[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 119 (Tuesday, July 19, 2022)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3362-S3365]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                           CHIPS ACT OF 2022

  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Ms. Hassan). The Chair lays before the Senate 
the message from the House of Representatives.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       Resolved, That the House agree to the amendment of the 
     Senate to the bill (H.R. 4346) entitled ``An Act making 
     appropriations for Legislative Branch for the fiscal year 
     ending September 30, 2022, and for other purposes.'', with a 
     House amendment to the Senate amendment.

  Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I was gratified, as many of us were on 
both sides of the aisle, with these large votes--64 votes--for this 
motion to proceed on to the new bill. It bodes very well that we can 
get this bill done with a large vote and get it done as quickly as we 
can, so I hope we move forward because this bill is so important for 
jobs and for the future of the American economy.


                Motion to Concur with Amendment No. 5135

  Mr. SCHUMER. I move to concur in the House amendment to the Senate 
amendment to H.R. 4346, with an amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report the motion with an 
amendment.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from New York [Mr. Schumer] moves to concur in 
     the House amendment to the Senate amendment with an amendment 
     numbered 5135.

  Mr. SCHUMER. I ask consent that further reading of the amendment be 
dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  (The amendment is printed in today's Record under ``Text of 
Amendments.'')
  Mr. SCHUMER. I ask for the yeas and nays.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There appears to be a sufficient second.
  The yeas and nays are ordered.


                           Amendment No. 5136

  Mr. SCHUMER. I have an amendment at the desk.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from New York [Mr. Schumer] proposes an 
     amendment numbered 5136 to amendment No. 5135.

  Mr. SCHUMER. I ask consent that further reading of the amendment be 
dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment is as follows:

                  (Purpose: To add an effective date)

       At the end add the following:

     SEC. EFFECTIVE DATE.

       This Act shall take effect on the date that is 1 day after 
     the date of enactment of this Act.


                Motion to Refer with Amendment No. 5137

  Mr. SCHUMER. I move to refer H.R. 4346 to the Committee on Commerce, 
Science, and Transportation with instructions to report back forthwith 
with an amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from New York [Mr. Schumer] moves to refer H.R. 
     4346 to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and 
     Transportation with instructions to report back forthwith 
     with an amendment numbered 5137.

  Mr. SCHUMER. I ask consent that further reading of the motion be 
dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment is as follows:

                  (Purpose: To add an effective date)

       At the end add the following:

     SEC. EFFECTIVE DATE.

       This Act shall take effect on the date that is 2 days after 
     the date of enactment of this Act.
  Mr. SCHUMER. I ask for the yeas and nays.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There appears to be a sufficient second.
  The nays and nays are ordered.


                           Amendment No. 5138

  Mr. SCHUMER. I have an amendment to the instructions at the desk.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       The Senator from New York [Mr. Schumer] proposes an 
     amendment numbered 5138 to the instructions to the motion to 
     refer.

  Mr. SCHUMER. I ask consent that further reading of the amendment be 
dispensed with.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment is as follows:

                (Purpose: To modify the effective date)

       On page 1, line 3, strike ``2'' and insert ``3''.
  Mr. SCHUMER. I ask for the yeas and nays.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There appears to be a sufficient second.
  Mr. SCHUMER. I withdraw my request.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The request is withdrawn.
  Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Ohio.


                                Ukraine

  Mr. PORTMAN. Madam President, I come to the floor today to once again 
talk about Russia's brutal invasion of Ukraine. Before I do, though, I 
want to pause for a minute and honor the lives lost in the downing of 
Malaysian Airlines Flight MH17 over Ukraine, knocked down by Russian 
and Russian-backed separatists. This week marks the eighth anniversary 
of that tragedy. All 238 passengers and 15 crew were killed.
  This eighth anniversary is a reminder that Russia's war of aggression

[[Page S3363]]

on Ukraine didn't just start this spring. Eight years ago, the people 
of Ukraine made a courageous choice. They said that they were going to 
stand up to a corrupt Russian-backed regime. And when they did that, 
Russia responded by invading their country, taking Ukraine's Crimea 
Peninsula but also territory here in what is called the Donbas. So this 
is not new. For almost 9 years, the people of Ukraine have been 
fighting this war with Russia. More recently, of course, the invasion 
was even more devastating.
  So I join Bridget Brink, who is our new U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine, 
who said:

       [We] honor the memories of those killed eight years ago--
     even as missiles continue to fall on Mykolaiv, Dnipro, and 
     other Ukrainian cities, killing civilians and demonstrating 
     the Kremlin's disregard for international law and human 
     life.''

  She is right. Ambassador Brink said it right. The civilian toll in 
this war is devastating. Ukraine's Prosecutor General recently said 
that since late February of this year, 353 children have died in this 
war and more than 1,000 have been wounded.
  The Associated Press painted a vivid picture of this with a story 
about the killing of a 4-year-old girl named Liza, Liza Dmytrieva. Liza 
had Down syndrome and was on her way to see a speech therapist last 
Thursday when her mother and she were attacked by Russian missiles. She 
was in a town called Vinnytsia. At least 24 people were killed that 
day, including Liza and two boys who were 7 and 8 years old. Almost 200 
were wounded. Liza's mother is still in intensive care.
  It is important to know that when the war started, Liza's family fled 
Kyiv but stayed in Ukraine, fleeing to this town, Vinnytsia, about 167 
miles southwest of Kyiv.
  They thought they could be safe there. It is well behind enemy lines. 
It is well behind the frontlines of the battle. Yet this is the reality 
of President Putin's war on Ukraine. It is targeting civilians. But it 
won't just stop in Ukraine.
  This is why Finland and Sweden, in a move that just a few years ago 
would have seemed impossible, left a history of neutrality behind and 
joined NATO. Their application is currently in place. They see 
President Putin's brutal war, and they know that they could be next.
  Last week, I mentioned on the floor that as recently as 2016, 
President Putin said ``The borders of Russia never end.'' It bears 
repeating because he and other Kremlin leaders seem intent on restoring 
the Russian empire, even if it means rolling over other free and 
independent countries.
  The Senate Foreign Relations Committee took a momentous step today by 
voting to ratify the NATO applications for these two allies of the 
United States: Sweden and Finland. I was proud to vote to ratify and 
speak in committee about why this expansion is so good for our national 
security to have these two countries with strong militaries and strong 
economies join our NATO alliance. I hope that the leadership of the 
Senate will put this legislation on the floor as soon as possible so 
that we can show the world that we are enthusiastically supporting the 
joining of these two countries to the NATO alliance.
  We need to continue to demonstrate global solidarity in this war. 
President Putin, of course, had hoped to divide NATO and divide Europe 
and divide the West, but he underestimated what would happen. He 
underestimated the foresight and wisdom of the people of Sweden and 
Finland, just as he underestimated the courage and resiliency of the 
people of Ukraine.

  On the energy front, a significant development that isn't getting 
nearly enough attention happened last week. Back in June, Russia cut 
gas to Europe via the Nord Stream 1 pipeline by 60 percent because of 
``maintenance problems.'' They claimed they needed gas turbines that 
had gone to Canada to be repaired to be able to continue the flow of 
the pipeline. Those turbines were prohibited from being returned to 
Russia because of the sanctions that are in place with regard to 
Russian energy infrastructure.
  Of course, what President Putin's government claims to be true is 
often not. The reality is Russia was punishing Europe and trying to 
poke holes in the Western sanctions regime. Unfortunately, the Russians 
succeeded. What happened next was discouraging. Canada gave in to 
Russia's demands last week and returned the gas turbines, and then the 
State Department applauded this move saying that somehow, it was 
standing up to Russia's energy blackmail.
  I understand the administration's desire to preserve allied unity in 
the face of Russian aggression. That is important, especially in our 
effort to stand up against Russia over the long term. But if we are 
unified behind a bad policy, then that unity doesn't do us much good.
  We saw this with Nord Stream 2, remember, when the Biden 
administration sided with Germany to remove sanctions on the pipeline, 
even though that decision undermined the security of our allies, 
including Ukraine. And I think it sent the wrong message, the wrong 
message to Russia, and it is one reason that they felt empowered to 
invade Ukraine more recently.
  Now we are seeing the same thing here. In the name of preserving 
unity with certain allies, we are giving in to Russia's demands. As I 
said, unity with our allies is important, I get that. But instead of 
settling for weak policy, we should be pushing our allies to adopt 
stronger policies against Russia, including with regard to energy.
  Unfortunately, Russia knows that by manufacturing a ``maintenance 
problem'' with their pipelines, our allies tend to back down on our 
sanctions. I wonder when will the next ``maintenance problem'' appear.
  President Zelenskyy has called the return of these gas turbines to 
Russia ``absolutely unacceptable.'' But the Biden administration 
characterizes it as a counter to Russia's attempt to weaponize energy. 
This just isn't the case.
  It is worth noting that another crisis is looming as a result of this 
war and is the direct result of Russia's blockade of Ukraine's ports, 
especially the port at Odesa. Here is the Odesa Port. There are other 
ports along this area into the Black Sea that are absolutely essential 
for Ukraine's exports, and yet Russia is blocking them.
  Here, I cannot overstate the importance of this issue as Ukraine 
supplies so much of the world's food. And without ports to export, that 
food is not making it to the people who need it badly, and it is 
causing food shortages around the world. Let me be clear: Food should 
never be used as a weapon of war. But that is exactly what President 
Putin is doing.
  The effects are far-reaching. According to the World Food Programme, 
increases in the cost of food and fuel since March have caused 47 
million people to experience food insecurity, and of those, some 50 
million are living close to famine. And that number grows every single 
day.
  To be specific, according to the Wall Street Journal:

       In Somalia, Ethiopia, South Sudan, Yemen, and Afghanistan, 
     nearly 900,000 people already face starvation and death. That 
     is more than 10-fold [the] increase from 2019--and, by some 
     estimates, could result in more people dying from hunger in 
     2022 and 2023 than in any year since the 1960s and [the] 
     China's disastrous Great Leap Forward agricultural policies.

  Wow. The World Food Programme provides aid for these countries, but 
there are shortages because of Russia's war of choice, and the cost of 
that aid has risen tremendously. They report that their costs have 
jumped 46 percent compared with 2019. That is about 50 percent over the 
last few years. And any organization, let alone one that provides 
humanitarian aid, would have immense problems keeping up. There are 
increases in everyday items, like vegetable oils and special 
nutritional pastes given to children who are in famine or malnourished.
  While these problems persist, it is the most vulnerable among us who 
truly feel the cost of malnourishment. It is the kids and the children 
who are most at risk from the effects of hunger. Their bodies, from the 
lack of nutrients from food, are too weak to fight off diseases such as 
measles or cholera. Even those who survive these terrible illnesses 
will often face long-term health problems that could impact them 
forever.

  So we are not only facing a brutal invasion of Ukraine. We have 
talked about that. War crimes are being committed there every day. But 
there is also a humanitarian crisis that is taking its toll around the 
world, as we speak, as a result of this war on

[[Page S3364]]

Ukraine and the blockade of these ports. This is a battle on so many 
fronts, and we have to face the realities of this head-on.
  In a war that was thought to be over within weeks, the fighting has 
continued well beyond that and may continue for much longer. It has 
already gone on longer than most people expected. And while Ukrainians 
continue to show their fortitude and strength, the world feels the 
effects of this through the global fallout.
  Ukraine's First Lady Olena Zelenska will speak to Congress tomorrow 
about the damaging effects of this war, just as her husband, President 
Zelenskyy, addressed these Chambers in March. I look forward to hearing 
what she has to say. She has been a passionate advocate for the rights 
of innocent Ukrainian citizens who have been killed and wounded by 
these Russian attacks. She has even started her own initiative to 
address the mental health impacts of Russia's terrible war and the 
trauma that the people of Ukraine have experienced.
  That is the kind of leadership Ukraine needs. Frankly, it is the kind 
of leadership the world needs. She and her husband should be commended 
for their bravery in the face of tyranny and their steadfastness 
through the destruction that Vladimir Putin has caused her beloved 
homeland.
  In Ukraine, the stakes remain high. The casualties, both civilian and 
professional soldiers alike, go into the thousands--thousands. The 
damage to Ukraine's infrastructure--their beautiful cities, ports, 
schools, hospitals, daycares, and apartment buildings--goes into the 
billions.
  This is a photograph of an apartment building that was recently 
bombed in the eastern part of Ukraine, killing, of course, innocent 
civilians. According to the Kyiv School of Economics, Ukraine will need 
at least $165 billion for postwar reconstruction. Per their latest 
update, almost half of these losses are attributable to housing losses 
like this one, civilian targets of Russia's unrelenting bombing 
campaign. Neighborhoods, residential areas, homes, and apartments have 
been hit by these Russian airstrikes.
  These are acts of terror. I am a cosponsor of Senator Graham's 
resolution to urge the Biden administration to name Russia a state 
sponsor of terror. I urge leadership to bring this to a vote. We voted 
it out of committee already. It is on the floor. Let's take it up.
  So what happens next? We know that making any territorial concessions 
to Russia would only embolden President Putin and other future would-be 
conquerors. The lesson they would learn is that, with enough patience, 
they can wear down the West and get what they want. We must not let 
that happen, and the people of Ukraine and the brave President 
certainly know this. We must do more quickly to arm Ukraine and help 
them to be able to protect themselves and to be able to win this war.
  It is clear that President Putin underestimated the courage, the 
effectiveness, and the resiliency of the Ukrainian people and the 
Ukrainian military, and now President Putin knows what the Ukrainians 
are capable of. And, by the way, the Russian forces also understand 
this.
  On Monday, Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu told Russian troops 
to hit Ukraine's High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems, or HIMARS. He 
asked them to do so because of the success the Ukrainians have had with 
just eight of these HIMARS units. These are systems from the United 
States. Many of us have pushed very hard to get these to Ukraine. They 
went too late. Many lives were lost and cities were flattened because 
they did not have them early on.
  These rocket systems are absolutely essential because, before that, 
the Russians could sit back and indiscriminately bomb Ukrainian cities 
and Ukrainian soldiers and civilians and the Ukrainian artillery could 
not reach them. These HIMARS systems have a longer range and are more 
accurate, and they have been quite effective.
  Only eight systems are there now, also three from the UK and a few 
from Germany. They need a lot more. But just this week, because of 
these systems, Ukrainian forces killed a Russian commander after a 
HIMARS hit a Russian control and command center here in the south of 
Ukraine. Last week, HIMARS took out a Russian ammunition warehouse in 
the same region. They have now taken out a couple dozen of these ammo 
depots, especially here in the south and here in the east.
  That is incredibly important because, by reducing the Russian 
ammunition stores, it will be much more likely that the Russians will 
realize that this war is damaging them, their equipment, their 
soldiers, and be more willing to come to the bargaining table.
  If this is what the Ukrainians can do with just eight HIMARS, imagine 
what they could do with what they have been asking for and what they 
really need, which is around 40 or 50 of these units. These weapons are 
crucial to the brave Ukrainian fighters as Ukraine continues its effort 
to defend itself from these Russian airstrikes and missile strikes.
  Finally, Ukrainian forces have missiles with adequate range to reach 
these Russian missiles, to reach these ammo depots, to reach these 
command posts. Russia will still have the advantage, of course, of more 
missiles, more men, and more rockets, and their attacks are relentless.
  President Zelenskyy highlighted this when he said on Monday that 
Russia has fired thousands of cruise missiles and rockets during this 
war--thousands. These often come in the middle of the night and hit 
residential areas and city infrastructure in places like Nikopol, a 
city that is located here, right near Kherson. Rockets have also hit 
apartment complexes, as we saw, and shopping malls.
  Here is a shopping mall that Russians attacked a few weeks ago. This 
is a shopping mall, much as you would see in the United States of 
America. It was full of people who were out shopping on a summer day, 
maybe buying clothes, maybe buying some food. Over 20 shoppers were 
killed at this shopping center, and over 56 people were wounded.
  This shopping center, by the way, was in the central part of Ukraine. 
If you look at the map, this is not anywhere near the war zone, more up 
in this area, in the middle part of Ukraine. So bombings of shopping 
centers, apartments, schools, hospitals--it is really hard to imagine, 
but it is happening.
  We can help Ukraine fight back. Again, the best way is provide them 
with more weapons like the HIMARS that they need. We have hundreds in 
our stocks, by the way. It is more critical than ever that the United 
States and our allies support Ukraine to try to turn the tide. Only 
that will get Russia to the bargaining table.

  Meanwhile, we must continue to expose the brutality. Much of the 
media attention has gone away while lives continue to be lost and 
cities continue to be bombarded. We need to keep letting people know 
about these atrocities.
  That is why I am here on the floor of the Senate for the 18th 
consecutive week to talk about what is happening to the people of 
Ukraine, what has happened in the past week, and why they deserve and 
need our help.
  Ukrainians are fighting because they know what it is like to live 
under the thumb of authoritarianism. They have been subject to that 
through their history, and, more recently, they broke away from that 
and toward democracy in 1991 and again in 2014.
  It is important to note that Ukraine is not asking us to fight this 
war for them. They just want us to help them, along with our allies, to 
be able to have the tools they need to protect themselves. They are 
asking us for increased lethal military assistance to help defend 
themselves, and they are asking all of us to abide by the commitments 
that we have made.
  In 1994, after the Berlin Wall came down, Ukraine signed what is 
called the Budapest Memorandum. It was a treaty where Ukraine agreed to 
give up all of its nuclear weapons--and they had a lot of them--in 
exchange for security guarantees from Russia, the United States of 
America, and the United Kingdom--guarantees that we would all respect 
the independence and sovereignty of Ukraine and refrain from the threat 
or use of force against Ukraine. That was in 1994--so much for Russia's 
commitment.
  I have seen the spirit and perseverance of Ukrainians firsthand when 
I have visited the country. I have been

[[Page S3365]]

there seven, eight, nine times. I was there right after the Revolution 
of Dignity, as it is called, in 2014, when Ukrainians decided to turn 
away from a Russian-backed and corrupt government and stand with us and 
Europe to pursue a hopeful future of freedom and democracy.
  Now, it is time for us and our allies to stand with them. The world 
must know that freedom-loving countries around the globe have Ukraine's 
back and we will be there until the bitter end. President Putin must 
know that we will not back down as he orders the ruthless slaughter of 
more innocents.
  At the beginning of my speech, I talked about this 4-year-old girl. 
Liza's death occurred because of these rocket attacks. At her funeral, 
Orthodox priest Vitalii Holoskevych said this: ``We know that evil 
cannot win.''
  ``We know that evil cannot win.'' And maybe that is the bottom line 
here today. This is a struggle between freedom and democracy and the 
right of self-determination on the one hand and evil on the other 
hand--the evil of conquest, the evil of authoritarianism, the evil of 
tyranny. Now is not the time to be tentative or equivocal. At this 
critical juncture, we need to work with our allies to provide Ukraine 
what they need to defeat evil, to protect their homeland, and to defend 
democracy.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. King). The majority leader.

                          ____________________