[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 126 (Thursday, July 28, 2022)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3750-S3752]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Inflation Reduction Act
Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, say it isn't so, Joe.
Yesterday afternoon, Democrats, Senator Manchin--Joe Manchin from
West Virginia--and their leadership announced the latest version of
their Build Back Better tax-and-spending spree, which they are,
bizarrely, calling the Inflation Reduction Act.
Now, I have to say that when they announced it, I think it certainly
blindsided the Republicans, but I think it also blindsided, I am told,
an awful lot of Democrats who didn't know or hadn't been consulted
about what was going to be in this so-called Inflation Reduction Act.
Let me just tell you a few of the things the bill does. It imposes a
new tax on job creators. It provides funding to the IRS to harass small
businesses and nonprofits. It provides tens of billions of dollars in
tax credits for Green New Deal projects and the purchase of costly
electric vehicles. It extends increased government subsidies for people
on ObamaCare.
Well, I think the question you have to ask is, What exactly is any of
that going to do to address inflation? How are more IRS audits going to
help Americans who wonder how they can continue to afford to pay more
than $4 a gallon for gas? How is a new tax on businesses going to drive
down the price of chicken or milk or fruits or vegetables?
As for electric vehicle tax credits, they might make purchasing an
electric vehicle slightly less painful, but that is if you can afford
to purchase one in the first place, especially in the midst of an
inflation crisis. These tax credits are going to do nothing to cool
down our overheated economy or bring inflation under control.
Then there is the fact that Democrats are attempting to help sell
this bill by claiming it is going to help reduce the deficit. Well, it
is not that I am not glad to see Democrats actually considering deficit
reduction, even though their deficit reduction is unlikely to do much
to actually reduce the deficit. Perhaps they should have thought about
deficit reduction last
[[Page S3751]]
year when they passed a massive, partisan $1.9 trillion spending spree
financed with deficit spending--a spending spree, I might add, that
overheated our economy and helped push us to our current inflation
crisis, which is the biggest inflation that we have seen literally in
40 years, a 40-year high.
So we found out, of course, about this bill literally hours before we
learned this morning that for the second quarter in a row, our economy
not only failed to experience any growth but actually contracted. And
the news was not unexpected. There have been signs that the economy was
weakening for a while now.
But I have to say, as I think about that news--the inflation news
coupled with the fact that the economy is, in fact, contracting--that
it seems really incredible that the prescription for either one of
those problems in this country would be a massive new tax-and-spending
bill. This bill isn't going to do anything about inflation. It is not
going to do anything for economic growth. In fact, I wouldn't be
surprised if this bill's new tax on businesses actually slows down
parts of our economy.
It begs the question about why you would need new taxes when the
taxes that are coming into the Treasury already are, frankly, at record
levels. We saw year-over-year increases from the last 2 years in the
amount of revenues coming into the Treasury from taxes paid by the
American people, increased by 18 and 20 percent--18 percent one year
and 20 percent the next year. There have been huge increases in tax
revenue, in fact, so big, such big increases in tax revenue that the
revenue generated by the tax owed to this country as a percentage of
our gross domestic product--in other words, as a percentage of our
total economy--reached the highest level since the year 2000, a 22-year
high revenue to GDP. That is what has happened in the last couple of
years. Revenues have been going up. Revenues coming from individual
income tax returns, from business tax returns, from capital gains taxes
all have gone up by double digits, and big double digits, 18 and 20
percent in the last 2 years, to the point where revenue to GDP is at
the highest level that it has been literally since the year 2000, 22
years ago.
Couple that with the fact that, because of inflation, which at 9.1
percent is the highest we have seen in 40 years--you have to go back to
the time when I was literally in high school and college to find a time
when we saw this kind of inflation and the impact that has on American
families and consumers. So the Joint Economic Committee did an analysis
recently which found out that the increase in costs for an average
American family year over year as a result of this level of inflation
is about $9,000.
That is $9,000 more for the same basket of goods, the same basic
necessities that Americans bought last year; $9,000 higher this year,
roughly about $700 a month. So that is $700 a month out of an American
family's budget pocket that goes toward nothing more than paying the
inflation tax.
So you already have this huge tax on American families because of
inflation. Now you couple that with the fact that the economy is
slowing down. It is getting a little wobbly. You would think just
intuitively that when you have an economy like that, the last thing you
would want to do, the very worst prescription for high inflation and
slow growth would be more taxes and more spending, particularly given
the fact that you even have liberal Democrat economists who have said
that the $1.9 trillion spending bill last year contributed to--was
largely responsible for this inflation and perhaps one of the worst
policy decisions ever made. Yes, that has been not just Republicans
saying that; that has been liberal Democrat economists.
So in light of that situation, that sort of cluster of economic
data--slow growth, or in this case, negative growth, a recession,
technically speaking--now, of course, there is a question by the
administration about what really constitutes a technical recession, but
I think if you are an American family or an American consumer, you
know, 9 percent inflation and, you know, slow growth in the economy and
a concern about what the future economic outlook is going to look like
for yourself and your family suggests they probably think that we are
in a recession already. I think that is the experience of most
Americans who are dealing with the day-to-day pocketbook issues.
So you have to ask the question, again, with higher prices already
out there and concerns about the economy, why more taxes on businesses,
which in most cases--and people think of taxing--always tax businesses
because businesses make all this money, they are very rich and all
that, but what happens typically with businesses is, obviously, they
have to hire employees, so if you hit them with a big fat tax burden,
typically what happens is it results in lower wages for their employees
or, conversely, it could also result in higher prices for consumers,
for their customers, because that typically gets passed on. In most
cases, those taxes don't just get eaten or absorbed; they get passed on
in the economy in the form of higher prices or lower wages, and there
are all kinds of economic studies on both sides of the political
equation that show that.
So the question, again, is why would you do this, particularly now,
when, in fact, what we ought to be doing is focusing on those solutions
that actually would reduce inflation, starting with reducing wasteful,
out-of-control spending? If spending overheated the economy in the
first place--and, of course, the textbook definition of inflation is
too many dollars chasing too few goods. If that is what we have
experienced in our economy over the past several months, then you would
think you would want, if you are in a hole, to quit digging--don't
spend more, don't flood the zone with more dollars out there and
increase that demand and put higher pressure on prices. You would think
that would be a solution.
And you would also think that, since a lot of inflation has to do
with the price of energy in this country, that you would focus on
reducing the price of energy rather than increasing the price of
energy, and this bill does the exact opposite.
It puts taxes--taxes on energy production in this country--oil and
gas--all in the name of and in the interest of trying to push people
into electric vehicles.
Now, interestingly enough, when I mention electric vehicles--average
cost, about $80,000. So when the suggestion is--you know, so gas prices
are high, fuel prices are high, just go get an electric vehicle. Well,
when you have got 9 percent inflation and a wobbly economy, the idea
that an average American person out there or an average American family
is going to go out and drop 80 grand on an electric vehicle seems a
little bit far-fetched.
But, then, it is not just the average American family. This incentive
to buy electric vehicles can be taken, experienced, enjoyed, if you
will, by people making $300,000 a year--hardly the average American who
is getting hit by high gas prices.
So instead of lowering energy costs by increasing more supply,
opening up Federal lands, you know, approving permits to drill,
approving infrastructure projects, encouraging investment in energy
production in this country instead of discouraging it and pressuring
companies not to invest in energy production, this has the opposite
effect. It is going to tax energy. It is going to put a tax on energy.
So you are going to have higher electricity costs, higher fuel
costs--I don't get it. I honestly don't get it.
Now, I understand there is a very distinct difference in this country
in political philosophies and all that, and I also know--I have been
here long enough to know--that when Democrats are in power, they tend
to grow and expand government.
There are--I don't know, I can't think probably of a spending debate
that I have been involved with in the time that I have been here where
Democrats haven't wanted to spend more and Republicans haven't wanted
to spend less, with one exception, and that would be defense. National
security is always something that seems to be on the menu when it comes
to cutting government as far as Democrats are concerned, but when it
comes to just overall spending, government, the role of government,
that sort of thing--and these are--I mean, they are philosophical
differences, they are ideological differences, whatever you want to
call them, but the fact of the matter is
[[Page S3752]]
that Democrats like to grow and expand government. They like more
government. They like more government control.
And this achieves that in a lot of ways. Obviously, it makes people
more dependent upon government, and particularly if--when it comes to,
you know, what you choose to drive, pushes people more into electric
vehicles. And it is government, again, picking winners and losers. But
I would also suggest that one of the other provisions in the bill locks
in policies that socialist countries have adopted, places in Western
Europe, that fix drug prices. That is not something we have done in
this country.
And everybody around here says: Well, Europe does it, why can't we do
it? Well, as I recall, we left Europe for that reason. We wanted less
government control. We wanted more personal freedom, coupled with
individual responsibility. That was part, I think, of the defining
principle of this country.
So now we are going to adopt the price-fixing policies that have been
adopted in places in Europe in an attempt to try and get drug costs
down at the same time we are going to be sacrificing the innovation,
the investment, and the ingenuity that has resulted in so many of the
great cures that we have seen in this country, and as recently as a
couple years ago with COVID, which was a record time in terms of
getting a vaccine out there into circulation that was actually
effective in trying to keep people from getting terribly sick with that
disease.
So what this, as far as I can tell, does, is it sort of socializes
medicine, at least to the extent that it pertains to the pharmaceutical
business. It has government fixing prices. It has us adopting the
European model when it comes to drugs. It has us taxing energy
production here in the United States and investing in all kinds of
different green energy things.
By the way, $60 billion--$60 billion--in this proposal for
``environmental justice,'' defined, evidently, as grants to communities
who are having a hard time keeping up with environmental standards in
their communities, which, again, all of us--and I would argue, in my
experience here, I have been one of the most forward-leaning people
when it comes to renewable energy, you know, coming up with new sources
of energy that, obviously, not only are good for our economy, but
benefit our environment as well--but $60 billion for environmental
justice, nothing for funding the police or law enforcement to keep our
communities safe, which is a huge, huge crisis in this country.
So I would just argue that if ever there was a time when priorities
are misplaced, this would have to be it. I just can't think of a way in
which anything that is being talked about here does anything to
address the fundamental economic hardship that is being experienced by
tens of millions of Americans; and that is, when they go to the gas
station to fill up their tank with gas, or a farmer who needs diesel,
which has literally doubled in cost, in price, since the President took
office, or going to the grocery store, where all these inflation and
energy costs and everything else get passed on--everything has gone up.
Groceries in this country, on average, up 12 percent, utility gas up
38 percent, gasoline up 60 percent. And that is just year over year. If
you go since the time the President took office, the price of gasoline
has almost doubled. It is 90 percent higher now than it was when the
President took office.
And so you have got all this economic bad data and hardship and--you
know, the American people are experiencing, and so just kind of out of
nowhere, really--I mean, there has been some discussion about this, as
we all know, over the past year or so, but everybody, I think, kind of
concluded when we got the inflation numbers last month at 9.1 percent,
a 40-year high, that: Let's cool it down a little bit. Let's cool our
jets here, and let's just see what is going to happen with the economy
before we do anything rash.
Well, you can't say that $1 trillion in spending and taxes isn't
pretty rash, especially when you try and drive it through on a party
line vote, the same way that the $2 trillion in spending was done last
year, where you had, again, all these warnings, and not just
Republicans. I was saying this, but I am not unique. There were lots of
Democrat economists who were suggesting at the time that that kind of
spending would do nothing but overheat the economy, overstimulate the
economy, and you get too many dollars chasing too few goods and leading
to inflationary impacts, which is ultimately what happened.
So here we are, with 9 percent inflation, two quarters now of
negative economic growth, negative GDP, and Democrats saying: OK. Let's
raise taxes and let's raise taxes a bunch, at a time when revenues to
GDP are at their highest level since the year 2000, and when we have
had two successive years now, year over year, of revenue growth, 18
percent and 20 percent.
Surely--surely--the problem here can't be not enough revenue. The
issue, I think, is--and it comes back to my fundamental point in the
first place. You want to grow government, you want to expand
government, you want to have $60 billion--$60 billion--going to
environmental justice and zero going to funding the police or
addressing the issues of law enforcement, crime in our communities
around this country, or maybe putting some money toward the border,
addressing another out-of-control problem that I can see--you can point
back directly to policy decisions made by this administration and the
ultimate consequence and result that we have seen, the outcome that we
have seen.
But this is going to be done on a party line basis. This is going to
be done with Democrat-only votes and, again, sort of came out of
nowhere.
So I say: Say it ain't so, Joe. I wish I had a better story here, but
the fact of the matter is, this will be done with zero consultation
with Republicans, and what it appears like very little, if any,
consultation with Democrats. Sounds like it was a deal that was cut by
basically two people, and it is going to be shoved through on a party
line vote, 51 votes here in the U.S. Senate at a time when we have got
historic issues related to our economy which are impacting American
families in a very direct and real way, starting with the fact that
they are now putting more of their purchases on their credit cards,
they are dipping into retirement savings to be able to keep up with
just the daily cost of living.
We have already put--I say ``we,'' not we, but if you think about it,
in some ways, the policies that went through here last year, the 1.9
trillion-dollar, party line spending bill, led to a lot of this
inflation.
So the American people right now, average family, according to the
Joint Economic Committee, which is a bipartisan committee here in the
Senate, says that it is costing the average family in this country
$9,000 more this year than it did last year for the same basic
necessities, for the same basket of goods. So they have already seen a
$9,000 tax, and now they are being told that there is going to be a big
tax increase. Oh, yes, it is going to hit corporations, but don't think
for a minute that those costs don't get passed on in the form of higher
costs to consumers and lower wages to employees, because these things
don't happen in a vacuum. There are decisions, and there are effects
that happen as a result of those decisions.
I hope my Democrat colleagues will think better of this. I can't
think, honestly, of a time where there hasn't been a worse prescription
for what ails our economy and ails our country than what is being
proposed here in the form of more taxes, more spending, more government
control, and more pain and economic hardship for the American people.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Delaware.
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