[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 130 (Wednesday, August 3, 2022)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3894-S3897]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                                  NATO

  Ms. COLLINS. Madam President, I rise in strong support of the 
accession of Finland and Sweden into the NATO alliance.
  In May, I visited Helsinki and Stockholm as part of a Senate 
delegation to encourage the Finnish and Swedish efforts to join the 
alliance. Our trip, however, started in Ukraine. There, after a long, 
secret journey under cover of darkness, our contingent of four Senators 
met with President Zelenskyy for 2 hours. We discussed the military, 
humanitarian, economic, and security consequences of Russia's 
unprovoked, brutal war against Ukraine. I asked President Zelenskyy 
whether he thought Vladimir Putin's attack on his country had had the 
opposite effect of what he had intended. For example, the Russian-
speaking sections of eastern Ukraine are now embracing their Ukrainian 
identity, and NATO is more united than ever. President Zelenskyy told 
me that Putin's war of aggression not only had been the opposite of the 
easy conquest that Putin had expected but also had strengthened the 
NATO alliance and the European Union.
  (Mr. HICKENLOOPER assumed the Chair.)
  Mr. President, one cannot understand how Russia's invasion of Ukraine 
has upended decades and, in the case of Sweden, centuries of security 
policy for these countries. For 200 years, Sweden has maintained a 
policy of neutrality, but, as Swedish Prime Minister Andersson put it 
to me, ``February 24 changed everything.'' That was the date of the 
Russian invasion of Ukraine.
  Finland, which shares an 830-mile border with Russia, likewise 
concluded that Russia's aggression required a dramatic rethinking of 
its security. To demonstrate the reality on the ground, the Finnish 
President took us outside of his home and pointed to his right, where 
Tallinn, Estonia, is only 50 miles away across the Baltic Sea. He then 
pointed to his left and told us that St. Petersburg, Russia, is only 
200 miles away.
  Our visits to these leaders came just as the Parliaments of Finland 
and Sweden were voting to formally request admission into NATO. We 
assured their leaders that there was strong, bipartisan support in the 
Senate for their accession and that adding their capabilities to the 
alliance would improve, would strengthen our collective defense and 
security.
  This is, indeed, an important point. Sweden and Finland will both 
bring enormous geographic advantages and military capabilities to NATO. 
Finland is expected to exceed NATO's 2 percent defense spending target 
this year, and Sweden has committed to meeting that target as soon as 
possible. Finland has the largest reserve military force in Europe and 
has recently decided to upgrade its current fleet of American F-18 
fighter jets with the fifth-generation F-35. For the past several 
years, Sweden has been increasing its arms spending, and the country 
has advanced defense industrial capabilities.
  The addition of both of these nations to NATO will bolster deterrence 
against Russia in the Arctic, Nordic, and Baltic regions.

[[Page S3895]]

  For decades, Finland and Sweden have had a strong history of support 
for NATO. Their advanced militaries are, for example, interoperable 
with member nations. Both countries also have supported NATO-led 
operations over the decades, including in Afghanistan, Kosovo, and 
Iraq. They frequently participate in alliance-led exercises and 
capacity-building operations in Africa and elsewhere.
  During the current crisis in Ukraine, Finland and Sweden have been 
invaluable partners to the Ukrainians. They have been sending vital 
military aid to Ukraine, as well as humanitarian assistance, since 
February, including anti-ship missiles, rifles, body armor, and anti-
tank weapons.
  There are a few critics who contend that this NATO expansion, which 
will more than double NATO's direct border with Russia, is somehow 
provocative to Vladimir Putin. This assertion ignores a clear pattern 
of Russian aggression extending back years.
  In 2008, Russia invaded its neighbor, Georgia. In 2014, Russia 
invaded Ukraine for the first time, occupying and seizing Crimea and 
areas of eastern Ukraine. Then, earlier this year, of course, Russia 
launched the largest and most devastating land war in Europe since 
World War II without any justification or provocation when it invaded 
the free and democratic nation of Ukraine.
  This expansion of NATO is warranted precisely because of Russian 
provocations across the region.
  As always, NATO and the United States have no desire to see a war 
with Russia, but we will defend the territory and sovereignty of each 
of its members.
  Russia's brutal and unprovoked invasion of Ukraine has permanently 
changed the European security environment. Enlarging NATO to include 
two of our most capable and supportive European allies, Finland and 
Sweden, is a necessary and deliberative response.
  I urge all of my colleagues, in a strong vote, to join me in the 
swift ratification of Finland and Sweden's accession into NATO.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina.
  Mr. GRAHAM. Mr. President, one, I want to associate myself with the 
comments of Senator Collins from Maine. That was a great story about 
why we should all be happy today with Finland and Sweden and why this 
makes a lot of sense.
  There is one person I want to thank whom I don't usually give a big 
shout-out to: President Putin from Russia. Without you, we wouldn't be 
here. You have done more to strengthen NATO than any speech I could 
ever hope to give.
  John McCain, I wish you were alive today to celebrate because what we 
have been able to accomplish here through Putin's invasion of Ukraine 
is to remind everybody in the world, when it comes to bullies, you 
better stand up to them before it is too late. So our friends in 
Finland and Sweden have decided to join NATO. That is a good thing.
  But let me put Ukraine in perspective right quick. Our military 
leaders and our experts told us: After the invasion, 4 days, they would 
be in Kyiv. Well, they miscalculated. They overestimated the 
capabilities of the Russians, and they certainly undercalculated the 
resolve of the Ukrainian people.
  We are 160 days into this fight. Ukraine is still standing, bloodied 
but unbowed; NATO is bigger; crippling sanctions on the Russian 
economy; the ICC is investigating war crimes committed by Putin and his 
cronies. You have 100 U.S. Senators--we can't agree on Sunday being a 
day off--have agreed that Russia should be a State sponsor of terrorism 
under U.S. law.
  So 160 days into this fight, I am telling you right now, things are 
looking pretty good for the good guys. And I say that knowing how much 
suffering has gone on in the Ukraine. But today, we are here to admit 
two new members of NATO.
  NATO has been the strongest force for good, I think, on the planet 
since 1949. It is a group of countries organized around democratic 
concepts that have pledged to one another mutual defense--an attack on 
one is an attack on all. It has deterred war. It has been a stabilizing 
influence in Europe since the end of World War II. And along comes 
Putin.
  So NATO today is going to be bigger than it was before the invasion. 
NATO today is going to have more military resources than before the 
invasion by Russia into Ukraine.
  Again, I want to thank President Putin. You have done something for 
the democratic world that we have not been able to do for ourselves.
  To NATO, as an organization, keep your eye on the ball; pay your 2 
percent.
  To my friends who suggest that expanding NATO makes us weaker against 
China, what movie are you watching? How can you believe for one moment 
abandoning Ukraine or showing less of a commitment to European 
stability will make China more afraid of us and less likely to invade 
Taiwan?
  The best thing we could do right now as a world--particularly, the 
democratic world--is to become stronger in the face of aggression, to 
make NATO bigger. And we are going to accomplish that in a few minutes.
  To all my colleagues who have come down here and spoken on behalf of 
the admission of these two countries, God bless you; you are on the 
right side of history.
  One regret I do have is my great friend Senator McCain could not see 
today come about because he would be exceedingly pleased that the 
democratic world has rallied in the face of the aggression by Putin.
  With that, I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Missouri.
  Mr. BLUNT. Mr. President, I want to join my colleagues in my 
appreciation for the expansion of NATO--as others have said, the 
greatest alliance, maybe in history, certainly in the last 200 years, 
an alliance that has served great benefits and now is growing. NATO has 
been there since 1949.
  The two countries that we are going to be voting to admit today have 
resisted since 1949 being part of NATO, but with the recent actions, 
they decided you now have to choose a side.
  Now, they are not countries that have been on the sideline just 
hoping nothing would happen. They are countries that had significant 
defense capacities, significant military capabilities. They will be net 
security contributors to NATO. They bring to the alliance these 
advanced capabilities. They bring a neighborhood understanding of 
Russia, greater than maybe almost any other country, particularly 
Finland, which has been mentioned has an 800-plus mile border that will 
double the NATO border with Russia. They have been defending that 
border since World War II, and the Russians understand their capacity 
to defend it.
  They, frankly, bring good real estate and good location. I wish I had 
a map here on the floor with me, but I don't. The Baltic really becomes 
a NATO sea. And that is an important thing--Norway already in NATO, 
Sweden joining NATO, Finland joining NATO; right across from the three 
Baltic countries that are much more in need of assistance than these 
two countries that are joining an alliance that will give them that 
assistance. It is an incredible day for NATO.
  The Baltic Sea, the Arctic--I have heard more on this floor and in 
this country about the Arctic in the last 5 years than I think we have 
talked about in the previous 25 years. The Arctic basically becomes 
NATO territory with the sole exception of Russia.
  The United States, Canada, Norway, Sweden, Finland become the 
countries that are bound not only in the neighborhood of the Arctic but 
also in a supportive alliance.
  We have been hearing about how China wants to become an Arctic power. 
I think the change in NATO makes it incredibly harder for China to 
become an Arctic power or for Russia to become an Arctic abuser. And we 
are seeing that happen right here.
  Again, great capability. The Swedes have an Air Force, a Navy. They 
have the best cyber offensive and defensive capability in Europe--that 
large industrial base. Finland just agreed to buy 64 F-35s to replace 
their F-18s.
  Both countries have been working with us in military exercises for 
years. They are virtually immediately interoperable. They bring 
capacity to the NATO alliance that it doesn't have without them.
  I am grateful that they are joining. Finland is already at the 2 
percent goal

[[Page S3896]]

of their commitment to their own national defense. Sweden will be there 
by 2028.
  Senator Durbin, who is here on the floor with me, and I met with both 
of these countries recently. And they are absolutely committed that 
this is the moment when the NATO alliance takes on new meaning, not 
only to their two countries but I think to--and not only Western Europe 
but, frankly, to the world.
  This is an alliance that stands for shared values, that stands for 
border integrity, that stands for being sure that those things go into 
the future.
  I urge all of my colleagues to vote for this today. I am glad we are 
able to be among the first. We were hoping we would be the first 
country to approve the admission into NATO of these two countries, but 
we will be among the first. I think it sends a signal to the world and 
hopefully to all Americans that not only is NATO important, but it will 
be stronger with Sweden and Finland than it has ever been. And I look 
forward to the opportunity to cast this vote today.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Utah.
  Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I rise to oppose the Paul amendment to the 
resolution of advice and consent to ratification for the extension of 
the Republic of Finland and the Kingdom of Sweden to NATO.
  Like virtually all of my colleagues, I support the admission of 
Sweden and Finland into NATO. Their commitment to democracy, their 
military capabilities, and their resolve in the face of Russian 
aggression is welcome.
  With Russia's unprovoked attack on Ukraine, NATO has been united in 
providing support for the Ukrainians to defend themselves. NATO is also 
united in its adherence to the revisions of the NATO treaty. The world 
is watching to see if there are any cracks in that commitment, 
particularly with respect to its provisions for mutual defense.
  We must not in any way appear to be going wobbly on article 5. I fear 
that the Paul amendment would do just that. Further, Senator Paul's 
amendment is unnecessary. The NATO treaty specifically states this:

       This Treaty shall be ratified and its provisions carried 
     out by the Parties in accordance with their respective 
     constitutional processes.

  That is in the NATO treaty itself.
  So adding the language of the Paul amendment would only add confusion 
and potentially communicate to the world that this body seeks something 
in addition to the adherence to the constitutional process that the 
treaty already requires.
  Now, it is well and good for Congress to consider war powers and our 
role in military conflicts. But doing so as part of the accession of 
Sweden and Finland to NATO while Ukraine is under attack and while 
Russia may potentially be eyeing violence against NATO nations is 
surely not the time.
  Our commitment to NATO and article 5 must be clear and unambiguous. 
Throughout our Nation's history, the United States has not once 
ratified NATO protocols with a reservation.
  I am going to say that again to make sure I got it right.
  Throughout our Nation's history, the United States has not once 
ratified NATO protocols with a reservation. Now should be no different. 
Doing so could send the wrong message to the people of Ukraine, to our 
other friends and allies. It could even be propagandized as a nod to 
Putin.
  I urge my colleagues to vote down Senator Paul's amendment. Our 
message must be clear: We stand with NATO, with article 5, and with the 
admission of Finland and Sweden into our alliance.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Illinois.
  Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak for 5 
minutes.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I hope that my remarks are even less.
  I stand in solid support of the accession of Finland and Sweden into 
NATO. Just a few weeks ago, I was fortunate enough to visit Lithuania. 
It is a country that means a lot to me and my family. I met with the 
former President Valdas Adamkus.
  Adamkus, a Lithuanian immigrant to the United States, had a 
distinguished record in our government's service here and then returned 
to Lithuania after his retirement from the U.S. Federal Government and 
ran successfully for President.
  He had the vision to realize that the future of Lithuania and the 
Baltic States was in the European Union and NATO and worked strenuously 
to achieve those goals, and I was happy to be joining him in that 
effort.
  Now, this moment in history really complements his leadership because 
the accession of Finland and Sweden to NATO is a confirmation that the 
Baltic Sea is safer than ever when it comes to the West. If Vladimir 
Putin thought that by invading Ukraine he could somehow inhibit the 
future of NATO or in some way limit its future, the opposite has 
occurred.
  NATO is stronger than ever. And the United States' commitment to NATO 
is stronger than ever. The fact that only a handful of Senators from 
either political party are even questioning the accession of Sweden and 
Finland are good indications to me that we have bipartisan support for 
this NATO coalition now more than ever--and we should, first, for the 
Ukrainians and, secondly, for the United States and its future.
  Those who are speaking against the accession of Finland and Sweden 
suggest that we ought to focus our attention on Asia. Well, we cannot 
ignore Asia. It is an important part of our near-term future. And we 
have got to show strength throughout the world. Why don't we start 
right now? With this accession of Finland and Sweden, the strengthening 
of the NATO alliance says to any adversary of the United States, even 
to China and its future, that this country does business with other 
countries in the world on an arm's-length basis and a respectful basis 
and can deal with democracies in a constructive way in building their 
economies for the future.
  I will gladly join in the support of the accession of Finland and 
Sweden to NATO. I believe it not only strengthens that alliance when it 
comes to this war in Ukraine, it prepares us for challenges in the 
future, and it is the right thing for America's security.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Idaho.
  Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, today, I rise and urge my colleagues to 
vote in favor of the Accession Protocols for Finland and Sweden to join 
NATO. This is probably one of the easiest votes I will ever make in the 
U.S. Senate.
  I have listened to arguments about Asia, somehow that it comes in 
here. Look, we can walk and chew gum at the same time. Certainly, we 
need to look at what is going on in Asia, pay attention to what is 
going on in Asia, but what we are talking about here is the defense of 
the North Atlantic.
  This organization was put together many years ago. It has grown over 
those years to be 30-strong. And now we are going to add two more.
  I have characterized NATO as the most successful political and 
military alliance in the history of the world; certainly the most 
powerful alliance in the history of the world. And today we have the 
opportunity to expand the alliance by including Finland and Sweden.
  Over the years, we have added various countries, and debates could be 
had about those countries as to whether or not they are sufficient to 
join NATO and be part of the article 5 ``an attack on one is an attack 
on all'' alliance. But on Finland and Sweden, there really is little, 
if any, argument. These are two very successful countries.
  This accession process is an important chance for the United States 
to demonstrate leadership in NATO--we have over the years, and we will 
continue to do so--and the United States' commitment to its 
modernization and to its future.
  The Senate Foreign Relations Committee has carefully consulted and 
coordinated with our NATO allies, the Governments of Sweden and 
Finland, and with the administration to ensure this process could move 
as efficiently as possible. I can tell you that, personally--and others 
have done the same over recent years and particularly over recent 
months, have pressed Finland and Sweden to change their view as to

[[Page S3897]]

whether or not they should remain neutral and instead move into the 
NATO alliance.
  On February 24, we all know the world shook. Things changed 
dramatically. After Putin's unprovoked attack on Ukraine, Sweden and 
Finland, I am sure, woke up and said: You know, that could be us next, 
but it won't be us if we join NATO. So their polling in their country 
changed dramatically on February 24 as to whether or not NATO 
membership was appropriate for them. They have now enthusiastically 
said that NATO is appropriate for them, and we have shown in this body 
bipartisan support for Finland and Sweden joining NATO.
  Finland and Sweden will make model members of the NATO alliance. Both 
have strong and capable militaries in place now and are already net 
contributors to the security alliance. As was pointed out earlier by 
Senator Collins here, they have been very active in NATO, even though 
they are not members of NATO, by participating in various drills that 
have taken place and also by participating in the duties that NATO does 
strengthening the eastern flank of NATO. They have also demonstrated 
interoperability with NATO, which is extremely important, and the 
commitment necessary to join the alliance.
  I would say that today, with what is going on in Ukraine, Finland and 
Sweden joining the alliance is even more important. When the shooting 
is over in Ukraine, it won't be over. NATO is going to reexamine what 
they need to do to strengthen themselves, and certainly one of those 
will be an examination of hardening the eastern flank. Finland and 
Sweden, obviously, are on the eastern flank and will add considerably 
to that. Not only that, it is going to cost more to defend the eastern 
flank simply because of what Russia has done. Finland and Sweden will 
be a contributor, as will everybody.
  Adding these two nations as full members of our alliance will further 
deter any temptation by Russia to engage in military adventurism in the 
Baltic and Arctic regions. I believe Russia is already deterred when we 
say and our NATO allies say and European nations say to Putin: Not one 
square inch. Whether it is on the eastern border of one of the Baltic 
States or whether it is downtown London or in the United States, an 
attack on any of the NATO countries is an attack on all of them, and 
the response will be swift.
  Today's ratification of Finland and Sweden as new members of NATO 
will both send a strong message of transatlantic unity to Putin and 
strengthen NATO against Russia's ongoing threat. NATO has pulled 
together regionally to push back on Russia, and it is obvious that need 
has not gone away.
  I want to urge my colleagues to vote yes. This is a really easy vote.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kentucky.