-year-old status as a U.S. territory.
Less than us. Less than Maryland. Less than Virginia or Oregon or
Texas or Maine or Washington State. Yes, they are citizens but less--
3\1/2\ million people are less. We hold these truths to be self-evident
that all are created equal. Now, not all people ought to be U.S.
citizens because of that comment, but all citizens ought to be equal.
That
[[Page H9876]]
is why I am for D.C. statehood--700,000-plus people. Citizens. Our
people.
They are franchised if they move to Maryland and disenfranchised if
they move from Maryland to D.C. That is not right. We passed a bill to
say that was not right. This is another opportunity to give the people
of Puerto Rico the ability to set it right, and we make that decision.
The gentleman is correct. We don't have to give that right to Puerto
Ricans, we make that decision, and we ought to make it. That is what
this bill is about--making that decision to give our fellow citizens a
choice--their choice, not our choice.
The gentlewoman from New York, a wonderful, dear, close friend of
mine, she and I have disagreed through the years as to what that choice
ought to be. But what we agree on is it is not our choice; it is Puerto
Rico's choice. That is why I am proud to bring the Puerto Rico Status
Act to the floor today.
This bipartisan legislation would organize and fund a binding,
island-wide plebiscite that would allow the people of Puerto Rico to
vote among these three options:
Statehood. That would be my option. If I were a Puerto Rican and I
were living in Port-au-Prince or wherever I was living, I would vote to
be a State. That is not my choice, I don't live there, I am not in
Puerto Rico. San Juan--I said Port-au-Prince. San Juan. It ought to be
their choice, and that is what this bill does--statehood.
Independence. They have a right to do that. They are either going to
be a State or they will have a right to determine their own destiny,
their own status, or as the bill also gives them an option to do, be a
sovereign State with an association with our country.
Now, that has to be done through agreement because we have to make
that decision as well as the Puerto Ricans. That would have to be an
agreement between us, and both sides would have to be willing partners
to that agreement.
Additionally, it would implement comprehensive, nonpartisan public-
education campaigns to help voters understand the implications of each
option long before any ballots are cast.
The gentlewoman from New York has made it an essential part of her
argument that the people of Puerto Rico have to know what they are
voting on and what the consequences of that vote will be. Ms. Ocasio-
Cortez has made that same point correctly.
This bipartisan bill also includes a variety of oversight measures to
ensure that the election is secure, transparent, and fair.
I have long-believed that Puerto Ricans deserve the right to
determine their political destiny. This is not a new concept for me. I
don't think it is a new concept for any of us in this Congress. We
believe in self-determination of peoples. We believe that dictators
cannot impose upon people a government they do not choose. That is
bedrock belief for us. That is what this bill is about.
A group of House Members and senior Puerto Rican officials--I am
honored that my former colleague and my dear friend is on the floor
with us today, Pedro Pierluisi. The Governor has been selected by the
people of Puerto Rico.
I am honored to be the friend of and ally of the gentlewoman from
Puerto Rico who is the Resident Commissioner from Puerto Rico, who has
worked tirelessly with Nydia Velazquez, with the rest of us, in
ensuring that the people of Puerto Rico have an honest, fair choice
available to them to affect their status, and to reach the long-sought
consensus on a path forward for self-determination.
Madam Speaker, I thank Chairman Grijalva. This has been a long and
torturous path because the disagreements about how we get to where we
want to get are so difficult. Chairman Grijalva deserves great praise
from all of us for his patience, for his knowledge, for his wisdom, for
his role that he played in trying to bring this to a head. He has done
it, it is here on this floor, and he is responsible for that.
Madam Speaker, I thank the members of the Natural Resources Committee
on both sides of the aisle, and I thank the staff for the work that
they have done--tireless hours and difficult discussions, debates, and
so much disharmony from all those, both the diaspora and those in
Puerto Rico--strong feelings that had to be brought to bear to reach
this consensus.
Madam Speaker, I thank Chairwoman Nydia Velazquez; Representative
Darren Soto, who is on the floor and perhaps is going to speak after
me; Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez; the Puerto Rican Resident
Commissioner that I have spoken of, Jenniffer Gonzalez-Colon; and you,
Governor.
Madam Speaker, the Governor and I have had the opportunity to work
together when you were a Member of this House. We passed a bill that
this House passed saying that the Puerto Rican people ought to have a
choice, so this is not new. The previous gentleman wasn't here in
Congress then--I don't know that, but I don't think he was. This is not
new. This has not been done haphazardly. This has been done carefully
with difficult efforts made by all parties.
All of the people that I mentioned, I thank for their efforts to
reach this historic consensus and action on behalf of the people of
Puerto Rico. We are all in agreement that the decision must belong to
the people of Puerto Rico alone. Their destiny ought to be up to them.
The Puerto Rican Status Act, of which we will consider in just a few
minutes, will give them that choice. They will have that choice only if
we vote ``yes.'' If we do not vote ``yes'' today, I fear we may not
vote ``yes'' for a very long time. The people of Puerto Rico would be
held in a status that I believe the majority of them do not want to be
in.
Madam Speaker, I, therefore, ask all of my colleagues on both sides
of the aisle to represent the values of America in this vote. The
values that say to us that people have the inherent right to self-
determination, not to have it imposed upon them by force or by dictate
of the Congress of the United States, but to choose a status of their
choosing, of their desire, of their vision. Vote for this status bill,
it represents the best of American values. We have a moral
responsibility to do so.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
I thank the distinguished gentleman, the leader of the Democratic
Party, for his remarks. I agree with many things that he said. I think
all of us would agree with many of the things that he stated. I was
with him right up there until the part about using D.C. statehood as a
metaphor with Puerto Rican statehood. If the gentleman wanted to talk
about the residents of D.C., we can talk about taking those residential
neighborhoods and commercial neighborhoods in D.C. and putting them
back with the State of Maryland if that is an issue. D.C. statehood is
totally different from Puerto Rican statehood, and it shouldn't even be
brought into this discussion.
The gentleman talked about the inherent right to self-determination.
He said it is something that shouldn't be dictated by the Congress of
the U.S. to the people of Puerto Rico. He said the decision belongs to
the people of Puerto Rico. Their destiny belongs to them. I think we
would all agree with that in principle, but that is not what this bill
says.
Section 102 talking about the independence option. I am reading
directly from the bill: ``The constitutional convention under section
101 shall formulate and draft a constitution for Puerto Rico that
guarantees the protection of fundamental human rights . . . ''
We all agree that should happen, but if they are an independent
nation, what right do we have to tell them that? It says it shall
include: ``Due process and equal protection under the law; freedom of
speech, press, assembly, association, and religion; the rights of the
accused; any other economic, social, and cultural rights as the
constitutional convention may deem appropriate and necessary; and
provisions to ensure that no individual born in the nation of Puerto
Rico shall be stateless at birth.''
I don't disagree with that, but if they vote for independence, what
right do we have to dictate to them how they write their constitution
and what is included in it?
The other option of free association, section 202 of the bill: ``The
constitutional convention under section 201 shall formulate and draft a
constitution for Puerto Rico that guarantees
[[Page H9877]]
the protection of fundamental human rights . . . ''
Again, if they have the sovereignty under a free association, what
right does Congress have to dictate what their constitution will say?
The leader's words that their destiny shouldn't be dictated by the U.S.
Congress. Their destiny belongs to them. Yet, this bill tells them what
they shall do if they vote for either of those options.
Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from Puerto Rico
(Miss Gonzalez-Colon).
{time} 1145
Miss GONZALEZ-COLON. Madam Speaker, today is a truly historic day for
Puerto Rico. Ironically, it is also a perfect example of the island's
colonial reality.
I am Puerto Rico's only voice in Congress. I represent 3.2 million
American citizens living back home, more constituents than anyone in
this Chamber. Yet, while we consider a bill I helped write, a bill that
will directly impact the life of every citizen I represent, I still
must rely and depend on everybody here because I cannot vote on the
floor. This is the best example of why this bill is so important for
Puerto Rico.
Today, Congress takes a step toward finally assuming its
responsibility under Article IV, Section 3, Clause 2 of our
Constitution to provide the people of Puerto Rico with an opportunity,
a federally binding choice to democratically decide our future among
three nonterritorial, constitutionally viable options: statehood,
independence, and independence in association with the United States.
For the first time in history, we are considering legislation that
would authorize a self-executing plebiscite on the island. With the
adoption of this bill, this Chamber is also recognizing and making
clear that Puerto Rico's century-old territorial status is the problem
and cannot be part of the solution.
The territorial condition constrains the island's ability to prosper
and has relegated the island to an indefinite second-class status when
compared to the 50 States.
This is the main reason behind social, economic, and physical
challenges we have faced, forcing a mass exodus of millions of Puerto
Ricans to the mainland in search of that equality.
Congress has perpetuated by its inaction this dysfunctional
political-economic condition, one that at its core is, as President
Ronald Reagan once characterized it, ``historically unnatural.''
Because we are a territory, the people of Puerto Rico lack full
voting representation in the House and Senate and cannot vote for the
President, who sends our sons and daughters to war.
Because we are a territory, the Federal Government can, and often
does, treat us unequally under Federal laws and programs.
Because we are a territory, we are treated as second-class citizens.
Because we are a territory, I am here today discussing a bill related
to one of our most critical issues, yet I cannot vote on this bill.
This is the reason this discussion is so important.
I support statehood for the island, and our people have voted not
once, not twice, but three times already supporting statehood.
In response, I introduced H.R. 1522, which, following the most recent
precedents of Alaska and Hawaii, would have established a process to
admit the island as a State of the Union in a simple yes or no vote.
However, given the political realities in this Congress, and in the
interest of advancing the status issue, I led negotiations on this bill
before us.
This bill would make an offer to the people of Puerto Rico to choose.
I prefer statehood, but this bill would allow the people to choose
between statehood, independence, or independence in association with
the United States, and spell out the consequences of each option.
Of course, this bill is not perfect, but at least it will advance the
issue.
Today, I remember the late Congressman Don Young of Alaska, who
understood better than anyone else the inequities that come with being
a territory and always championed statehood for Puerto Rico.
Madam Speaker, never has a U.S. territory had to wait longer than
Puerto Rico to become an independent nation or to become a State, and
we have voted three times for that. We have more than earned the right
to do so.
Today, as the sole representative of the people of the island, I urge
my colleagues to vote for this bill, H.R. 8393, and allow us to finally
put an end to our shameful territorial status.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Soto), someone who, with other colleagues, worked through
this difficult process and produced the consensus today.
Mr. SOTO. Madam Speaker, it is time to set our people free. After 124
years, it is past time for Americans in Puerto Rico to decide their own
form of government.
The Puerto Rico Status Act will finally allow Puerto Ricans to throw
off their colonial bonds, finally end their territorial status and
choose for themselves: statehood, independence, and sovereignty with
free association. What a historic day today is in the U.S. House of
Representatives.
With the option of statehood, which is my preference, it is simple.
Puerto Rico would become the 51st State in our Nation, with all the
representation rights of our States.
With independence, they would become an independent nation, a
sovereign free to decide their own future.
With sovereignty with free association, they would be an independent
nation and would have the right to enter into a compact, a contract
between the United States and Puerto Rico that would provide for
citizenship for a limited time, foreign policy agreements, among other
matters.
The history of this bill this term is really important to discuss. We
had two hearings that lasted a day each. We had bipartisan negotiations
with the great leader on the Republican side, Jenniffer Gonzalez-Colon,
the very voice of the island of Puerto Rico, along with my colleagues
Nydia Velazquez, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, our great chairman here,
and, of course, our leader.
It is bipartisan. Just to make sure, we had another nearly daylong
hearing, meeting with stakeholders on the island after the draft was
released.
Then, of course, we had a markup. That lasted all day. In fact, I
can't think of a single bill that we have gotten out of the Natural
Resources Committee that we spent more time on this term than this
bill.
Of course, we see a long history of discrimination against
territories, or excuses for why territories shouldn't become States.
With Texas, they said, ``Could a nation become a State?'' But they
got in.
With New Mexico, they talked about a majority Hispanic native State.
It took them nearly 70 years. They got in.
In Utah, there was religious discrimination. In Hawaii, it was a
nation and a predominantly native island--Alaska, as well.
One by one, we admitted these territories as States based upon their
desire to join the Union.
At this moment, I can't help but well up with emotion. I think about
the brave, Borinqueneers, who fought in World War I, World War II,
Korea. Puerto Ricans serve in our armed services to this day in greater
numbers, in many instances, than States. Many died fighting for a
country that organized them into segregated units, sent them there on
orders of a Commander in Chief for whom they could not vote under our
laws. Yet, as Puerto Ricans, as Americans, they did so proudly,
sacrificing their lives for our freedom.
I think about my trips to Iraq and Afghanistan during the global war
on terror. I can never forget traveling through the vast desert of
Kuwait and, upon landing at an isolated base, there was the Puerto
Rican flag flying in the middle of the desert. You have to wonder, what
were they doing there? It is out of love of this country that they were
there.
I was similarly welcomed by a Puerto Rican medical unit proudly
serving in Afghanistan under constant threat of danger.
I think about those families I met after Hurricane Maria and the
devastation caused there, the most deadly disaster in modern history.
That was a watershed moment for so many of us. It just showed how
fragile the rights of those on the island were, recovering from Puerto
Rico's worst disaster, with Hurricane Maria.
[[Page H9878]]
I also think of my bisabuela, Altagracia Casanova. Born just after
the turn of the 20th century, I met her for the first time when she was
in her late eighties during my first trip to the island. I was only 3
years old. We developed a close relationship, and she ultimately lived
to 96 years old.
Her life spanned nearly a century. All the while, she lived in a
colonial territory as a second-class citizen in the greatest democracy
in the world. What a tragedy. What an irony.
I think about my abuela, Sara Casanova, who would come to the
mainland every summer to spend time with us, teach us the language and
history, enjoy our native food and music, and familiarize us with our
family's native culture.
She died right before my first successful primary to the Florida
House of Representatives back in 2007. But before she passed, even with
a fading memory, she read about the campaign in La Prensa and cried.
She understood it was a historic moment for our family, a passing of
the torch to the next generation.
I carry that torch into this Chamber, and I ask you all to support
freedom for our family back on the island, just like we expect for
every other American.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Smucker).
Mr. SMUCKER. Madam Speaker, I am especially grateful to the ranking
member for allowing me 2 minutes because he knows I am rising in
support of this bill.
I understand and completely agree with my friend, Mr. Westerman, who
is a dear friend and who does a wonderful job as ranking member on this
committee. I understand his frustration with this process because this
did come up quickly. There are a lot of unanswered questions about what
this will mean, depending on what the Puerto Rican people will choose.
I agree with him when he said that America is a beacon of hope to the
world, and it is a light to the world. I think that makes the case for
why we should allow the Puerto Rican people to make their choice about
their own future.
I have heard concerns on our side about economic issues, taking on
debt. I think this bill will specifically address that. Puerto Rico, if
it chooses to be a State, would keep the debt. I would argue the
opposite. Puerto Rico has been a territory since 1898, with 3.2 million
American citizens. We have not provided them every tool we possibly can
to ensure they can be prosperous.
I have visited Puerto Rico. I have a large community in my district
from Puerto Rico, who have family. I visited after the hurricane. I was
grateful for the support that we were able to provide.
But let's give every tool that we possibly can, including full
citizenship in the United States of America, if that is what they
choose, to be prosperous, to contribute to the American economy.
I think we can look at this as a net positive. It will be a net
positive if, indeed, Puerto Rico chooses to become the 51st State.
Again, I am grateful for the work of the ranking member and the
committee on this. It is not taken lightly to disagree with him on a
particular issue. There will be other steps in this process.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the
gentleman from Pennsylvania.
Mr. SMUCKER. There will be other steps in this process during which I
hope some of those real, legitimate questions can be answered.
We should allow the Puerto Rican people to make their choice about
their future. I know, certainly, the Puerto Rican population, who have
families back in the community, this is what they are looking for. I am
proud to stand with them and their family members if they have the
opportunity to freely determine the future of their beloved island.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman
from New York (Ms. Ocasio-Cortez), one of the principals that worked on
this consensus.
Ms. OCASIO-CORTEZ. Madam Speaker, before I begin today, I would like
to express and begin my remarks by expressing solidarity with other
U.S. colonies, colonized people, indigenous communities, and
descendants of the enslaved.
Today represents a historic moment. While Puerto Rico is not the
United States' only colony, it is its oldest. Today, for the first time
in our Nation's history, the United States will acknowledge its role as
a colonizing force and Puerto Rico's status as an extended colony.
The Puerto Rico Status Act begins a process for Boricuas to decide
their own future.
In this bill, we have made historic and unprecedented gains. Never
before have terms for independence and free association been so clearly
defined, including ramifications for citizenship.
This bill excludes the current unsustainable colonial status. It
clarifies that U.S. birthright citizenship and transmission of
citizenship remain the same in any event of status selection.
{time} 1200
It provides 10 years of compensatory finance in the event of free
association, and it also includes an agreement to international
election observers over the course of a plebiscite.
This bill has also achieved historic and unprecedented multiparty
agreement on the island, including representatives from the
Independence, Statehood, and Movimiento Victoria Parties. These gains
are critically important to codify in precedent here in this House.
I also want to acknowledge, rightfully, some of the criticisms of
what is not in this bill. It is not perfect. But we have fought
tirelessly to expand the transparency where previously there was less,
and there is still more to go. It does not address reparations. It does
not address the issues of Act 20, PROMESA, and LUMA, but I am confident
that in solidarity with movements on the island, we will solve these
issues and achieve those victories, as well.
I also want to note that decolonization is more than a vote. It
doesn't happen just with a vote. It is a social, political, cultural,
economic, and psychological process that extends far beyond the floor
of this House. That being said, the gains that are made here are a
watershed moment.
I thank, first and foremost, my incredible mentor, Representative
Nydia Velazquez, who has fought for the people of Puerto Rico for her
entire career and her entire life.
I thank our other colleagues: Chairman Grijalva for elevating this
issue, Leader Hoyer for making this a priority, as well as Resident
Commissioner Gonzalez-Colon.
I also thank grassroots advocacy organizations as well as our
partners in the Independence, Free Association, and Statehood Parties.
These gains are incredibly important, and they are a waypoint and a
stepping stone for the future of our island. I think it sends a very
strong message to all. For there to be any vote, prior to any vote, we
hope that the energy of people both in the diaspora and on the island
are here.
Lastly, but certainly not least, as we ring out a refrain that is
said among people across the world and Puerto Ricans across the world:
``Yo si soy boricua, pa'que tu lo sepas,'' ``I am Puerto Rican, so you
know.''
Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is
remaining?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Arkansas has 12 minutes
remaining.
The gentleman from Arizona has 6\1/2\ minutes remaining.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
If there is one thing that I think has come out in this discussion is
that there are problems with this bill. It is not a ``perfect piece of
legislation.'' It needs work done on it.
But we have to look at what the bill says. The way this bill is
written, if it were to pass today, if it passes out of this House and
it went through the process in the Senate, signed by the President,
then we have abrogated all of our responsibilities and authority,
because it doesn't come back to Congress for any kind of approval.
So both sides have agreed, in a bipartisan manner, that this bill has
problems, yet we are voting on it today to
[[Page H9879]]
say, with problems, that is okay; we are just going to go ahead and
move it through the process, even though we have all recognized that
there are problems with the bill.
Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from California
(Mr. McClintock).
Mr. McCLINTOCK. Madam Speaker, we have heard a lot about self-
determination today, but let's put that to the smell test.
The options that the Democrats are presenting to the Puerto Rican
people don't include the most obvious choice, to remain as a
commonwealth. So if you prefer the status quo, you are completely out
of luck. The Democrats have already decided you are not allowed to vote
for that. That is not self-determination. That is rigging an election.
Now, if none of the three options the Democrats have chosen for you
gets 50 percent, then there is a runoff, even if the option dropped was
the clear second choice of voters. And a narrow, transient majority
seems to be most likely, since the November 2020 plebiscite scored just
52.5 percent in favor of statehood, 47.5 percent opposed, with just 53
percent turning out to vote. Completely ignored is the right of all the
American people to discuss and decide so momentous and irreversible a
question as this.
Statehood would mean that in the next reapportionment, other States
will lose a total of four seats in the House of Representatives in
order to accommodate the Puerto Rican delegation.
Only about 20 percent of the population is fluent in English, which
means that we would be admitting a State whose vast majority is
isolated from the national political debate that is central to our
democracy.
Nor will statehood solve Puerto Rico's economic problems. Residents
would now have to pay all Federal income taxes from which they are
currently exempt. The GAO estimates that would cost Puerto Rico 70
percent of its existing manufacturing base. There is not even a CBO
estimate of the cost to American taxpayers of admitting a chronically
mismanaged and utterly bankrupt State government.
The economy of Puerto Rico is expected to underperform the national
economy, which is itself a disaster. For American taxpayers, it would
mean a new State that has the lowest per capita income in the country
and the largest per capita debt. Its labor participation rate is 40
percent, compared to 62 percent nationally. Forty-three percent of the
population lives below the poverty line. Its academic performance would
be the worst in the Nation.
So how does it benefit America to admit a State that would be the
most indebted, uneducated, poorest, and least employed State in the
Nation?
We don't get to consider that question, because under this bill,
Congress gets no further say in the matter once Puerto Rico has voted.
That makes it a blanket abrogation of the responsibility of Congress to
make these decisions in the best interest of all of the people of the
United States.
Whichever of the three options is chosen would be automatically
enacted without any further debate or decision by Congress. It hands
the constitutional authority reserved for the welfare of the entire
Nation to the hands of what would be a narrow and transient majority in
Puerto Rico.
The only debate in Congress on Puerto Rican statehood is the debate
that we are having right now, when the Nation is oblivious to the
legislation or its implications. Our constituents will awaken across
the country to the realization of a fait accompli that was quickly
rushed through the very last days of session with no opportunity for
national debate on the implications of making such a profound and
permanent change in the fabric of our Nation. This is as cynical as it
gets.
If the motion to recommit is adopted, I will introduce an amendment
that will require the question to be returned to the House for a full
national debate on such a momentous issue and require a two-thirds vote
to assure a broad, bipartisan consensus.
Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of the
amendment in the Record immediately prior to the vote on the motion to
recommit.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from California?
There was no objection.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the
gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Castor).
Ms. CASTOR of Florida. Madam Speaker, the people of Puerto Rico
deserve to live in dignity with the freedom to determine their future.
That is why I rise in support of the Puerto Rico Status Act.
The act simply provides Puerto Ricans the opportunity to determine
their future and choose whether statehood, independence, or sovereignty
and free association makes the most sense for them.
Colleagues, I hope we can all agree that we all value basic human
rights, and that means, like every American citizen, our Puerto Rican
neighbors deserve true representation, equal rights, and everything
that flows from that.
After Hurricane Maria devastated the island in 2017, boricuas in the
Tampa Bay area came together to advocate for resources to rebuild the
island. The disparate treatment became so plain at that time, but it
has existed for decades, even as Puerto Ricans have given their life in
service of America's freedom.
So it is time that the territorial status of Puerto Rico be
reexamined. It is unsustainable and cannot continue. Puerto Ricans
deserve the opportunity to have their say.
I thank Representatives Velazquez, Soto, Ocasio-Cortez, Gonzalez-
Colon, Leader Hoyer, and Chair Grijalva for crafting this landmark
legislation for self-determination per the democratic values that we
hold dear.
Vote for self-determination and freedom and democracy for everyone. I
urge you to adopt this bill.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Our neighbors in Puerto Rico are American citizens. They are afforded
the protections under the Constitution of the United States. I am from
Arkansas. Arkansas was a territory at one time. There is a process for
becoming a State.
The American citizens in Puerto Rico deserve the respect to have a
process that has actually been thought out, that has been debated, and
that gives them an opportunity to enter statehood in a way that is more
common to the way other States have entered. This bill is not that.
This bill has serious problems with it.
We are right here at the end of Congress. To me, this just looks like
a political ploy as we are waiting to pass a massive spending bill
before we go home for Christmas and start the new Congress.
Madam Speaker, in closing, it is obvious there is bipartisan support
for Puerto Rican self-determination. That is not the issue. The issue
is the process, and this is a bad process.
If this is so important to the majority, then I ask: Why today? Why
today?
Less than 20 days before this Congress ends and Democrats transition
to the minority, why bring this bill today?
Was there not time in the past 4 years to have hearings on this bill,
to have other committees look at this bill?
But yesterday, we get notice of an emergency Rules Committee meeting
to consider this bill that all of a sudden is so important, but it
wasn't important, certainly not in this Congress. We didn't have a
hearing on this bill. We had a markup, a markup without a hearing.
The committee spent more time talking about big cats. We had hearings
on big cats, then we talked about Puerto Rican status. There are 10,000
big cats in the United States, and there are over 3 million Puerto
Rican citizens.
That is why we are not supporting this bill today, and that is why it
is disingenuous to bring it to the House less than 20 days before the
end of this Congress when both sides have agreed that there are
problems with the bill, problems that need to be worked out, but there
is no recourse in this bill for Congress to have a second look at it.
We can't control the Senate, but I doubt very seriously the Senate is
going to be taking up this bill. So that leads me to conclude that what
we are doing here at the end of December, discussing Puerto Rican
status, is simply just a political ploy on the backs of the
[[Page H9880]]
Puerto Rican citizens of the United States.
Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``no,'' and I yield back
the balance of my time.
{time} 1215
Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
This has been a typical debate on Puerto Rico because the question of
status and the question of decolonizing our relationship with the
people of the island is a question that causes spirited debate. That is
okay, but spirited debate with misinformation and hastily drawn
conclusions is not the way to debate. We will leave that for another
day.
The important point today is that this did not get parachuted at the
last minute. This has been a difficult process for all involved, and, I
might add, a bipartisan process, to bring one final resolution
regardless of where the clock is in terms of this session. This is the
time that this was completed.
Madam Speaker, I am proud of this, and I am urging a ``yes'' vote on
the legislation.
There are two fundamental differences between ourselves and the
minority on this. The intent of the bill is simple: that there be three
options, all requiring a deliberate and informed decision by the people
of the island.
The current status is not one of those three options. Why? Because
the intent of this legislation is to allow the Puerto Rican people not
to be colonized and be a colony. That is the decolonization part of the
legislation.
The other part, although it has been the habit lately of people
wanting not only to predict outcomes of elections but to guarantee
outcomes of elections, contrary to that philosophy, this directs that
the people of Puerto Rico make the decision and respect that decision.
Our identity as a Nation is built on the values that we are all here
to support and respect. It is built on the rule of law. The people of
Puerto Rico, as citizens of this Nation, must be extended the respect
and the consideration that, since 1898, we have been the overseer of a
colony in this country. We must extend them the opportunity to choose
their path forward.
That is all it is. It is democratic; it is fair; and it is overdue.
Madam Speaker, I thank all the Members who worked on this--in
particular, Representatives Velazquez, Soto, Gonzalez-Colon, and
Ocasio-Cortez--for the difficult periods and times they went through in
this process, and obviously Majority Leader Hoyer for his insistence,
his prodding, and, on occasion, his calmness to get us to this point.
I thank the staff on our committee: chief counsel, Luis Urbina;
deputy chief counsel, Margarita Varela; policy aide, Ivan Robles; staff
director, David Watkins; and director of our Office of Insular Affairs,
Brian Modeste.
I also thank each and every one on Leader Hoyer's staff: Trent
Bauserman and Chris Bowman; also Renata Beca-Barragan on Ms.
Velazquez's staff; Gabriella Boffelli on Miss Gonzalez-Colon's staff;
and Andrea Valdes on Mr. Soto's staff for their hard work and
dedication to getting us to this point today. Sometimes that kind of
work is underappreciated. I acknowledge their work and thank them.
Madam Speaker, I urge a ``yes'' vote, and I yield back the balance of
my time.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 8393--
Puerto Rico Status Act, to provide a plebiscite to be held on November
5th, 2023, to resolve Puerto Rico's political status.
Throughout my decades of service in Congress, I have been an ardent
and consistent supporter of the Puerto Rican peoples' right to self-
determination.
I have stood alongside our Puerto Rican brothers and sisters on many
legislative efforts that would empower them to choose the governance
status of their preference, as is their right, both as American
citizens and in accordance with their basic human rights.
The population of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico is 3.19 million.
Puerto Ricans are the largest group of U.S. citizens with Hispanic
heritage, and yet, are treated with only 2nd-class citizenship.
In fact, Puerto Ricans have been the largest body of U.S. citizens
which do not enjoy the privileges usually accorded to citizenship,
including voting representation in Congress and the right to vote in
Presidential elections.
It is a widely held belief in Puerto Rico that the residents of the
Commonwealth should be empowered to decide their own political status.
The Commonwealth's status is an internal matter among the people of
Puerto Rico.
Puerto Rico has hosted 6 referendums on the topic of statehood, with
the most recent being in November 2020. The results of that referendum
were that 52.5 percent of the electorate voted for statehood.
It is obvious that the people of Puerto Rico want to change the way
they are represented in their own governance and that of the United
States Government.
During the referendum in 2012, 54 percent of voters agreed that they
did not want to maintain their current method of governance.
The majority of those that did not want to maintain the status quo
chose statehood as the alternative that they preferred.
While many of these referendums have been held and have told us what
the people of Puerto Rico think, nothing has materialized as a result.
This is why it is essential that Congress allow a plebiscite to
Puerto Rico to resolve it's political status.
Voters in Puerto Rico should be provided with the opportunity to
choose independence, sovereignty in free association with the United
States, or statehood.
It is imperative that this voting process be fair and free of any
disinformation, propaganda, or wrongdoing.
All voters should be provided with voting materials in both English
and Spanish, and all voting campaigns should be dedicated to providing
voters with educational materials related to the plebiscites and
potential outcomes.
The Puerto Rico State Elections Commission shall ensure that any
educational campaigns are non-partisan in nature and provide voters
with accurate information that allow them to vote according to their
best interests.
I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 8393--Puerto Rico Status Act, so
that the Commonwealth can decide what is best for its people.
All Americans deserve representation, and this bill provides Puerto
Ricans the right to make that decision for themselves.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 1519, the
previous question is ordered on the bill, as amended.
The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the bill.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was
read the third time.
Motion to Recommit
Mr. McCLINTOCK. Madam Speaker, I have a motion to recommit at the
desk.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the motion to
recommit.
The Clerk read as follows:
Mr. McClintock of California moves to recommit the bill
H.R. 8393 to the Committee on Natural Resources.
The material previously referred to by Mr. McClintock is as follows:
After section 11, insert the following:
SEC. 12. CONGRESSIONAL RATIFICATION REQUIRED.
The result of a plebiscite under section 4 may not be
certified before the date on which the House of
Representatives and the Senate approve, by a two-thirds
majority vote, the result of the plebiscite.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule XIX, the
previous question is ordered on the motion to recommit.
The question is on the motion to recommit.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the noes appeared to have it.
Mr. McCLINTOCK. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 9 of rule XX, this 15-
minute vote on the motion to recommit will be followed by 5-minute
votes on passage of H.R. 8393, if ordered, and passage of H.R. 1948.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 209,
nays 217, not voting 4, as follows:
[Roll No. 528]
YEAS--209
Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Bentz
Bergman
Bice (OK)
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (NC)
Boebert
Bost
Brady
Brooks
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burchett
Burgess
Calvert
Cammack
Carey
Carl
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Cawthorn
Chabot
Cline
Cloud
Clyde
Cole
Comer
Conway
Crawford
Crenshaw
Curtis
Davidson
[[Page H9881]]
Davis, Rodney
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Donalds
Duncan
Dunn
Ellzey
Emmer
Estes
Fallon
Feenstra
Ferguson
Finstad
Fischbach
Fitzgerald
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Flood
Flores
Foxx
Franklin, C. Scott
Fulcher
Gaetz
Gallagher
Garbarino
Garcia (CA)
Gibbs
Gimenez
Gohmert
Gonzales, Tony
Gonzalez (OH)
Good (VA)
Gooden (TX)
Gosar
Granger
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Greene (GA)
Griffith
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Harris
Harshbarger
Hartzler
Hern
Herrell
Herrera Beutler
Hice (GA)
Higgins (LA)
Hill
Hollingsworth
Hudson
Huizenga
Issa
Jackson
Jacobs (NY)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson (SD)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Katko
Keller
Kelly (PA)
Kim (CA)
Kinzinger
Kustoff
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Latta
LaTurner
Lesko
Letlow
Long
Loudermilk
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Mace
Malliotakis
Mann
Massie
Mast
McCarthy
McCaul
McClain
McClintock
McHenry
Meijer
Meuser
Miller (IL)
Miller (WV)
Miller-Meeks
Moolenaar
Mooney
Moore (AL)
Moore (UT)
Mullin
Murphy (NC)
Nehls
Newhouse
Norman
Obernolte
Owens
Palazzo
Palmer
Pence
Perry
Pfluger
Posey
Reschenthaler
Rice (SC)
Rodgers (WA)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rose
Rosendale
Rouzer
Roy
Rutherford
Salazar
Scalise
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sempolinski
Sessions
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smucker
Spartz
Stauber
Steel
Stefanik
Steil
Steube
Stewart
Taylor
Tenney
Thompson (PA)
Tiffany
Timmons
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Van Drew
Van Duyne
Wagner
Walberg
Waltz
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Williams (TX)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Yakym
Zeldin
NAYS--217
Adams
Aguilar
Allred
Auchincloss
Axne
Barragan
Beatty
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Bourdeaux
Bowman
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brown (MD)
Brown (OH)
Brownley
Bush
Bustos
Butterfield
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carson
Carter (LA)
Cartwright
Case
Casten
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Cheney
Cherfilus-McCormick
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Craig
Crow
Cuellar
Davids (KS)
Davis, Danny K.
Dean
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Demings
DeSaulnier
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Escobar
Eshoo
Espaillat
Evans
Fletcher
Foster
Frankel, Lois
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Golden
Gomez
Gonzalez, Vicente
Gottheimer
Green, Al (TX)
Grijalva
Harder (CA)
Hayes
Higgins (NY)
Himes
Horsford
Houlahan
Hoyer
Huffman
Jackson Lee
Jacobs (CA)
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (TX)
Jones
Kahele
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Khanna
Kildee
Kilmer
Kim (NJ)
Kind
Kirkpatrick
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster
Lamb
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee (CA)
Lee (NV)
Leger Fernandez
Levin (CA)
Levin (MI)
Lieu
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Luria
Lynch
Malinowski
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Manning
Matsui
McBath
McCollum
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Mfume
Moore (WI)
Morelle
Moulton
Mrvan
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Neguse
Newman
Norcross
O'Halleran
Ocasio-Cortez
Omar
Pallone
Panetta
Pappas
Pascrell
Payne
Peltola
Perlmutter
Peters
Phillips
Pingree
Pocan
Porter
Pressley
Price (NC)
Quigley
Raskin
Rice (NY)
Ross
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (NY)
Ryan (OH)
Sanchez
Sarbanes
Scanlon
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schrier
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sewell
Sherman
Sherrill
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (WA)
Soto
Spanberger
Speier
Stansbury
Stanton
Stevens
Strickland
Suozzi
Swalwell
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres (NY)
Trahan
Trone
Underwood
Vargas
Veasey
Velazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wild
Williams (GA)
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--4
Hinson
Kelly (MS)
McKinley
Wexton
{time} 1258
Ms. SCHAKOWSKY, Messrs. CLEAVER, COURTNEY, Ms. STANSBURY, Messrs.
PAYNE, BISHOP of Georgia, PANETTA, Ms. CRAIG, Messrs. CLYBURN, VEASEY,
BOWMAN, Mses. CLARK of Massachusetts, SEWELL, DelBENE, Mrs. BUSTOS,
Messrs. QUIGLEY, HIMES, Mrs. PELTOLA, Mses. TLAIB, and JACKSON LEE
changed their vote from ``yea'' to ``nay''.
Messrs. MULLIN, CLINE, JOHNSON of Ohio, FITZGERALD, BUCSHON,
CRENSHAW, Ms. SALAZAR, Messrs. LaMALFA, STEUBE, and Mrs. MILLER-MEEKS
changed their vote from ``nay'' to ``yea''.
So the motion to recommit was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Members Recorded Pursuant to House Resolution 8, 117th Congress
Auchincloss (Beyer)
Axne (Pappas)
Beatty (Neguse)
Bishop (NC) (Hice (GA))
Boebert (Donalds)
Brooks (Moore (AL))
Brown (MD) (Evans)
Bustos (Schneider)
Butterfield (Beyer)
Carter (LA) (Horsford)
Cawthorn (Donalds)
Cherfilus-McCormick (Brown (OH))
Cicilline (Jayapal)
Cuellar (Correa)
DeFazio (Pallone)
DelBene (Schneider)
DesJarlais (Fleischmann)
Dingell (Pappas)
Doyle, Michael F. (Evans)
Duncan (Williams (TX))
Dunn (Salazar)
Escobar (Garcia (TX))
Espaillat (Correa)
Ferguson (Gonzales, Tony (TX))
Gaetz (Donalds)
Gallego (Beyer)
Gibbs (Smucker)
Gosar (Weber (TX))
Hartzler (Weber (TX))
Herrera Beutler (Valadao)
Issa (Calvert)
Jackson (Van Duyne)
Jacobs (NY) (Sempolinski)
Johnson (TX) (Pallone)
Kelly (IL) (Horsford)
Khanna (Pappas)
Kim (NJ) (Pallone)
Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
Krishnamoorthi (Pappas)
LaHood (Kustoff)
Larson (CT) (Pappas)
Lawrence (Garcia (TX))
Lawson (FL) (Evans)
Letlow (Moore (UT))
Levin (CA) (Huffman)
Long (Fleischmann)
Malliotakis (Armstrong)
Maloney, Sean P. (Beyer)
Meeks (Horsford)
Moulton (Trone)
Newman (Correa)
Norcross (Pallone)
O'Halleran (Pappas)
Omar (Beyer)
Palazzo (Fleischmann)
Pascrell (Pallone)
Phillips (Craig)
Pingree (Beyer)
Porter (Beyer)
Pressley (Neguse)
Quigley (Schneider)
Rice (SC) (Weber (TX))
Rush (Beyer)
Sewell (Schneider)
Sherrill (Beyer)
Simpson (Fulcher)
Sires (Pallone)
Spartz (Harshbarger)
Speier (Garcia (TX))
Stevens (Craig)
Stewart (Owens)
Strickland (Correa)
Suozzi (Correa)
Tiffany (Fitzgerald)
Titus (Pallone)
Trahan (Lynch)
Welch (Pallone)
Wilson (FL) (Evans)
Wilson (SC) (Timmons)
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. Ocasio-Cortez). The question is on the
passage of the bill.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Ms. CONWAY. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
This will be a 5-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 233,
nays 191, not voting 6, as follows:
[Roll No. 529]
YEAS--233
Adams
Aguilar
Allred
Auchincloss
Axne
Bacon
Barragan
Beatty
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Bourdeaux
Bowman
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brown (MD)
Brown (OH)
Brownley
Bush
Bustos
Butterfield
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carson
Carter (LA)
Cartwright
Case
Casten
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Cheney
Cherfilus-McCormick
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Craig
Crow
Cuellar
Davids (KS)
Davis, Danny K.
Davis, Rodney
Dean
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Demings
DeSaulnier
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Escobar
Eshoo
Espaillat
Evans
Fitzpatrick
Fletcher
Flores
Foster
Frankel, Lois
Gallego
Garamendi
Garbarino
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Golden
Gomez
Gonzalez (OH)
Gonzalez, Vicente
Gottheimer
Green, Al (TX)
Grijalva
Harder (CA)
Hayes
Herrera Beutler
Higgins (NY)
Himes
Horsford
Houlahan
Hoyer
Huffman
Huizenga
Jackson Lee
Jacobs (CA)
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (TX)
Jones
Joyce (OH)
Kahele
Kaptur
Katko
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Khanna
Kildee
Kilmer
Kim (NJ)
Kind
Kirkpatrick
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster
Lamb
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee (CA)
Lee (NV)
Leger Fernandez
Levin (CA)
Levin (MI)
Lieu
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Luria
Lynch
Malinowski
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Manning
Matsui
McBath
McCollum
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Mfume
Moore (WI)
Morelle
Moulton
Mrvan
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Neguse
Newhouse
Newman
Norcross
O'Halleran
Ocasio-Cortez
Omar
Pallone
Panetta
Pappas
Pascrell
Payne
Peltola
Perlmutter
Peters
Phillips
Pingree
Pocan
Porter
Posey
Pressley
Price (NC)
Quigley
Raskin
Rice (NY)
Ross
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (NY)
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez
Sarbanes
Scanlon
[[Page H9882]]
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schrier
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sewell
Sherman
Sherrill
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (WA)
Smucker
Soto
Spanberger
Speier
Stansbury
Stanton
Stevens
Strickland
Suozzi
Swalwell
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres (NY)
Trahan
Trone
Underwood
Upton
Vargas
Veasey
Velazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wexton
Wild
Williams (GA)
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NAYS--191
Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Babin
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Bentz
Bergman
Bice (OK)
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (NC)
Boebert
Bost
Brady
Brooks
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burchett
Burgess
Calvert
Cammack
Carey
Carl
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Cawthorn
Chabot
Cline
Cloud
Clyde
Cole
Comer
Conway
Crawford
Crenshaw
Curtis
Davidson
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Donalds
Duncan
Dunn
Ellzey
Emmer
Estes
Fallon
Feenstra
Ferguson
Finstad
Fischbach
Fitzgerald
Fleischmann
Flood
Franklin, C. Scott
Fulcher
Gaetz
Gallagher
Garcia (CA)
Gibbs
Gimenez
Gohmert
Gonzales, Tony
Good (VA)
Gooden (TX)
Gosar
Granger
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Greene (GA)
Griffith
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Harris
Harshbarger
Hartzler
Hern
Herrell
Hice (GA)
Higgins (LA)
Hill
Hollingsworth
Hudson
Issa
Jackson
Jacobs (NY)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson (SD)
Jordan
Joyce (PA)
Keller
Kelly (PA)
Kim (CA)
Kinzinger
Kustoff
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Latta
LaTurner
Lesko
Letlow
Long
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Mace
Malliotakis
Mann
Massie
Mast
McCarthy
McCaul
McClain
McClintock
McHenry
Meijer
Meuser
Miller (IL)
Miller (WV)
Miller-Meeks
Moolenaar
Mooney
Moore (AL)
Moore (UT)
Mullin
Murphy (NC)
Nehls
Norman
Obernolte
Owens
Palazzo
Palmer
Pence
Perry
Pfluger
Reschenthaler
Rice (SC)
Rodgers (WA)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rose
Rosendale
Rouzer
Roy
Rutherford
Scalise
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sempolinski
Sessions
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Spartz
Stauber
Steel
Stefanik
Steil
Steube
Stewart
Taylor
Tenney
Thompson (PA)
Tiffany
Timmons
Turner
Valadao
Van Drew
Van Duyne
Wagner
Walberg
Waltz
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Williams (TX)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Yakym
Zeldin
NOT VOTING--6
Baird
Foxx
Hinson
Kelly (MS)
Loudermilk
McKinley
{time} 1312
So the bill was passed.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
members recorded pursuant to house resolution 8, 117th congress
Auchincloss (Beyer)
Axne (Pappas)
Beatty (Neguse)
Bishop (NC) (Hice (GA))
Boebert (Donalds)
Brooks (Moore (AL))
Brown (MD) (Evans)
Bustos (Schneider)
Butterfield (Beyer)
Carter (LA) (Horsford)
Cawthorn (Donalds)
Cherfilus-McCormick (Brown (OH))
Cicilline (Jayapal)
Cuellar (Correa)
DeFazio (Pallone)
DelBene (Schneider)
DesJarlais (Fleischmann)
Dingell (Pappas)
Doyle, Michael F. (Evans)
Duncan (Williams (TX))
Dunn (Salazar)
Escobar (Garcia (TX))
Espaillat (Correa)
Ferguson (Gonzales, Tony (TX))
Gaetz (Donalds)
Gallego (Beyer)
Gibbs (Smucker)
Gosar (Weber (TX))
Hartzler (Weber (TX))
Herrera Beutler (Valadao)
Issa (Calvert)
Jackson (Van Duyne)
Jacobs (NY) (Sempolinski)
Johnson (TX) (Pallone)
Kelly (IL) (Horsford)
Khanna (Pappas)
Kim (NJ) (Pallone)
Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
Krishnamoorthi (Pappas)
LaHood (Kustoff)
Larson (CT) (Pappas)
Lawrence (Garcia (TX))
Lawson (FL) (Evans)
Letlow (Moore (UT))
Levin (CA) (Huffman)
Long (Fleischmann)
Malliotakis (Armstrong)
Maloney, Sean P. (Beyer)
Meeks (Horsford)
Moulton (Trone)
Newman (Correa)
Norcross (Pallone)
O'Halleran (Pappas)
Omar (Beyer)
Palazzo (Fleischmann)
Pascrell (Pallone)
Phillips (Craig)
Pingree (Beyer)
Porter (Beyer)
Pressley (Neguse)
Quigley (Schneider)
Rice (SC) (Weber (TX))
Rush (Beyer)
Sewell (Schneider)
Sherrill (Beyer)
Simpson (Fulcher)
Sires (Pallone)
Spartz (Harshbarger)
Speier (Garcia (TX))
Stevens (Craig)
Stewart (Owens)
Strickland (Correa)
Suozzi (Correa)
Tiffany (Fitzgerald)
Titus (Pallone)
Trahan (Lynch)
Welch (Pallone)
Wexton (Correa)
Wilson (FL) (Evans)
Wilson (SC) (Timmons)
____________________