[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 193 (Tuesday, December 13, 2022)]
[Senate]
[Pages S7128-S7129]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                                 Yemen

  Mr. SANDERS. Mr. President, this is an issue that I and a number of 
us Democrats and Republicans, progressives and conservatives, have been 
working on for a number of years.
  I was disappointed that the Biden administration has announced its 
opposition to the resolution I am bringing forth, but we have been in 
communication with the administration all day, and just a few minutes 
ago, we have received a commitment from them that they will work with 
us to end the war in Yemen and bring peace to that very troubled 
region.
  I don't know if the administration and those of us who want to go 
forward will end up being in agreement. If not, I assure the Members 
that we will be back with a resolution in the very near future, as soon 
as we can, because this is an issue that I and many of us feel 
passionately about.
  To the Members, I am not going to ask for a vote tonight, but I do 
want to express my concerns, deep concerns, about what is going on in 
that region.
  In 2014, with the active support of the U.S. military, Saudi Arabia, 
the UAE and a coalition of other countries intervened in the civil war 
in Yemen. The result of that intervention was the creation of the worst 
humanitarian crisis on the planet, and it really is almost hard to 
imagine what is going on in that impoverished country.
  Since the war began in 2015, over 377,000 people have been killed, 
including at least 130,000 people who have died from indirect causes 
like food insecurity and lack of healthcare as a direct result of the 
Saudi blockade of Yemen and the humanitarian obstruction by warring 
parties.
  Today, nearly 25 million Yemenis are in need of humanitarian 
assistance, 5 million are at risk of famine, and over a million are 
affected by cholera. According to UNICEF, by the end of this calendar 
year, nearly 18 million people, including over 9 million children, will 
lack access to safe water, sanitation, and hygiene services in Yemen, 
leading to regular outbreaks of preventable diseases like cholera, 
measles, and diphtheria.
  The 8-year war in Yemen has internally displaced over 4 million 
people, making Yemen home to one of the largest internal displacement 
crises in the world, with women and children bearing the brunt of that 
burden.
  According to the United Nations Population Fund, nearly 77 percent--
or 3 million--of those displaced in Yemen are women and children. Every 
2 hours, a Yemeni woman dies during childbirth, an almost entirely 
preventable crisis. Furthermore, in Yemen today, more than a million 
pregnant and breastfeeding women are acutely malnourished, a number we 
may see double with rising food insecurity.
  According to the international relief organization Oxfam, the threat 
of famine is very serious. Despite ongoing humanitarian assistance, 
over 17 million people in Yemen remain food insecure, a number set to 
rise to 19 million by the end of this year. In Yemen today, over a 
million pregnant or breastfeeding women and over 2 million children 
under 5 require treatment for acute malnutrition--acute malnutrition.
  And if you think the suffering in that country cannot get any worse, 
unfortunately, you would be dead wrong. The United Nations reports 
that, if the conflict doesn't stop, the war in Yemen could lead to the 
deaths of 1.3 million people by the year 2030.
  And let us be crystal clear: The initiators of this terrible war in 
Yemen were Saudi Arabia, one of the very most dangerous countries on 
the face of this Earth. Saudi Arabia is a dictatorship that is doing 
everything that it can to crush democracy in its own country. It is a 
brutal regime that treats women as third-class citizens and tortures 
civilians. It is one of the worst human rights violators in the world.
  Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince, as I think many of us are familiar with, 
Muhammad bin Salman, ordered the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, a 
Washington Post columnist and American resident, with a bone saw in 
2018. And there is little doubt about that.
  In a blatant attempt to jack up gas prices in the United States and 
harm our economy, Saudi Arabia agreed to partner with Vladimir Putin in 
the murderous war against the people of Ukraine.
  At a time when children in Yemen are facing mass starvation, when 
that impoverished country's healthcare system is collapsing, Saudi 
Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman bought himself a $500 million yacht, a 
$300 million French chateau, and a $450 million Leonardo da Vinci 
painting. And he can afford to do this because their family is worth 
some $1.4 trillion, one of the wealthiest, if not the wealthiest, 
families in the entire world.
  According to Freedom House, a respected human rights organization:

       Saudi Arabia's absolute monarchy restricts almost all 
     political rights and civil liberties. No officials at the 
     national level are elected. The regime relies on pervasive 
     surveillance, the criminalization of dissent, appeals to 
     sectarianism and ethnicity, and public spending supported by 
     oil revenues to maintain power. Women and religious 
     minorities face extensive discrimination in law and in 
     practice.

  According to Human Rights Watch, under the government headed by Crown 
Prince Muhammad bin Salman, ``Saudi Arabia has experienced the worst 
period of repression in its modern history.'' Human Rights Watch has 
reported that ``accounts have emerged of alleged torture of high-
profile political detainees in Saudi prisons,'' including Saudi women's 
rights activists and others. The alleged torture included electric 
shocks, beatings, whippings, and sexual harassment.
  Enough is enough. We must fundamentally reassess our relationship 
with the murderous regime of Saudi Arabia. We can and we must begin to 
do that by ending our support for the Saudi-led war in Yemen, and that 
is why I have introduced a resolution that requires the United States 
to withdraw its forces from and involvement in the Saudi-led war in 
Yemen, which has not been authorized by the U.S. Congress.

[[Page S7129]]

  This obviously is not a radical idea. In 2019, the Senate passed a 
similar resolution by a vote of 54 to 46. Every Democrat who was 
present voted for it, along with seven Republicans. The House of 
Representatives passed that same resolution by a vote of 247 to 175. 
Every Democrat in the House who was present voted for it, along with 16 
Republicans. Sadly, then-President Trump vetoed it, and it did not 
become law.
  It is long past time that we take a very hard look at our 
relationship with Saudi Arabia, a country whose government represents 
the very opposite of what we profess to believe in. Last year, 
President Biden and his administration did the right thing when it 
announced it would end U.S. support for offensive military operations 
led by Saudi Arabia in Yemen and named a special envoy to help bring 
this conflict to an end.
  The good news is that, as a result of these efforts--I think as a 
result of the resolution passed in the House and the Senate--the Saudis 
have paused their deadly airstrikes in Yemen, and, in April, the United 
Nations brokered a truce between the warring factions.
  The bad news is that this truce expired over 2 months ago, and there 
is now evidence that violence in Yemen is beginning to escalate.
  Now, I understand that the administration is opposed to this 
resolution, and let me briefly respond to some of their concerns. 
First, the administration claims that this resolution is unnecessary 
because Saudi Arabia has paused its bombing campaign in Yemen. Well, 
Mr. President, that may be true, but--let's be clear--there is no 
guarantee that Saudi Arabia will not start bombing Yemen tomorrow, 
relying on U.S. military support and U.S.-manufactured weapons to carry 
out those airstrikes, which in the past have done incalculable harm to 
the people of Yemen. In fact, a previously announced end to U.S. 
offensive support did not prevent devastating and indiscriminate Saudi 
airstrikes in Yemen, which occurred as late as March 2022.

  Passing this legislation would allow Congress to play a constructive 
role in the negotiation of an extension of the truce and a long-term 
and lasting peace. The resolution that we are debating today--we are 
discussing right now--will help ensure that Saudi airstrikes do not 
resume.
  Further, while it is true that the Saudi blockade is not as severe as 
it has been in the past, vital commodities like fuel and medicine are 
still in short supply; and Saudi Arabia, to this day, still has imposed 
restrictions on nearly all commercial imports into Yemen, including 
fuel. And Saudi Arabia still has control over Yemeni airspace, which 
has prevented thousands of patients with medical emergencies from 
leaving the capital of Sana'a, according to the Quincy Institute.
  This legislation that I have brought forward simply codifies what 
President Biden has already pledged to do by ending U.S. military 
assistance to the Saudi-led coalition's war in Yemen. Specifically, 
this resolution would achieve three important goals:
  First, it would end U.S. intelligence sharing for the purpose of 
enabling offensive, Saudi-led coalition strikes inside Yemen.
  Second, it would end U.S. logistical support for offensive, Saudi-led 
coalition strikes, including the provision of maintenance and spare 
parts to coalition members flying warplanes.
  Finally, it would prohibit U.S. military personnel from being 
assigned to command, coordinate, participate in the movement of or 
accompany Saudi-led coalition forces engaged in hostilities without 
specific statutory authorization from the Congress.
  Let us be clear. This is a narrowly targeted resolution that only 
affects Saudi Arabia's offensive operations in Yemen. This resolution 
would still allow for U.S. military support to be used to protect the 
territorial integrity of Saudi Arabia. In other words, nothing in this 
legislation prevents the United States from helping Saudi Arabia defend 
itself against attacks originating from Yemen. Further, this resolution 
would not affect America's support for Ukraine's self-defense, as some 
opponents of this legislation have claimed.
  That is why I am proud to be joined on this resolution by some of the 
staunchest defenders of Ukrainian sovereignty and U.S. national 
security interests, who, like me, are outraged by Saudi Arabia's 
collaboration with Russia and open support of illegal wars of 
aggression. They include Senator Durbin, Senator Blumenthal, Senator 
Peters, Senator Warren, Senator Markey, and a number of others who 
support this resolution.
  Passing this War Powers Resolution will send a very powerful message 
to Saudi Arabia that the war in Yemen must finally come to an end. 
There must be a peaceful resolution to this horrific conflict. Passing 
this resolution will also send a message to Saudi Arabia that its 
partnership with Russia, with respect to the war in Ukraine, is 
unacceptable.
  In October, after Saudi Arabia agreed to cut oil production, the 
Biden administration recognized the need to work with Congress to 
reexamine the relationship between Saudi Arabia and the United States. 
President Biden said he wanted action from Congress. This resolution is 
a narrowly tailored response that will help achieve that objective.
  In October, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, 
Senator Menendez, said:

       The United States must immediately freeze all aspects of 
     our cooperation with Saudi Arabia, including any arms sales 
     and security cooperation beyond what is absolutely necessary 
     to defend U.S. personnel and interests.

  He continued:

       As Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I 
     will not green-light any cooperation with Riyadh until the 
     Kingdom reassesses its position with respect to the war in 
     Ukraine. Enough is enough.

  I agree with that, and this resolution is our opportunity to send a 
powerful message to Saudi Arabia that Congress is, in fact, reexamining 
our relationship with that country; it is an attempt to defend the 
Constitution of the United States, which gives the power of making war 
to Congress, not to the President; and it is an effort to end our 
complicity in this horrendously bloody and horrible conflict.
  Congress has a narrow window now to do something important. Enacting 
the War Powers Resolution will send a powerful message to the Saudis 
and to the Houthis that the United States will not be a party to this 
war and that the warring factions must find a sustainable peace 
solution.
  The vote on this resolution is very important. And let me repeat: We, 
just a few minutes before I got to the floor, received word from the 
administration that they wanted to work with us in crafting language 
that would be mutually acceptable, and we are going to give them that 
opportunity. Whether we succeed or not, I don't know. And let me 
repeat: If we do not succeed, I will be back with many of my colleagues 
to bring forth this resolution, something that is very important.
  What this resolution, finally, is about is that it says that the 
people of Yemen need more humanitarian assistance, not more bombs. It 
is a vote that says that the Senate believes in the Constitution of our 
country, which makes it clear that the Congress, not the President, 
determines whether and when the United States goes to war. It is a vote 
that tells Saudi Arabia that we will not continue to give it a blank 
check with respect to war and foreign intervention. And it is a vote 
that says: No, we will not stand with Saudi Arabia while it is actively 
supporting Vladimir Putin's horrific war of aggression against the 
people of Ukraine.
  So, once again, where we are at is, I am not going to ask for a vote 
tonight. I look forward to working with the administration, which was 
opposed to this resolution, to see if we can come up with something 
that is strong, that is effective. And if we do not, I will be back.
  With that, I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Ms. Hassan). The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. BROWN. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.