[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 125 (Wednesday, July 27, 2022)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3707-S3715]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                          LEGISLATIVE SESSION

                                 ______
                                 

                       CHIPS ACT OF 2022--Resumed

  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Under the previous order, the 
Senate will resume consideration of the House message to accompany H.R. 
4346, which the clerk will report.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       House message to accompany H.R. 4346, a bill making 
     appropriations for Legislative Branch for the fiscal year 
     ending September 30, 2022, and for other purposes.

  Pending:

       Schumer motion to concur in the amendment of the House to 
     the amendment of the Senate to the bill, with Schumer 
     amendment No. 5135 (to the House amendment to the Senate 
     amendment), relating to the CHIPS Act of 2022.
       Schumer amendment No. 5136 (to amendment No. 5135), to add 
     an effective date.


                   Recognition of the Majority Leader

  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Democratic leader is 
recognized.
  Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, for the last century--the whole last 
century--America's prosperity was anchored on our country's unmatched 
commitment to science research, technological growth, innovation, and 
advanced manufacturing.
  The question before the Senate, then, is simple: Will that prosperity 
live on in the century to come? Are we on the brink of another 
generation of American ingenuity, of American discovery, of American 
leadership? By passing our CHIPS and Science bill today, the Senate 
says: Yes, we are, and in a loud, bipartisan voice.
  Today, by approving one of the largest investments in science, 
technology, and manufacturing in decades--in decades--we say that 
America's best years are yet to come.
  This is a very good day for the American people and for American 
innovation. The legislation is going to create good-paying jobs. It 
will alleviate supply chains; it will help lower costs; and it will 
protect America's national security interests.
  I am confident that future generations will look back on the passage 
of this bill as a turning point for American leadership in the 21st 
century.
  I admit that some of the policies--not all, but some are esoteric, 
but they are vital. All too often we are told government and business 
think short term. This is one of the most significant pieces of long-
term effect and thinking legislation that we have seen in this body in 
a very long time.
  I believe that our grandchildren and our grandchildren's 
grandchildren will work in jobs we cannot yet imagine because of the 
investments we are making here today.
  Like the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act and the recent gun 
safety law, the CHIPS and Science bill is one of the major bipartisan 
achievements of this Congress. But reaching this point was anything but 
easy.
  On the contrary, the legislation has been several years in the 
making, and it took a lot of twists and turns before reaching the 
finish line. It brought together industry, labor, universities,

[[Page S3708]]

Governors, mayors from both parties and from every region. And I thank 
my colleagues and their staff for pushing it over the line.
  In 2019, I approached my Republican colleague Todd Young. We had 
talked in the gym that he was interested in the same types of 
investments that I was. And I said: Let's work together on legislation 
to revive America's commitment to science and innovation. Together, we 
drafted the first version of the Endless Frontier Act, a bill whose 
policies shaped today's legislation.
  A year later, we joined with Senators Cornyn and Warner to begin 
addressing our Nation's chip crisis by pushing for an authorization of 
new Federal chips as an incentive as part of the NDAA. And Senator 
Kelly of Arizona has been a major advocate for getting these chip 
programs done.
  So even before this Congress began, Members on both sides knew that 
we had to work together if we were to keep America competitive in the 
21st century. We also knew that if we didn't get there first, our 
rivals--chief among them the Chinese Communist Party--would likely beat 
us to the punch and reshape the world in their authoritarian image, a 
frightening, frightening process.
  A month after I became majority leader, I directed the chairs and 
members of our relevant committees to start drafting a legislative 
package to outcompete China and create new American jobs, with the 
Endless Frontier Act serving as the core of this effort.
  I also instructed them to draft legislation to plug the dangerous 
holes in America's semiconductor industry. I said to everyone, to 
people on both sides of the aisle, that if both sides work together, I 
would put a bill on the floor of the Senate later that spring, and that 
is what happened when we overwhelmingly passed the U.S. Innovation and 
Competition Act in June 2021. It took 3 weeks, lots of debate, 
amendments, just as the Senate ought to work, even on major and 
difficult legislation, as this has been.
  Senators Cantwell and Wicker were tremendous leaders in this effort 
and skillfully managed the floor process. They deserve a great deal of 
praise not only for passing last year's bill but for their efforts this 
year as well.
  A year later, the legislation we are passing today contains many of 
the critical investments in that bill. Both bills make historic 
investments in science and innovation--the original Endless Frontier 
and USICA bill and the bill we are passing today, CHIPS plus Science. 
Both bills make those investments.
  We will plant the seeds for developing the tech hubs of tomorrow in 
places with great potential but which have been overshadowed by cities 
like San Francisco or Boston or Austin or New York City. The bill will 
help turn cities like Buffalo and Indianapolis into new centers for 
innovation, and the result will be countless new, good-paying jobs and 
a bright future for those areas for years to come.
  Both bills will help end the chips crisis by offering tens of 
billions of dollars to encourage American chip manufacturing and R&D. 
And, if anything, this year's version is stronger because of the ITC 
provisions. It will create tens of thousands of high-tech manufacturing 
and Davis-Bacon construction jobs from Albany, NY, to New Albany, OH, 
and beyond. It is going to lower costs for cars, washing machines, and 
so much more in the long run because our chip shortage will be 
alleviated.
  Both bills establish the National Foundation tech directorate and 
provide funding to the Department of Energy to achieve new 
breakthroughs in the technologies like AI, quantum computing, cyber 
security, renewable energy, 5G, biotech, and other discoveries yet 
unknown. And both bills provide funding to build wireless communication 
supply chain to counter Huawei. This was a top priority for my 
colleague Mark Warner, and I thank him for his efforts in this regard.
  The bottom line is this: Today's legislation is one of the largest 
investments in science, technology, and advanced manufacturing in 
decades.
  Now, of course, while this bill contains many critical investments in 
chips and scientific research, there are other major proposals from 
both sides that are still in the works within the conference committee. 
That important work must continue. It will. And it is my intention to 
put the conference committee on the floor in September after the work 
is complete.
  So let me be clear. Today is a very good day for the American people 
and for the future of our country. I believe firmly that, when signed 
into law, this bill will reawaken the spirit of discovery, innovation, 
and optimism that made America the envy of the world and will continue 
to do so. Because of the investments we are approving today, America 
will be the place where the next transformational breakthroughs in 
industry and science occur.
  Nearly 80 years ago, Dr. Vannevar Bush, the head of the U.S. Office 
of Scientific Research, wrote in a report to President Truman that 
``without scientific progress, no amount of achievement in other 
directions can ensure our health, prosperity, and security in the 
modern world.'' The name of that report? It was called ``Science: The 
Endless Frontier.'' It is the inspiration for much of the work we have 
dedicated to passing this bill today.
  In the wake of Dr. Bush's report, we created the National Science 
Foundation, funded the National Energy Laboratories, split the atom, 
spliced the gene, landed a man on the Moon, and unleashed the internet. 
We generated decades of American prosperity and fostered an innate 
sense of optimism in the American spirit.
  Today, we face the great task of renewing and strengthening that 
legacy in a world of fierce competition. It is no longer a situation 
where we can just leave it up to corporate America because we didn't 
have competition. Now there are nation-states funding and aiding their 
corporations, and authoritarian governments around the world are doing 
that and cheering for us to fail--cheering for us, hoping that we will 
sit on our hands and not adapt to the changes in the 21st century. They 
believe that squabbling democracies like ours can't unite around 
national priorities like this one. They believe that democracy itself 
is a relic of the past and that, by beating us to emerging 
technologies, autocracies around the world hope to reshape the world in 
their own image.
  Well, let me tell you something: I believe in America. I believe in 
our system. I believe that they will not succeed. I believe that this 
legislation will enable the United States to outinnovate, outproduce, 
and outcompete the world in the industries of the future, and I believe 
that the strongly bipartisan work on this bill revealed that, in this 
Chamber, we all believe--all of us, Democrats and Republicans--that 
another American century lies on the horizon.
  For this, these many worthy reasons, let us pass the CHIPS and 
Science bill today.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Kaine). Without objection, it is so 
ordered.


                 Recognition of the Republican leader.

  The Republican leader is recognized.


                               Inflation

  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, here is how Washington Democrats are 
describing the American economy. From the White House last month: 
``robust economic progress under President Biden's leadership.'' 
According to President Biden himself, our economy has ``unique 
strengths that we can build on,'' that it was ``providing important 
breathing room for American families,'' and that it was ``strong as can 
be but for inflation, but for gas and food.'' The economy is as strong 
as it can be except that pesky thing: the worst inflation in more than 
40 years. You almost have to laugh at that analysis.
  Contrast the Democrats' spin with how working Americans are 
describing our economy. From a grocery store manager in Tennessee: 
``It's just not a good situation.'' From a grandmother in Georgia: 
``The food, the gas, the bills, and the mortgage, everything. . . . 
It's a lot on a family.'' Overall, a majority of Americans are 
concerned their paycheck can't cover the essentials amidst inflation, 
and a majority

[[Page S3709]]

disapprove of what President Biden is doing about it.
  Clearly, something isn't adding up, but that isn't a new feature of 
Washington Democrats' one-party control of government. In fact, missing 
the mark on economic policy has been a hallmark of the Biden 
administration. Last spring, they misread what it needed after a once-
in-a-century pandemic and flooded the engine with trillions in liberal 
spending. Then, they missed the warning signs of the runaway inflation 
that that mistake brought on. Now, they are mounting a panicked 
campaign to redefine the word ``recession'' before the next quarterly 
GDP comes out tomorrow.
  So Washington Democrats seem to think the real-world effects of their 
policies--the pain Americans are feeling as they try to balance 
household budgets--can just be spun away--spun away--with talking 
points. Well, I can tell you there are millions of working families who 
wish it were, in fact, that simple, but you know full well that it 
isn't.


                            Border Security

  Mr. President, now on a different matter, yesterday, I met with 
members of the Kentucky Narcotics Officers Association to discuss the 
ongoing substance abuse crisis in my home State. These frontline 
professionals have watched Kentucky pass some grim milestones in recent 
years. This is one of the most horrifying consequences of the ongoing 
breakdown of law and order in our country.
  In 2020, overdose deaths in the Commonwealth increased nearly 50 
percent from the year prior, reaching an alltime high of 1,964. Then, 
last year, we broke that record again, recording 2,250 overdose 
deaths--14.5 percent higher than in 2020.
  Remember, as of this past January, 2 years into the pandemic, 
fentanyl alone had killed more Americans aged 18 to 45 than the 
coronavirus. That is not even all overdoses; that is just fentanyl 
alone.
  The Kentucky law enforcement officers with whom I got to visit work 
every day to try to reverse these heart-wrenching trends. They have had 
some success. Earlier this month, in Louisville, law enforcement seized 
a full kilogram of fentanyl in Louisville. The experts say that is 
enough to kill half a million people in Louisville alone. But they are 
struggling to stem the cascade of narcotics pouring into our streets. 
The reason for this, they told me, is pretty clear: our unsecured 
borders.
  Already this year, our overwhelmed Customs and Border Patrol agents 
encountered more than 1.6 million illegal crossers down at the border. 
That is close to the total number of encounters for the entirety of 
last year. Some of these individuals were promptly detained and 
deported, but many of them were booked briefly and then released into 
the American heartland. Presumably, we will never hear from most of 
them ever again. These are just the known encounters, to say nothing of 
the 900,000 ``got-aways'' that DHS officials think have taken place 
since the beginning of the last fiscal year. Put another way, a group 
of people larger than the entire population in my hometown broke into 
our country without interacting with border agents at all.
  Alongside this human tide is an ever-increasing flood of illicit 
drugs, most notably fentanyl. That drug played a role in 72 percent of 
overdoses in Kentucky last year. CBP officials have seized 5,722 pounds 
of the stuff this year alone. Imagine how much slipped through their 
fingers and onto our streets.
  Are Democrats admitting this is an emergency? Are they working 
overtime to put a tourniquet on this crisis? Just the opposite. 
Secretary Mayorkas jetted to a summit in Aspen earlier this month and 
pronounced that ``the border is secure.'' That is our Secretary of 
Homeland Security. Maybe that kind of talk plays well at a ritzy ski 
resort packed with liberals. It doesn't play very well with law 
enforcement and first responders in States like Kentucky who have to 
deal with crime and fatal drug overdoses every single day. The far left 
throws our borders open for ideological reasons, and it is the most 
vulnerable communities that end up paying the deadly price.
  The president of the National Border Patrol Council has directly 
contradicted the Biden administration's insistence that our southern 
border is in great shape. Here is what he had to say. This is the 
president of the National Border Patrol Council:

       [T]he cartels use illegal border crossers to facilitate 
     their higher value contraband, including . . . fentanyl.

  In other words, more illegal immigration means more of this illegal 
poison. But President Biden and Washington Democrats simply won't admit 
it. Their response to the border crisis has been to issue new internal 
guidance encouraging border personnel to use more politically correct 
language when they are referring to criminal aliens. They would rather 
police language than police the border.
  Remember, the Biden administration spent taxpayer dollars going to 
court, arguing they have a right to end the ``Remain in Mexico'' policy 
and throw our borders open even wider. President Biden tried to cut 
funding for ICE in his most recent budget.
  Washington liberals say the compassionate policy is to lure desperate 
people into inhumane conditions, let the drug cartels have open season, 
and let Americans die as a result. That is not compassion; that is 
cruelty--an abdication of duty with deadly consequences for the 
American people.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Lujan). Without objection, it is so 
ordered.
  Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, the Biden border crisis continues to rage. 
Last month, U.S. Customs and Border Protection encountered 207,416 
individuals attempting to cross our southern border illegally, the 
highest June number ever recorded. And April and May successively set 
records for the highest numbers for any month ever.
  During the 2021 fiscal year, Customs and Border Protection 
encountered a record number of individuals attempting to cross our 
southern border illegally--1,734,686, to be precise--a record. We still 
have 3 months to go for this fiscal year, but we have already exceeded 
last year's number by more than 11,000. That is right. In just 9 
months, we have already exceeded last year's record number of 
apprehensions.
  The situation on our southern border is out of control, although you 
would never know it to hear the President and his administration. ``The 
border is secure'' the President's Homeland Security Secretary said 
just a few days ago. Again, The border is secure. My only question is 
how he said that with a straight face.
  Our southern border is the opposite of secure. It is in crisis. The 
flood of illegal immigration is so great that huge numbers of Customs 
and Border Protection officers have been pulled off the border to 
process migrants. A May article from the Economist reported that:

       Around 60 percent of CBP agents have been assigned to 
     process migrants, taking them away from field work.

  That, of course, leaves our borders wide open to illegal activity, 
including the drug trafficking that is flooding our country with 
fentanyl.
  It also means even with all the apprehensions the Border Patrol has 
made, many more individuals are getting through unstopped. One source 
reports that so far this fiscal year, there have been more than half a 
million got-aways--in other words, individuals the Border Patrol saw 
but was unable to apprehend.
  The Economist article I mentioned also noted:

       One border expert estimates that less than 20 percent of 
     people trying to cross the border undetected are stopped.

  Less than 20 percent--that is a security nightmare.
  Our Customs and Border Protection agents are giving this job their 
all, but there is no way for them to keep up with the flood of illegal 
immigration, especially when they are being pulled off the border to 
process migrants.
  It is President Biden's job to help stop this border crisis, but when 
he is not pretending this crisis doesn't exist, he is taking actions 
that are contributing to this disaster. On his very first day in 
office, President Biden rescinded

[[Page S3710]]

the declaration of a national emergency at our southern border. He 
halted construction of the border wall. He revoked a Trump 
administration order that called for the government to faithfully 
execute our immigration laws. And his Department of Homeland Security 
issued guidelines pausing deportations, except under certain 
circumstances. That was all, again, on his first day in office.
  Needless to say, the effect of all this was to declare to the world 
that the U.S. borders were effectively open. And even as huge numbers 
of illegal immigrants pour across our southern border, he has continued 
to build on those actions. The President sought to significantly limit 
the ability of Immigration and Customs Enforcement to enforce 
immigration laws.
  Deportations dropped precipitously during fiscal year 2021, as did 
arrests in the interior of the country. In March of this year, the 
administration rescinded a 2019 rule expanding expedited removal for 
individuals here illegally. And, of course, the administration is still 
attempting to remove title 42 COVID-19 restrictions, with no viable 
plan to control the resulting surge in illegal immigration.
  Illegal immigration, especially the kind of out-of-control illegal 
immigration we are currently experiencing, has serious consequences. I 
have already mentioned some of the security risks it presents. With 
Customs and Border Protection overstretched, it is easier for bad 
actors to cross the border into our country--gang members, drug 
traffickers, human smugglers, and the list goes on.
  Our country is currently in the midst of a fentanyl crisis. In fact, 
right now, fentanyl overdose is the leading cause of death for American 
adults between the ages of 18 and 45. And where is all this fentanyl 
coming from? Most of it is being trafficked across our southern border. 
The current border situation is undoubtedly facilitating that 
trafficking.
  Illegal immigration is financially costly, as well. Immigration and 
Customs Enforcement is currently running out of money for this year, 
thanks, in part, to the out-of-control situation at our southern 
border.
  President Biden has talked about wanting to build a ``fair, orderly, 
and humane'' immigration system. There is nothing--nothing--humane 
about our current situation. Encouraging illegal immigration, as the 
President's policies have done, has contributed to a humanitarian 
crisis that saw 557 migrants die attempting to cross the southern 
border during fiscal year 2021. Just last month, in an incredibly 
tragic, horrific story, 53 migrants died in an unair-conditioned 
tractor-trailer after being smuggled across the border. It was a sober 
reminder of the human costs of policies that enable illegal 
immigration.
  The President may think that his border policies are compassionate, 
but, again, he would be wrong. Policies that encourage illegal 
immigration, that encourage individuals to undertake the often 
dangerous journey across our southern border often at the mercy of 
human smugglers are the very opposite of compassionate. I would like to 
think that the President would wake up to the dangerous situation we 
are in and take action to help stem the flood of illegal immigration at 
our southern border, but after a year and a half of his 
administration's neglecting this crisis, I am not getting my hopes up. 
I am afraid that, like inflation, out-of-control illegal immigration 
has become a fact of life in the Biden Presidency. As with inflation, 
Americans and those vulnerable individuals who are attempting to enter 
our country, will be left to suffer the consequences.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Indiana.


                               H.R. 4346

  Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, when it comes to America, I am an 
optimist--always. You see, I can't help but approach the future with 
great hope. After all, as Americans, we have never let obstacles stand 
in our way or accepted that problems can't be solved.
  Our citizens are the world's most ingenious; our military, its 
mightiest; our economy, the strongest; and our innovators, the most 
creative. The last century was defined by our accomplishments and our 
ideals and I believe this one will be, too. But I have to say, this 
path is not guaranteed.
  Now as then, America's success depends on unleashing the potential of 
our people and outcompeting and out-innovating global rivals who don't 
share our values or our economic interests.
  Right now, we are in the middle of a great power competition with an 
authoritarian regime in Beijing that seeks global primacy and rejects 
democracy. The Chinese Communist Party is currently investing $1.4 
trillion in frontier technologies that will dominate the 21st century--
artificial intelligence, quantum computing, hypersonics, among other 
key technologies. Its innovators are earning patents and publishing 
research in AI at greater rates than our own. Its schools are producing 
four times the STEM graduates as America's. The Chinese Communist 
Party's computer and science universities are regularly outranking 
ours.
  Its military is making advances in cyber warfare and the development 
of hypersonic weapons, autonomous vehicles, electronic and cyber 
warfare, and orbital bombardment systems.
  These are the technologies that will dominate the 21st century, 
economically and militarily.
  China's Government is planning on winning the AI race, winning future 
wars, and winning the future. The truth is, if we are being honest with 
ourselves, Beijing is well on its way to accomplishing these goals. 
America is at risk of falling behind economically and technologically 
to a world power that doesn't value liberty or even human life.
  So how should we respond?
  For too long, when it comes to Chinese aggression, America has relied 
on a strategy of deterrence, taking steps like blocking Huawei from 
doing business in the U.S., tightening export controls, and improving 
foreign investment rules.
  Now, these are important measures, but they are no longer enough. You 
see, it is time to go on the offensive. And that is exactly what this 
legislation--which has gone by many names from the Endless Frontier Act 
to the U.S. Innovation and Competition Act to CHIPS+--will do: unleash 
private sector innovation while significantly boosting Federal national 
security investments.
  Let me highlight a few specifics. First, this bill greatly encourages 
domestic investment in semiconductor production. Right now, the USA is 
almost entirely reliant on other nations for high-tech computer chips 
that power our smartphones, automobiles, household appliances, and 
military platforms. In fact, the recent shortage of these chips has 
hobbled our economy; it has hit our pocketbooks.
  For example, a shortage of computer chips forced General Motors to 
idle its assembly plant in Fort Wayne, IN, twice already this year. 
U.S. semiconductor production, once accounting for nearly 40 percent of 
the world's supply, has dropped to just 12 percent, while China's 
production share is increasing rapidly. Ninety percent of the chips 
used in our military technology are made overseas. Let me say that 
again. Ninety percent of the chips used in our military technology are 
made overseas. Most are made in South Korea and Taiwan, but an 
increasing number are produced in China. This is a very real economic 
and national security vulnerability.
  And this bill will reassert America's place in this industry and take 
a giant leap towards ensuring that our supply chain and national 
defense will never be at the mercy of technology produced overseas.
  Another important aspect of this bill is critical applied research 
funding. This legislation reforms and invests in the National Science 
Foundation to partner with the private sector and universities to 
develop critical emerging technologies that will transform the global 
landscape. We know that national success and competitiveness in the 
21st century economy will be built on emerging technologies like 
quantum computing and artificial intelligence.
  Funding research crucial to keeping America safe is one of the 
Federal Government's responsibilities, and this legislation will help 
us not just catch up with but overtake China in these critical areas.
  And this bill will establish regional technology hubs across our 
country,

[[Page S3711]]

which will become centers for the research, development, 
entrepreneurship, and manufacturing of new key technologies.
  This is incredibly important at a time when too many Americans in the 
heartland feel left out and too many areas overlooked, when only a 
handful of cities account for nearly 90 percent of job growth in these 
advanced sectors.
  Simply put, this bill will make America stronger, safer, and more 
prosperous. And it is desperately needed. How do we know? Because the 
Chinese Communist Party has actively lobbied against this legislation. 
They know this bill is bad for China and good for the United States of 
America.
  This bill is about securing our country, giving our people the tools 
to flourish, and ensuring America continues its global research role.
  It has been a long journey to get to this point, but history will 
show that by passing this CHIPS+ bill, we are confronting the 
challenges of today and building a prosperous and secure tomorrow for 
all Americans.
  I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Vermont.


                       Unanimous Consent Request

  Mr. SANDERS. I have heard, time and again, my Republican colleagues 
and a number of Democrats voice their serious concern about the deficit 
and our national debt. We are told that because of the deficit that at 
a time when we have the highest rate of childhood poverty of almost any 
major country on Earth, we cannot extend the child tax credit to help 
working parents and substantially reduce childhood poverty.
  At a time when over 600,000 Americans are homeless and some 18 
million families are spending half of their incomes on the high cost of 
housing, we are told over and over again that because of the deficit we 
cannot build the low-income, affordable housing we desperately need.
  At a time when millions of senior citizens in this country 
desperately need help to go to a dentist because their teeth are 
rotting in their mouths, they can't afford hearing aids, they can't 
afford eyeglasses, we are told that we cannot afford to expand Medicare 
because of the deficit.
  At a time when the average family in this country is spending $15,000 
a year on childcare--an unimaginable amount of money for a working 
family--we are told that we cannot reform a dysfunctional childcare 
system because of the deficit.
  At a time when some 70 million Americans are uninsured or 
underinsured, we are told that we cannot guarantee healthcare to all 
Americans as a human right--like virtually every other major country 
does--because of the deficit.
  In other words, despite the fact that half of the people in our 
country today are living paycheck to paycheck, despite the fact that 
half of our seniors live on incomes of $25,000 or less, despite the 
fact that we have more income and wealth inequality today than we have 
had in 100 years, where three billionaires own more wealth than the 
bottom half of America, despite all of that, whenever it comes to 
protecting the needs of low-income or working families, I hear, over 
and over again, we just cannot afford to do that because of the 
deficit.
  Well, guess what? All of that profound and serious concern about the 
deficit fades away when it comes to providing a $76 billion blank check 
to the highly profitable microchip industry with no protections at all 
for the American taxpayer.
  Somehow the deficit is of great concern when it comes to providing 
help to working families, to low-income Americans, to children, to 
seniors, but it is not a concern when you provide massive corporate 
welfare for enormously profitable multinational corporations.
  I guess when the semiconductor industry spends $19 million on 
lobbying this year alone and when Intel spends $100 million on lobbying 
and campaign contributions over the past 20 years, when that industry 
says: Jump, the response from Congress is: How high?
  That is what a political system dominated by Big Money looks like. 
The people in this country who desperately need help can't get it. The 
corporations that are making huge profits and the CEOs who are making 
exorbitant compensation packages get everything they need--and more.
  In other words, it appears that the deep concerns about the deficit 
are rather selective.
  Now, after I finish my remarks, I will give my colleagues a chance to 
prove me wrong. I will be raising a budget point of order against this 
bill because it increases the deficit by over $79 billion, with $76 
billion of that money going to the microchip industry with no strings 
attached.
  Let me be very clear. There is no doubt that there is a global 
shortage of microchips and semiconductors, which is making it harder 
for manufacturers to produce the cars, cell phones, household 
appliances, and electronic equipment that we need. And that is why I 
fully support efforts to expand U.S. microchip production.
  But the question we should be asking is this: Should American 
taxpayers provide the microchip industry with a blank check of over $76 
billion at a time when semiconductor companies are making tens of 
billions of dollars in profit right now and paying the head of Intel 
some $170 million a year in compensation? And I think the answer to 
that question is a resounding no.

  That is why, at the conclusion of my remarks, I will be asking 
unanimous consent to attach an amendment to this legislation.
  This amendment is simple and straightforward. It would prevent 
microchip companies from receiving grants under this legislation unless 
they agreed not to buy back their own stock--not complicated.
  Now, this is rather amazing. This is really quite incredible and 
tells you where we are as a nation politically. Over the past decade, 
semiconductor companies have spent nearly $250 billion--70 percent of 
their profits--not on research and development, not on building new 
microchip plants in America--what this bill is presumably about--but on 
buying back their own stock to enrich their wealthy shareholders.
  Let me repeat: The industry that is asking for $76 billion of 
corporate welfare today, over the past decade spent $250 billion--70 
percent of their profits--not on research and development, not on 
building new microchip plants in America but on buying back their own 
stock to enrich their wealthy stockholders.
  Apparently, they just couldn't find $76 billion of their own money to 
invest in new plants in America. They need the taxpayers of this 
country to do it for them.
  Do any of my colleagues really believe we should allow microchip 
companies to receive $76 billion in taxpayer assistance without a ban 
on stock buybacks?
  Under my amendment, microchip companies would not be allowed to 
receive taxpayer assistance unless they agreed they would not repeal 
existing collective bargaining agreements and would remain neutral in 
any union organizing effort.
  Do any of my colleagues believe that we should be handing out 
corporate welfare to profitable corporations who are engaged in busting 
unions?
  Under my agreement, microchip companies would not be able to receive 
$76 billion in taxpayer assistance unless they agreed not to outsource 
jobs overseas.
  Now, I heard my colleague from Indiana speak a moment ago about the 
crisis in the microchip industry, how we are producing a smaller and 
smaller amount, but he forgot to mention--somehow forgot to mention--
that over the last 20 years, the microchip industry has shut down over 
780 manufacturing plants and other establishments in the United States 
and eliminated 150,000 American jobs while moving most of its 
production overseas.
  In other words, what taxpayers are doing are rebuilding an industry 
that was destroyed by the industry itself by going abroad in search of 
more profit.
  Under my amendment, microchip companies would be prevented from 
receiving taxpayer assistance unless they agree to issue warrants or 
equity stakes to the Federal Government.
  Now, I happen to believe in industrial policy. I think it makes sense 
for the government and private sector to be working together when it is 
mutually beneficial. If private companies, however, are going to 
benefit from generous taxpayer subsidies--$76 billion--

[[Page S3712]]

the financial gains made by these companies must be shared with the 
American people, not just wealthy shareholders. Does that sound really 
unreasonable?
  If these guys are going to make huge profits based on this 
investment, don't you think maybe the taxpayers of this country who 
gave them the money might be able to get some of those benefits back?
  The microchip industry today is worth about $680 billion. By 2030, 
that market, the market for microchips, is expected to grow to a 
trillion dollars. Do any of my colleagues really believe that if 
microchip companies make a profit as a direct result of these Federal 
grants--which is extremely likely--the taxpayers in this country, 
taxpayers do not have a right to get a reasonable return on that 
investment?
  And let us be clear, none of this is a radical idea. All of those 
provisions that I just articulated were included in the CARES Act that 
passed the Senate by a vote of 96 to 0. In other words, every Senator 
here has already voted for these provisions.
  Now, I have heard recently some of my colleagues who are saying: 
Don't worry. We have imposed ``strong guardrails'' to this bill.
  Well, let me respectfully disagree. These so-called guardrails would 
do nothing to prevent microchip companies from outsourcing a single job 
abroad. In fact, these so-called guardrails would not even force Intel 
to divest all of the money they have put into semiconductor companies 
in China. These so-called guardrails would do nothing to protect 
taxpayers or to stop microchip companies from union busting.
  Yes, I understand some language has been inserted in this bill that 
would prohibit microchip companies from using Federal grants to buy 
back their own stock, but let's be clear, this language is totally 
meaningless. Under this legislation, companies will still be able to 
use the enormous profits that they are making to buy back their own 
stocks.
  Bottom line, let us rebuild the U.S. microchip industry. I believe 
that. But let us do it in a way that benefits all of our society, not 
just a handful of wealthy, profitable, and powerful corporations.
  In 1968, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., said:

       The problem is that we all too often have socialism for the 
     rich and rugged free enterprise capitalism for the poor.

  I am afraid that what Dr. King said 54 years ago was accurate back 
then. And as we can see by this legislation today--massive subsidies 
for the rich and the powerful, while we continue to turn our backs on 
working families--what King said then is even more accurate now.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that it be in order to call up 
amendment No. 5145, that the amendment be considered and agreed to, and 
that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the 
table without intervening action or debate.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  The Senator from Washington.
  Ms. CANTWELL. Mr. President, I object.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard.


                             Point of Order

  Mr. SANDERS. Mr. President, I raise a point of order that the pending 
measure violates section 4106 of the concurrent resolution on the 
budget for fiscal year 2018, H. Con. Res. 71 of the 115th Congress, the 
Senate pay-as-you-go point of order.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Washington.
  Ms. CANTWELL. Mr. President, pursuant to section 904 of the 
Congressional Budget Act of 1974, I move to waive all applicable 
sections of that act and any other applicable budget points of order 
for the purpose of the pending bill, and I ask for the yeas and nays.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There is a sufficient second.
  The yeas and nays are ordered.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Mississippi.


                           CHIPS Act of 2022

  Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, I would like to be recognized to speak on 
the bill.
  We will soon be moving to a vote on the so-called CHIPS legislation. 
It has had several names during its consideration in the Senate and in 
the House. I prefer to call it the CHIPS and Science Act. But it is an 
important bipartisan piece of legislation, and I urge its adoption.
  Is my friend from Vermont seeking recognition?
  Mr. SANDERS. No.
  Mr. WICKER. So I urge my colleagues to vote yes on this legislation. 
It will expand American semiconductor production, create new 
opportunities for research into cutting-edge technologies, and enhance 
our ability to compete with China.
  There is no more important competition than the one for technological 
supremacy between the United States and China. The outcome will shape 
the global balance of power for decades and will impact the security 
and prosperity of all Americans.
  Regrettably, at this moment, we are not in the driver's seat on a 
range of important technologies; China is. China and other nations are 
increasingly dominant in tech innovation, posing a massive threat to 
not only our economy but to our national security.
  But with today's vote, Congress has a chance to move us back in the 
right direction and put America back into a place to win the game.
  This legislation--the CHIPS and Science Act, I will call it--will 
provide a historic boost to our semiconductor industry, which for too 
long has played on an uneven global playing field.
  Increasing American chip production is absolutely vital, given the 
importance of chips to our economy, as well as our national defense. 
The pandemic taught us the hard way that we cannot be dependent on 
semiconductor production halfway around the globe.
  But, of course, chip semiconductors are not the whole ball game. This 
legislation goes much further, advancing American innovation in quantum 
computing, advanced robotics, biotechnology, advanced materials, and 
artificial intelligence--the full suite of technologies that we need to 
outcompete China.
  And instead of limiting those investments to a small handful of 
institutions in five wealthy States, this bill casts a wide net, 
enlisting the talent and expertise of STEM researchers nationwide. This 
legislation will guarantee that EPSCoR, a program designed to stimulate 
competitive research in 25 predominantly rural States, receives 20 
percent of all R&D funding from the National Science Foundation, up 
from the current 13 percent--13 percent now, 20 percent when it is 
finally ramped up.
  The bill will also reauthorize the National Science Foundation, the 
gold standard for funding basic research, and it will establish a new 
Directorate for Technology, Innovation, and Partnerships, called TIP, 
at NSF to supercharge the process of translating basic research into 
technology development, and then to the commercial market, enabling us 
to compete better with China across a vast range of technologies.
  This legislation would not be complete without new safeguards against 
espionage--which we know is taking place right now--against 
intellectual property theft, for which the Chinese have become 
notorious. I am pleased we were able to include a number of long-
overdue reforms to protect the fruits of our Nation's R&D investments. 
Even so, there is more work to be done to protect American research 
across the whole of government, and I commend my friend Senator Portman 
from Ohio for moving forward with his initiative, which I hope can be 
incorporated into the statute at some point.
  This moment has been a long time in the making, and I want to issue 
some bipartisan congratulations and words of thanks.
  My dear friend and colleague from the State of Washington, the chair 
of the Commerce Committee, Senator Cantwell, is on the floor, and I 
congratulate her and commend her and thank her for her cooperation with 
me on this issue.
  I want to thank Leader Schumer and Senator Young, the original 
cosponsors of the Endless Frontier Act, as well as Senator Cornyn, 
Senator Sinema, and many other colleagues who helped make this a better 
bill.
  And I also want to congratulate and commend officials from the 
previous administration--from the Trump administration--who are also 
telling

[[Page S3713]]

Americans about the importance of this legislation.
  This is a bill that will be signed by President Joe Biden, but it is 
also endorsed by Ambassador Robert Lighthizer, President Trump's 
International Trade Adviser; by Mike Pompeo, President Trump's CIA 
Director and Secretary of State; and by Robert O'Brien, former National 
Security Advisor to President Trump. So three distinguished and 
knowledgeable national defense officials and foreign policy officials 
are saying this about the bill we will soon vote on.
  Ambassador Lighthizer, of the Trump administration, said on Kudlow 2 
days ago:

       We are in this existential competition with China. The 
     battleground of that competition is technology and chips. 
     That is where we are going to win it or lose it.

  And he goes on to point out that the bill, while not perfect, is 
exactly the bill that we can get done right now, and I don't know of 
any bill that is ever perfect.
  Mike Pompeo, Secretary of State, a stalwart in the last 
administration on national defense, says this:

       Congress must pass the CHIPS Act for both our national and 
     economic security. We have to become less dependent on China 
     for critical technologies--and this is how we do it. . . . A 
     bipartisan bill, supporting R&D for semiconductor chip 
     manufacturing, is essential to securing vital technologies 
     for our economy and our military.

  That is Mike Pompeo, President Trump's Secretary of State.
  And then Robert O'Brien, former National Security Advisor to 
President Trump, said:

       America needs this legislation without delay.

  So I want to also say a note of thanks to my own staff--my personal 
staff and my committee staff--for their tireless efforts over the last 
year and a half on this issue. This is the culmination of a great deal 
of work by some very, very talented personnel--countless meetings, a 
legislative hearing in April, a markup in May, a final vote by the 
Senate in June after days and days of debate on the floor. All of these 
staff members worked nights and weekends, considering and helping to 
manage almost 1,000 amendments through the committee and the floor, and 
all of them contributed in many ways.
  I will single out for recognition my policy director, James Mazol, 
who was absolutely vital to us in putting it all together, and his 
entire team.
  So thank you very much, Mr. President. I urge a ``yes'' vote. I think 
the strong 64 votes we had yesterday on cloture was indicative of the 
support, and I anticipate its passage and look forward to its 
successful passage in the House of Representatives.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Washington.
  Ms. CANTWELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I be 
allowed to finish my remarks prior to the scheduled vote.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Ms. CANTWELL. Mr. President, I come to the floor today to talk about 
the legislation before us and how it is an investment today for jobs 
tomorrow.
  And I want to thank my colleague from Mississippi for his partnership 
on this legislation. It seems like a century ago that we had a markup 
in committee and passed this out--the science portion, which we are now 
voting on--24 to 4, more than a year ago. And yet here we are today, on 
the product of much negotiation, not just in our committee but in eight 
other committees--seven other committees.
  We are here because we know that innovation is in the DNA of 
Americans, and we know that it helped us win the world wars; it helped 
us cure disease. We know it has helped create millions of jobs, and it 
has helped members of the business community on opposite sides of a 
phone call or an email connect to each other to get a product or a 
service.
  So this bill embraces American innovation and our tradition of it, 
and I, too, encourage a ``yes'' vote.
  After watching the COVID crisis mangle our supply chain and see 
semiconductors be a big part of inflation, the shortage of 
semiconductors has increased the cost of a used car by more than 40 
percent, putting it out of reach of many families at a time when they 
just needed a car to drive to work.
  So this bill is about making sure that we face our manufacturing 
challenges here at home and that we train and skill the scientists and 
the workers to get that done.
  And so thanks start with Senators Schumer and Young for their hard 
work in introducing this legislation more than 2 years ago. Senator 
Schumer's great work with Senator Young on this was an eye-opening 
change in the way that we make investments in R&D. It was a concept 
novel then, but I think we have a lot of understanding of it now, and 
that is to move our R&D into faster translation into products and 
services. Why? Because the rest of the world is doing that and we need 
to hurry as well.
  I also want to just point out that there are lots of contributions 
from Members in this bill: Senator Peters on AI scholarships, Senator 
Cortez Masto on national science technology strategy, Senator Rosen on 
critical minerals, Senator Sinema on our NASA authorization, Senator 
Warnock on semiconductor supply chains, Senators Brown and Coons on 
Manufacturing USA Institutes, Senator Ossoff on cyber security 
education grants, Senator Menendez on supply chain issues. So many, 
many things in this legislation were contributed by many different 
Members through a regular order process.
  But let's get specific about it. There are about five or six things 
in this bill that really matter to our Nation at this critical moment.
  First is a new mission at the National Science Foundation. That new 
mission is different because the National Science Foundation has been 
focused on basic research. So we are creating, for the first time, in a 
$20 billion investment over 5 years, the focus for that new mission at 
NSF to say that they have to focus on translating that science into 
faster discoveries in products and solutions that will help U.S. 
manufacturing here at home.
  And while the United States has excelled at basic research, we have 
allowed other countries to excel at translational research, and that 
needs to stop now.
  We need to make the investment in industries from aerospace to 
pharmaceuticals, to farming, to information technologies that will help 
increase the pace of innovation here in the United States of America.
  Second, we say that NSF is not alone in its mission. We recognize 
that the Department of Energy also has a key role to play in 
translational science.
  I want to thank the Presiding Officer, Senator Lujan, for his 
contribution of a $16.9 billion DOE investment that doubles down on the 
current work in key technology areas that we also have to do faster 
translational science to scale up in cutting edge energy R&D. This was 
a very large portion of the energy innovation that was funded in this 
bill.
  This legislation also includes a 5-year, $50 billion, first-ever 
reauthorization of the Department of Energy Office of Science. And I 
want to thank Senators Manchin and Barrasso for working on this and its 
inclusion in this.
  Combining these investments will go a long way in reversing the 
decline in Federal R&D that has dropped three-fold since 1978. We need 
to improve U.S. competitiveness, but we are only going to do it by 
investing today for those jobs tomorrow.
  Third, the bill also says that we need to be smarter at how we make 
our investments. Now, I would say I represent a tech hub. It is already 
in existence. It took 30-plus years to create. There are places like 
Seattle, San Jose, San Francisco, Boston, and San Diego that you could 
say are tech hubs. They account for 90 percent of the growth in 
innovation sectors between the years 2005 and 2017. But is that all we 
are going to do in the United States of America, allow innovation to 
just continue to be more and more expensive because it is only produced 
in those areas?
  I am a firm believer in distributed generation, whether that is 
electricity or whether that is innovation. And the more dispersed the 
innovation is, you never know where the next Bill Gates or Bill Boeing 
is going to be from and what innovation they might come up with.
  So this bill also has a new mission in the Department of Commerce in 
technology hubs, where it will focus on trying to foster new 
collaboration between

[[Page S3714]]

universities, businesses, labor, and local government to accelerate 
economic growth and opportunity in innovation. These tech hubs will 
focus on the key technology areas that are in this bill and help us 
move faster at innovation.
  I want to thank my colleague Senator Tester, from Montana, who is a 
very big advocate in making sure that there was geographic diversity to 
the tech hubs. And we know that while we want to grow more technology 
advancement in the United States, that we also want to see it not just 
in Seattle, but in places like Spokane or Indianapolis or West Virginia 
or Wichita.
  We also increase in this Act the Manufacturing Extension 
Partnerships. During the pandemic, we saw that many companies could not 
survive without supplies that were no longer available to them. And we 
know that with the manufacturing extension ecosystem, that we have to 
stay competitive by innovating. This bill delivers $76 billion over 10 
years to develop the next generation of chips and to reestablish chip 
manufacturing in the United States.
  Now I know my colleague from Vermont and my colleague from Florida 
and many others have criticized this part of the legislation. I know 
that they think that this is somehow--I wish, trust me, I wish that--I 
would probably agree more with the Senator of Vermont on the 
prioritization within our budget on the various things that will help 
American families. But we can't ignore that chip production has gone 
overseas and that the United States has lost its share of that 
production to the point that we are now down to as little as 12 
percent--or could go to 12 percent, at which point, who wants to 
manufacture when the ecosystem is somewhere else? We know that just 
last year alone, chip shortages cost the U.S. economy $240 billion. 
That is the automobile industry that didn't have chips; that is part of 
the electronics industry that didn't have chips. You can say it is even 
in the cost of every product that you buy because we certainly didn't 
produce the transportation system to even move products throughout the 
United States in companies like PACCAR that are from the Northwest, 
because they too did not have chips to put into their trailers to move 
products across the United States. So we know that with every dollar of 
chip R&D investment, that increases GDP gains by $16.50.
  So I know my colleagues would like us to make other investments, but 
I would say that chips are just as essential as wheat is in America. 
People think about our farm investments and with no hesitation say: 
Let's make sure that we keep wheat production in the United States of 
America. I guarantee you, chips are no less important. And we have to 
have an increase in the United States, or we are going to continue to 
fall behind on national security issues and on economic development 
issues that are so critical.
  We also, in this legislation, make one of the most significant 
investments in STEM over the last many years. It puts $13 billion into 
science, technology, engineering, and mathematics workforce 
development. It creates $2 billion to minority-serving institutions, 
including Native American institutions, to encourage their research and 
innovation.

  And I want to thank Senator Wicker for his leadership on the F-score 
provision, probably one of the more hotly debated conversations between 
our colleagues here in the Senate and in the House. But I would say to 
my colleagues, this is about innovation everywhere. This is about 
growing opportunity everywhere. And that is exactly what we are saying 
with F-score. You never know what the next innovation is going to 
bring.
  So these key provisions, from diversifying our investment in 
education and job training, from making investments in tech hubs, to 
the investment in R&D by both DOD and NSF through faster translational 
science, we are improving the ecosystem that we have in the United 
States of America. This ecosystem has been built over a long period of 
time. It represents competing and collaborating organizations. That is 
what the strength of our R&D is.
  So I want to thank Senators Schumer and Young, Senators Cornyn and 
Kelly, and many other people who helped introduce and move this 
legislation. I want to thank Senator Warner for his contributions and 
thank, again, Senator Wicker and his team for the many advances in this 
legislation. I also would be remiss if I didn't thank retiring Chair 
Eddie Bernice Johnson and Ranking Member Frank Lucas who worked hard to 
craft the legislation before us.
  I want to thank on my staff: Lila Helms, Melissa Porter, Mary 
Guenther, Amit Ronen, Stacy Baird, Nikki Teutschel, Christi Barnhart, 
Jonny Pellish, Rosemary Baize, Erica Holman, and Emma Stohlman for 
their help; and on Senator Wicker's staff, as he already mentioned, 
James Mazol and many other people. I want to thank on Senator Schumer's 
staff Jon Cardinal, Mike Kuiken, and Meghan Taira for their hard work. 
But no one deserves more focus and attention than Richard-Duane 
Chambers from my staff, who literally worked on the last COMPETES bill 
and then worked at DARPA, so clearly knows seriously the challenges 
that we faced in getting this legislation done and getting it over the 
goal line.
  So I urge my colleagues to support this important legislation. We 
don't know exactly what innovations will come out of this, but we do 
know this: America will be more competitive because of it. And we do 
know this: that we will be able to grow our economy for the future 
because of the investments that we have made today.
  I yield the floor.


                          Amendment Withdrawn

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, all postcloture time 
is expired, and amendment No. 5136 is withdrawn.


                        Vote on Motion to Waive

  The question is on agreeing to the motion to waive.
  The yeas and nays were previously ordered.
  The clerk will call the roll.
  The bill clerk called the roll.
  Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from Vermont (Mr. Leahy) and 
the Senator from West Virginia (Mr. Manchin) are necessarily absent.
  Mr. THUNE. The following Senator is necessarily absent: the Senator 
from Alaska (Ms. Murkowski).
  The yeas and nays resulted--yeas 64, nays 33, as follows:

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 270 Leg.]

                                YEAS--64

     Baldwin
     Bennet
     Blumenthal
     Blunt
     Booker
     Brown
     Burr
     Cantwell
     Capito
     Cardin
     Carper
     Casey
     Cassidy
     Collins
     Coons
     Cornyn
     Cortez Masto
     Duckworth
     Durbin
     Feinstein
     Gillibrand
     Graham
     Hagerty
     Hassan
     Heinrich
     Hickenlooper
     Hirono
     Kaine
     Kelly
     King
     Klobuchar
     Lujan
     Markey
     McConnell
     Menendez
     Merkley
     Moran
     Murphy
     Murray
     Ossoff
     Padilla
     Peters
     Portman
     Reed
     Romney
     Rosen
     Sasse
     Schatz
     Schumer
     Shaheen
     Sinema
     Smith
     Stabenow
     Sullivan
     Tester
     Tillis
     Van Hollen
     Warner
     Warnock
     Warren
     Whitehouse
     Wicker
     Wyden
     Young

                                NAYS--33

     Barrasso
     Blackburn
     Boozman
     Braun
     Cotton
     Cramer
     Crapo
     Cruz
     Daines
     Ernst
     Fischer
     Grassley
     Hawley
     Hoeven
     Hyde-Smith
     Inhofe
     Johnson
     Kennedy
     Lankford
     Lee
     Lummis
     Marshall
     Paul
     Risch
     Rounds
     Rubio
     Sanders
     Scott (FL)
     Scott (SC)
     Shelby
     Thune
     Toomey
     Tuberville

                             NOT VOTING--3

     Leahy
     Manchin
     Murkowski
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Hickenlooper). On this vote, the yeas are 
64, the nays are 33.
  Three-fifths of the Senators duly chosen and sworn having voted in 
the affirmative. The motion is agreed to, and the point of order falls.
  The majority leader.
  Mr. SCHUMER. I ask unanimous consent for 3 minutes.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, this is a very good day for the American 
people, for American leadership, and for American prosperity in the 
21st century. After years of hard work, the Senate is passing the 
largest investment in science, technology, and advanced manufacturing 
in decades.
  This CHIPS and Science bill is going to create millions of good-
paying jobs down the road. It will alleviate supply chains, it will 
help lower costs, and it

[[Page S3715]]

will protect America's national security interests.
  All too often, our government and our businesses are accused of being 
too short term, but this is one of the most significant long-term 
thinking bills we have passed in a very long time. I told our caucus 
yesterday that our grandchildren will hold good-paying jobs in 
industries we can't even imagine because of what we are doing right 
now.
  And we did it together, both sides cooperating in good faith on some 
truly difficult issues. I want to thank my colleagues on both sides of 
the aisle for their superb work on this legislation: my colleague 
Senator Young, with whom I originally authored the Endless Frontier 
Act, as well as Senator Cantwell, our conference chair, and Senators 
Wicker and Warner and Cornyn and Kelly. I also want to thank Senators 
Warnock, Brown, and Sinema for their help and Leader McConnell for his 
support as well as all members of the conference committee and all the 
individual Senators--just about every one of us--who helped shape this 
legislation. These are moments when the Senate is at its very best.
  This is going to go down as one of the major bipartisan achievements 
of this Congress, along with the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act 
and the recent gun safety law. The American people deserve to see more 
examples like this, of both sides coming together to do very, very big 
things that will leave a lasting impact on our country.
  And I am confident that future generations will look back on the 
passage of this bill as a turning point for American leadership in the 
21st century. And we are paying attention to all of America. We are 
making sure tech hubs will be located not just in the big, big 
megalopolises like San Francisco or New York City or Boston but in 
places like Buffalo and Syracuse and Rochester and Indianapolis and 
Omaha--not just major cities.
  For decades, it was America's fierce commitment to scientific 
research, technological growth, and advanced manufacturing that made us 
the envy of the world. That funding that we put into science created 
the greatest laboratories, split the atom, spliced the gene, landed a 
man on the Moon, and unleashed the internet. We generated decades of 
American prosperity and fostered an innate sense of optimism in the 
American spirit. And we made the world a safer, more hospitable place 
for our democratic values.
  Today, we face the great task of renewing and strengthening that 
spirit in this century, in a world of fierce competition and hungry 
authoritarians. It is no longer the case where we can just leave it up 
to corporate America. Now there are nation-states and authoritarian 
governments funding and aiding these corporations to come to their 
shores. Authoritarian nations are cheering for us to fail, hoping we 
sit on our hands and fail to adapt to the changes of the 21st century.
  We dare not cede the mantle of global leadership on our watch. We 
dare not permit America to become a middling nation in the middle of 
this century.
  No, we mean for America to lead this century. We mean for America to 
prosper and grow just as we have done throughout history. It won't 
happen on its own, but today we are laying the foundation for a bold 
and thriving future. Today, by passing this CHIPS and Science bill, we 
are making clear that we believe America's best days are yet to come.
  I yield the floor.


                        Vote on Motion to Concur

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question occurs on agreeing to the motion 
to concur with amendment No. 5135.
  The yeas and nays were previously ordered.
  The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk called the roll.
  Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from Vermont (Mr. Leahy) and 
the Senator from West Virginia (Mr. Manchin) are necessarily absent.
  Mr. THUNE. The following Senator is necessarily absent: the Senator 
from Alaska (Ms. Murkowski).
  The result was announced--yeas 64, nays 33, as follows:

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 271 Leg.]

                                YEAS--64

     Baldwin
     Bennet
     Blumenthal
     Blunt
     Booker
     Brown
     Burr
     Cantwell
     Capito
     Cardin
     Carper
     Casey
     Cassidy
     Collins
     Coons
     Cornyn
     Cortez Masto
     Daines
     Duckworth
     Durbin
     Feinstein
     Gillibrand
     Graham
     Hagerty
     Hassan
     Heinrich
     Hickenlooper
     Hirono
     Kaine
     Kelly
     King
     Klobuchar
     Lujan
     Markey
     McConnell
     Menendez
     Merkley
     Moran
     Murphy
     Murray
     Ossoff
     Padilla
     Peters
     Portman
     Reed
     Romney
     Rosen
     Sasse
     Schatz
     Schumer
     Shaheen
     Sinema
     Smith
     Stabenow
     Tester
     Tillis
     Van Hollen
     Warner
     Warnock
     Warren
     Whitehouse
     Wicker
     Wyden
     Young

                                NAYS--33

     Barrasso
     Blackburn
     Boozman
     Braun
     Cotton
     Cramer
     Crapo
     Cruz
     Ernst
     Fischer
     Grassley
     Hawley
     Hoeven
     Hyde-Smith
     Inhofe
     Johnson
     Kennedy
     Lankford
     Lee
     Lummis
     Marshall
     Paul
     Risch
     Rounds
     Rubio
     Sanders
     Scott (FL)
     Scott (SC)
     Shelby
     Sullivan
     Thune
     Toomey
     Tuberville

                             NOT VOTING--3

     Leahy
     Manchin
     Murkowski
  The motion was agreed to.

                          ____________________