[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 142 (Tuesday, September 6, 2022)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4444-S4447]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                                UKRAINE

  Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. President, I have come to the Senate floor again 
today to talk about the situation in Ukraine--this is the 21st week in 
a row since we have been in session that I have done so--and to talk 
about how Ukraine is responding to Russia's brutal and unprovoked 
attack on that sovereign country--an ally of ours, a democracy.
  This is a map of Ukraine. You can see here where the Russian invasion 
came back in 2014 and where they are now. You can also see some 
progress being made in blue as the Ukrainian military pushes back on 
this latest invasion.
  Last week, I was able to visit Ukraine and to go to Kyiv, the 
capital, along with a colleague of mine across the aisle, Senator Amy 
Klobuchar of Minnesota. Senator Klobuchar and I believed it was 
important to demonstrate bipartisan support for Ukraine at a very 
critical time. She and I will be back here on the Senate floor, 
together, later this week to talk further about this trip. The trip 
came on the 6-month anniversary of Russia's illegal invasion of 
Ukraine. It also came in the same week that Ukraine began a 
counteroffensive against the Russian invasion here in the Kherson area. 
It also came at a time when there was increased concern about the 
nuclear powerplant at Zaporizhzhia here. The powerplant is actually 
right here near this red line. Inspectors from the U.N.--United 
Nations--International Atomic Energy Agency visited this Zaporizhzhia 
nuclear powerplant last week, which is Europe's single largest nuclear 
powerplant.
  We began our trip in Poland, where we met with the leadership of the 
elite 101st Airborne Division, which is stationed in south Poland. The 
101st is a unit with a long, proud history, including of participating 
in the daring airborne assaults on D-day, in striking deep within enemy 
lines during Operation Desert Storm, and in serving with distinction in 
the Global War on Terror.
  As its motto attests, the 101st had a ``rendezvous with destiny'' 
during pivotal moments in our country's history. Now they have another 
rendezvous with destiny. In Poland, they are not only bolstering allied 
defenses in Eastern Europe--here in Poland but really all around 
Eastern Europe--but they are also conducting a very important mission: 
They are facilitating the delivery of vital military assistance to 
Ukraine from 42 other countries--other than the United States--all 
around the world. These soldiers are really at the tip of the spear of 
America's historic effort to arm Ukrainian soldiers with the tools they 
need to protect themselves and to protect their democracy.
  I also got to meet soldiers from the 101st from my home State of 
Ohio. They told me of the Polish people's welcoming of them. They said 
that people are so grateful for what the American soldiers are doing 
there in Poland. They feel so much better knowing that the American 
presence is there. One guy told me about walking down a street in 
Poland and of someone coming up and hugging him just to say thank you. 
He was a little surprised by that.
  The senior leaders of the 101st briefed Senator Klobuchar and me on 
how the military assistance mission is going and on what is actually 
happening on the battlefield against the Russians.
  In Ukraine, Senator Klobuchar and I traveled to Kyiv to meet with 
senior Ukrainian officials, including President Zelenskyy, Defense 
Minister Reznikov, Chief of Staff Andriy Yermak, and others, as well as 
members of their Parliament, which is called the Rada. We also traveled 
north of Kyiv to see firsthand where Russian forces committed 
unspeakable atrocities against defenseless, innocent Ukrainian 
civilians during the initial stages of this war. We also saw where 
Russian forces were stopped dead in their tracks--in the early assault 
on the capital--by brave Ukrainian defenders.
  During our meeting with President Zelenskyy, the very first thing 
that he wanted to say was thank you--thank you to the American people 
for being

[[Page S4445]]

such great partners and strong allies in helping Ukraine defend itself. 
He and his leadership team know well the vital role that America's 
assistance has played in helping Ukraine not just to defend itself 
against Russia's illegal, unprovoked, and cold-blooded invasion but now 
to actually push Russian forces back and begin to liberate territory in 
some places, like in the southern part of Ukraine.
  It was a common theme of our trip that we heard from all Ukrainians 
regarding their thankfulness to America. They are immensely 
appreciative of what the American people have done, the fact that we 
have stepped up and led in helping Ukraine in this fight for freedom. 
By the way, because of that, because of America's assistance and 
America's leadership, they are very optimistic about their future.
  We spoke about many topics with President Zelenskyy, including the 
situation at the Zaporizhzhia nuclear powerplant, which has grown 
increasingly dangerous over the past few weeks. The Russians have 
captured this plant and now have taken the Ukrainian employees of this 
nuclear powerplant--the biggest in Europe--captive and have intimidated 
them in various ways. We were told about their being harassed. There 
have even been reports of torture and of working at gunpoint. Now 
Russia is reportedly using explosives to destroy electrical 
infrastructure from the plant that takes electricity into Ukraine. They 
want to cut off the infrastructure that goes into Ukraine and steal the 
energy for themselves.
  Remember that this is not just the biggest plant in Europe; it 
provides 20 percent of the electricity for Ukraine. It allows Ukraine, 
actually, right now, to sell some of its electricity to other 
countries, which is helping with regard to Ukraine's serious budget 
problems.
  The Russians are also using this nuclear powerplant as a military 
base essentially--as a nuclear shield. This is playing with fire. They 
are firing artillery, which is positioned at the plant, on the 
Ukrainian forces nearby, knowing that the Ukrainians cannot fire back.
  Russia has already irresponsibly used oil and gas energy as a weapon 
of war. We have seen this. We have seen what they have done to Europe. 
They have said to Europe: If you don't stop all of these sanctions, we 
are going to cut off your energy. In fact, Nord Stream 1 now has been 
cut off, causing great harm and pain in Europe. So they are using 
energy as a weapon already.
  We have seen them use food as a weapon of war--totally 
irresponsible--including actually bombing Ukrainian grain bins with 
grain that is absolutely essential right now to places like Sub-Saharan 
Africa to be able to survive because they depend so much on 
Ukrainian wheat, corn, and sunflower oil. Now, they are taking it to 
the next step. Now, they are actually using nuclear power and this 
military base as a weapon of war.

  Using nuclear power and these reactors as a tool in this war is a 
reckless escalation, risking a catastrophe. We can have on our hands 
the worst nuclear disaster since Chernobyl. I encourage President Putin 
to do the right thing and demilitarize this area around the plant. This 
is dangerous to the entire continent, including to Russia and the rest 
of Europe. Allow these workers to do their jobs without this kind of 
pressure and ensure there is no leakage from the plant. President 
Zelenskyy agreed with us in our meeting that that is the way this 
should be handled: It should be demilitarized.
  I note that today the United Nations' IAEA inspectors at the plant 
have also said there should be a demilitarized zone around the plant. I 
also heard today that two members of this inspection team who visited 
last week when we were there will now be staying at the plant for an 
uncertain period. That is good news, that there actually will be some 
inspectors there from the United Nations. It is a step in the right 
direction, at least. What Russia needs to do is to back off this plant 
and demilitarize the area.
  We know that Russia's ultimate plan here is to disconnect this 
nuclear powerplant from Ukraine's grid, as I said, and connect it to 
the Russian grid. This is a theft of power, plain and simple. This 
plant, which is the largest in Europe, produces, again, 20 percent of 
Ukraine's electricity.
  We also talked to President Zelenskyy about the various weapon needs 
that they continue to have. He talked specifically about how effective 
the High Mobility Artillery Rocket System, or HIMARS, has been. These 
are weapons that the United States has provided to Ukraine, about 16 of 
them. Also, the UK and Germany have provided comparable systems to 
Ukraine, and they have been extremely effective. They have used these 
missile systems to target Russian ammo depots' logistics lines that are 
within Ukraine but are far from the frontlines. They are destroying 
these ammo depots--these command posts, these pieces of critical 
infrastructure--and this is causing disarray in Russia's ability to 
supply, control, and maneuver its forces.
  We have heard repeatedly that Ukrainian military morale has been 
lifted by these HIMARS because of their ability, finally, to reach 
these Russian positions and reach the Russian artillery that previously 
was out of reach of the Ukrainian artillery. They said they were 
sitting back with impunity and destroying Ukrainian cities, killing 
civilians and killing soldiers without having any consequences. Now, 
they are feeling some consequences. They also said that not only is the 
Ukrainian morale increasing but that the Russian morale is decreasing. 
It is deteriorating as the Ukrainians make progress.
  HIMARS have been in use by the U.S. Armed Forces for over a decade; 
yet even the soldiers I talked to at the 101st told us how surprised 
they were at how resourceful and creative the Ukrainians were in using 
and maintaining these systems.
  Ukrainian soldiers clearly have the ingenuity as well as the will and 
the determination to fight. If we continue to provide them with these 
tools that they need to be able to be successful, Ukraine will 
persevere over time and preserve its freedom and independence from 
Russian domination.
  The point I would like to make, really, is that what we did here in 
this Chamber by voting for this aid that resulted in these HIMARS is 
making a huge difference in Ukraine.
  After meeting with President Zelenskyy, we visited some of the 
suburbs outside Kyiv. Collectively, these places tell the story of 
Russia's failed attempt to capture Kyiv.
  We first visited Irpin. It is a small town about 30 minutes outside 
of Kyiv. Before the war, Irpin was a quiet town where people lived and 
worked in peace, but Russia's invasion in February brought horrific 
violence there.
  As these pictures show our walking through Kyiv--Senator Klobuchar 
and myself--you can see the destruction to the civilian targets, to 
these apartment buildings. The Russian forces assaulted Irpin with no 
regard for civilian property or civilian life. Everywhere we looked, we 
saw destroyed businesses, apartment buildings, cars. We saw bullet 
holes everywhere, massive holes in the sides of buildings. You can see 
where tank rounds were fired through buildings. We also saw small 
craters in parking lots from mortars. Thankfully, a lot of the 
civilians were able to flee the violence just before the Russians 
reached the city, but not all had that opportunity. Irpin's mayor 
estimated that up to 300 civilians were killed in Russia's assault on 
the town.
  We also visited the nearby town of Bucha--a name that has, 
unfortunately, become synonymous with war crimes and Russia's 
atrocities during this war. During the few weeks that Russian soldiers 
controlled this small town in March and April, unspeakable crimes were 
committed there, including rape and torture and the executions of 
hundreds of civilians.
  Senator Klobuchar and I went to the Church of St. Andrew--a beautiful 
church but, sadly, also the site of a mass grave dug by Russian 
soldiers. There, the Russians buried dozens of innocent Ukrainians, 
civilians who were tortured and murdered at the hands of the Russians.
  Our visits to Irpin and Bucha were sobering. It is one thing to see 
the destruction of apartments and other civilian targets on television; 
it is another to see it firsthand and to talk to the people--the 
locals, the residents--about what happened. It is hard to believe that 
such things can happen in the 21st century.
  Senator Klobuchar and I also visited Hostomel Airport, which is 
outside of

[[Page S4446]]

Kyiv. This photograph is of the airport and of some of the destruction 
there. This is the Deputy Minister of Interior of Ukraine, who joined 
us there.
  This airport was meant to be Russia's forward operating base for its 
assault on Kyiv. It was assaulted by elite Russian airborne forces and 
experienced Chechen fighters on the very first day of the war--February 
24--with a plan to secure the airport and use it for ferrying in troops 
and equipment and flying in Russian forces to take over Kyiv and take 
over the country.
  However, these troops had landed deep into Ukrainian territory, and 
brave Ukraine soldiers--mostly inexperienced but highly motivated 
national guard troops--counterattacked the Russian invaders at the 
airport and fought ferociously. Remember, these were elite Russian 
airborne troopers who had come into this airport. Yet they were 
defeated by Ukraine's national guardsmen, most of whom had never seen 
combat before.
  We had the opportunity to speak with some of the soldiers who were 
there at Hostomel Airport during Russia's initial assault. The national 
guard commander, who was there that day, told us about his unit's 
heroic efforts to defend the airport that day and the next day and the 
next day and about the men he lost, including several captured soldiers 
who are still prisoners of Russia 6 months later.
  I asked him how they could have been successful beating the odds. He 
said simply:

       We were fighting to defend our families, our freedom . . . 
     our homeland, and that's why we won.

  Hostomel Airport is where Ukrainian forces won their first major 
victory against the Russian invaders and where they stopped Russia's 
northern advance dead in its tracks. If you look at this map, you can 
see what the Russians intended to do and what actually happened. They 
intended to come into the airport here, north and east of town, take 
over Kyiv, topple the government, and eventually take over all of 
Ukraine. Eventually, because of the fighting and the Ukrainian troops 
that pushed back, they ended up going through Belarus, back into 
Russia, and now are in this area.
  So if this war had not been successfully prosecuted at Hostomel 
Airport, it would have been a very different outcome. You would have 
seen Kyiv fall. You would have seen the President's government fall--
the duly elected government of Ukraine, President Zelenskyy--the Rada, 
the Parliament, fall. This war could have been over very soon if that 
had happened. But, thankfully, it did not. And, again, it is because of 
the bravery and courage of the Ukrainian National Guard.
  Hostomel Airport, to me, is a symbol of Ukrainian resistance, of 
Ukrainian victory in the face of overwhelming odds. And I was very 
honored to meet some of the brave heroes who were there that day and 
liberated the airport.
  We also met with members of Ukraine's Parliament, called the Rada, 
from various political parties, including David Arakhamia. David is the 
majority leader in the Parliament and one of Ukraine's chief 
negotiators with the Russians. We spoke about the current state of the 
war and the future of the conflict, including possible paths of victory 
for Ukraine. The consensus was that the only way that Russia would come 
to the bargaining table would be if the sanctions could be further 
tightened and if the Ukrainians continued to make progress on the 
battlefield. Victories in the east and the south give Ukraine more 
leverage at the bargaining table when negotiations begin. That is why 
it is so important, you see here in the light blue, some of the success 
the Ukrainian soldiers have had recently, even in the last week or so, 
as well as up here around Kharkiv.
  In each of our meetings--with the 101st Airborne, the President and 
his top advisers, the Secretary of Defense--we spoke extensively about 
ensuring proper oversight and accountability for U.S.-provided 
assistance, including military assistance. The 101st Airborne told us 
they had a sophisticated ``end-use monitoring'' program for weapons 
with the ability to track all of the military equipment being 
transferred to Ukraine. I am happy to report that much progress is 
being made on that front.
  The United States has spent billions of dollars to support Ukrainians 
in the defense of their nation, and it was appropriate. But Ukrainian 
officials understand that it is important that we provide transparency 
to this funding. They do not take it for granted. They know this 
funding is ultimately accountable to the U.S. taxpayer. They are eager 
to demonstrate to their allies to the West that they are using these 
weapons and this equipment properly and to great effect on the 
battlefield.

  So we have good partners here who want to be sure that we do have 
this transparency. They have been providing significant visibility on 
the weapons and equipment, we learned, as it has been received from the 
United States, and they will continue to do so. The goal is to be able 
to track the delivery of every single weapon down to the individual 
serial number all the way to the frontlines.
  We left this trip with several takeaways. First, the genuine 
gratitude of the Ukrainian people and the government of Ukraine, the 
feeling of common cause with the people of America. Forty-plus 
countries have provided military equipment and other support. The 
Ukrainians recognize that if it weren't for these weapons and training 
that the United States and our allies have provided to Ukraine, their 
country might very well be part of Russia today. And they know that 
America has led the efforts.
  Some officers from Embassy Kyiv told us that a few weeks ago, they 
ordered takeout from a restaurant. They got some cheeseburgers. And in 
the bag that was delivered to the Embassy, the local restaurant 
personnel had written: Thank you for the HIMARS.
  Remember, HIMARS are these rocket assault systems. HIMARS has now 
become a household name in Ukraine. They are so appreciative that they 
have the ability to defend themselves.
  Second, it was remarkable to Senator Klobuchar and me to learn just 
how much of an impact our military assistance is having on the 
battlefield. In the opening stages of the war, that was the Javelins--
remember, the anti-tank missiles that were a decisive weapon that 
halted the slow advance of the Russian armored columns toward Kyiv.
  Now, in this stage of the war, it is the HIMARS and the anti-aircraft 
weaponry. Every day, Ukrainian forces are pounding Russian positions 
all across the frontlines, particularly in the south. In fact, the day 
before we arrived in Kyiv, they launched their long-awaited 
counteroffensive in southern Ukraine. And from what I hear in Ukraine 
from both U.S. and Ukrainian officials, it is clear this 
counteroffensive would not have been possible without our help. HIMARS 
strikes have softened up Russia's position in the south and made it 
possible for the counteroffensive that is going on right here, tonight, 
as we speak.
  Again, as you may recall, the Russian artillery was out of reach 
before and was just pounding Ukrainian forces and civilians with 
impunity.
  HIMARS have also struck command posts, which is very important 
because that has crippled Russia's ability to effectively command and 
control its forces. They have also struck some really important bridges 
across the country, including one here that is incredibly important to 
Russia to be able to supply its troops. So this has isolated some of 
these Russian forces and prevented them from being able to maneuver to 
support one another.
  Our assistance in Ukraine is having a significant and positive impact 
on the battlefield, and we must not stop now and squander the progress 
that we have made.
  The money is being well-spent in the defense of freedom. The weapons 
we are providing are giving the Ukrainians a real chance at leveling 
this battlefield and giving them an opportunity to win back their lost 
territory.
  My third takeaway from this trip is that we need to do more for 
Ukraine both in the short term and the long term. President Zelenskyy 
made an appeal to Senator Klobuchar and me for the United States to 
provide Ukraine with ATACMS, which are Army Tactical Missile Systems. 
These can be fired from the HIMARS launchers currently in Ukraine, and 
they have significantly longer range and longer reach than the missiles 
we are currently providing. It seems to me these missiles would be an 
important part of their arsenal, from what we learned from both 
American and Russian briefing and Ukrainian briefings.

[[Page S4447]]

  President Zelenskyy also requested more air defense systems: short, 
medium, and long-range. His rationale was very simple. He wants the 7 
million Ukrainians who have left his country to be able to return, and 
they want to return. Having met with refugees in two previous trips 
this year to the border of Poland, Moldova, and talked to these 
refugees, all of them want to go back. But when it is safe, they will 
be able to go back. So having more air defense systems at every range--
short, medium, and long-range--would enable people to come back.
  This is crucial because this is one of the issues now, is that 
Ukraine's economy has been reduced by about 40 percent because of the 
terrible war that is being waged. If these people could move back to 
Ukraine, get back to work as normal, pay taxes, begin to become part of 
the economy again, this would be the most helpful thing to Ukraine's 
budget problems and their economic woes.
  With a layered air defense system, they could close its skies to the 
Russian missiles, protect its people, and get life across much of 
Ukraine back to normal.
  I am glad the Biden administration has already acted on some of the 
request to provide more protection for the skies by pledging eight 
National Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile Systems, or NASAMS, in 
conjunction with our German allies. I urge the Biden administration and 
other partners to do more to respond to this request.
  Ukraine is where we are engaging in the fight for freedom in this 
generation. And it is not just about Ukraine. For years, Russia and 
China have been saying that the West is in decline, that the United 
States and our allies are weak-willed and untrustworthy. That is 
certainly what President Putin thought when he invaded Ukraine. He 
thought he would divide NATO, divide the West, and that we would not 
respond; that Ukraine and our allies would fold; that we would just 
stand aside and let it happen. We have proved him wrong so far, not 
only by aiding Ukraine but protecting the region.

  The recent announcement that we were sending 250 of the best tanks in 
the world--the Abrams battle tanks, which are made in my home State of 
Ohio--to Poland is a commitment to the region. It is a commitment to 
Eastern Europe. This will send a critical message to Russia that the 
United States stands for freedom not only in Ukraine, but all 
throughout Europe and the world.
  I thank our European allies for all they are doing as well and urge 
them to continue to step up their support for Ukraine. After all, their 
own ability to remain free may very well rest on Ukraine remaining 
free. As one Ukrainian told me on this trip: Ukraine is the shield for 
democracy for Europe.
  We must show Vladimir Putin's cynicism about the West, that he is 
wrong. America has always stood by its values: freedom, democracy, and 
the right of nations to chart their own futures and to live in peace 
with their neighbors. We cannot stop now. Most of us who serve in this 
Chamber understand that, and so do the vast majority of American 
people.
  Ten days ago, before I headed overseas, I marched in the Ukraine 
Independence Day Parade in Parma, OH, just outside of Cleveland. I was 
with two national leaders in the Ukrainian community: Marta Liscynesky 
and Andy Futey. I proudly marched with them. There were over 60 
entrants in this parade. It went on and on and on. The large turnout, 
both in terms of participants and spectators, was a demonstration of 
the support for Ukraine.
  Ohio is home to tens of thousands of Ukrainian Americans who do not 
want to see Ukraine become part of some renewed Russian empire. They 
want Ukraine--their homeland--to remain free and sovereign. And the so-
called Nationalities Community--from Slovenians to Poles, from 
Georgians to Lithuanians--all have the same understanding of the direct 
threat that Russia poses. They know Ukraine is on the frontlines of a 
larger battle for freedom. So many Ohioans have rallied together to 
support Ukraine from all backgrounds.
  In closing, I want to thank everyone who helped make our important 
trip possible, including the State Department and our allies in Ukraine 
and including our military colleagues in Poland.
  It is important that Congress continue to show our strong support for 
Ukraine, particularly during this critical period for the country's 
future. The stakes are so high.
  This is a fight about global freedom, self-determination, democracy, 
and respect for territorial integrity. All of us--the United States and 
our allies--need to stand up because the alternative is a far more 
dangerous and volatile world, and that affects all of us. Forty-two 
freedom-loving allies of the United States have stood together in 
support of Ukraine militarily. Dozens of others have helped in other 
ways. But all nations around the world are carefully paying attention 
to what happens in Ukraine, not just our allies but also our 
adversaries.
  We have shown the world that America and allies didn't back down 
after 6 weeks, not even after 6 months. We haven't faltered. We must 
commit to continuing to help Ukraine defend itself until Vladimir Putin 
understands that Russia's borders end where freedom begins.
  ``Slava Ukraini'' and Godspeed to the brave soldiers of Ukraine. 
``Heroyam Slava.''
  I yield the floor.

                          ____________________