[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 115 (Wednesday, July 13, 2022)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3280-S3284]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
BORDER SECURITY
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. President, I am on the floor today to talk about
border security--a humanitarian, a national security, a community
safety issue with direct connection to the drug epidemic we see in
communities all around the country, including my home State of Ohio.
I am also here to talk about legislation I introduced today with
Senator Jim Risch to address this crisis. So we are in the middle right
now of what is the biggest border crisis in the history of our country
if you measure it by the number of people who are coming to the border
unlawfully and, as the Biden administration says, people who are
encountering the Border Patrol.
The Biden administration claims that they have the border under
control and that they are--and I am quoting--doing a good job. This
chart, though, tells a really different story. It shows that as of May,
which is the last month that we have records for, we had the highest
number of border encounters on record. The second highest, by the way,
was the month before: April. So you see this goes back to 2019. There
was a surge here--144,000. Here, we have the inauguration of President
Biden, and then we have had big increases--again, to the point that
over the last couple of months, we have had record numbers of people
who have come unlawfully to the border and been stopped by, apprehended
by, the Border Patrol.
This includes 239,000 total encounters at the border in the month of
May--165,000 of which were single, adult migrants. This does not
include those who were not encountered--in other words, those who
slipped past the Border Patrol. We haven't been able to find a precise
number for these individuals.
The Border Patrol calls this group of people got-aways. But using a
conservative estimate from the Border Patrol of 300,000 people who they
think got away in the last fiscal year, you would then put the total
number of unlawful entries at approximately 286,000 people in 1 month.
If you annualize that, that would be 3.4 million people a year. Think
about those numbers: almost 3\1/2\ million people a year coming to our
border and attempting to gain entry unlawfully.
Today, not all of those who are apprehended are allowed to come into
the United States, and that is because under so-called title 42,
roughly half of those individuals who are being apprehended, who are
being encountered, are turned back. If they live in Mexico, they are
sent back across the border. If they live in a country--say Ecuador or
Guatemala--they are sent back, flown back to their country of origin.
But these are people who are being turned away because of title 42.
So what is title 42? It is a public health authority. It is an
attempt by our government to limit migration in order to prevent the
spread of communicable diseases--in this case, COVID-19. It allows the
Customs and Border Protection officers and agents to tell unlawful
migrants: You can't come to the United States for these public health
reasons. It only applies, by the way, now to single adults; but, as I
said earlier, that is the single biggest group. It comprises about 48
to 52 percent--about half--of the people who are coming up to the
border.
So even with the use of title 42, which is acting to discourage
people from coming to our border, we are experiencing these record
levels. We are also experiencing these record levels in these hot
summer months. Normally, when you get into the summertime where it gets
really hot--look here at May, June, July, August--the number of people
coming to the border goes down, not up. It is over 100 degrees in the
desert and at the Rio Grande, at almost all of these border crossings
along the U.S.-Mexican border. Yet we have more, not less.
There is anecdotal information that this is because people are
realizing that the administration wants to end title 42. They have
proposed to do that. That is now in the court system. But the cartels
are spreading the message, which is: Now is the time to come because,
before, you were turned away by title 42. Now, like everybody else, you
can come into the United States and stay. And we will talk in a moment
about what that means.
But I think that is probably true. Probably title 42 has something to
do with it. But I think, also, it has to do with the fact that more and
more people are realizing that if they do come to the border and don't
get stopped by title 42, they will have a chance to come into the
United States and live in the United States with their families,
perhaps; if not, maybe bring in their families later. And everybody
wants to come to America. We are a great country.
We have our challenges, as we talk about on the floor here all the
time. But, still, we are a country with so many opportunities for
people, and folks want to come. And I don't blame them. I don't blame
them. But we want them to come legally.
And we currently have the most generous legal immigration system of
any country in the world. About 900,000 people a year--almost a million
people a year--come legally to the United States, most as legal
immigrants, some as refugees. And so we encourage that, and we should.
In fact, I think we should bring more people in legally, particularly
to fill
[[Page S3281]]
some of the jobs that we need filled, the STEM disciplines we talk
about a lot. We need people with the kind of training and background to
help our economy grow. But we need people at every level of training.
But we want them to come legally and through an orderly process that is
more humane, that doesn't have all the issues--which we will talk about
tonight--the humanitarian issues at the southern border.
In terms of title 42, we all hope that this public health emergency
isn't necessary going forward because COVID-19 ends. But in the
meantime, this border crisis means, to me, that we have to keep title
42 in place until we make some changes in policy. Otherwise, it will be
not just a crisis. It will be totally overwhelming.
As the Border Patrol says to me, they will lose operational control
of the border. Some would argue that has already happened because so
many people are coming over at record numbers. Often, the Border Patrol
is distracted by one group of migrants, and another group comes in. And
I saw this when I was at the border in El Paso. And anybody who has
been down at the border has seen this.
They are already in tough shape. But imagine if 48 percent of the
people here who are now being turned away by title 42 are not going to
be turned away and the number of other people who will come knowing
that that avenue is now open to them. This will be overwhelming.
It is very difficult right now, with the laws and the way the laws
are being implemented, to keep that from happening. That is why we need
a change in policy. It doesn't have to happen here in Congress. I think
we should change the laws and introduce legislation today to do that.
But the administration itself could make these changes.
By the way, in the last administration, as you can see, the number of
people coming across the border unlawfully and the number of encounters
was very low. But the same was true in the Obama administration. After
they had a surge of unaccompanied minors, they made changes in the law,
and they reduced the number of people who were coming unlawfully to the
border as well. It can be done, but there has to be the will do it.
I am the ranking Republican on the Senate committee that has
oversight responsibility for the Department of Homeland Security. The
Presiding Officer is also on that committee. This Department of
Homeland Security is preparing, they tell us, for a huge increase in
migrants after title 42 has ended. So although they want to end it,
they also know that if they do end it, there is going to be a huge
surge because they are actually preparing for that.
The way they are doing it is interesting. It is not so much keeping
people from coming into the United States as expediting their flow into
the United States. Among other things, instead of processing people at
the border, their recommendation is go ahead and put people on buses or
other forms of transportation and then do the processing later, perhaps
on the buses or where they are going in the United States. So it is a
way to move people through the process rather than come up with a way
to discourage people from coming across the border illegally.
DHS has planned, and then will facilitate, travel throughout the
country rather than figuring out how to keep people from coming in the
first place by telling them: Come legally, but please don't come to our
border illegally.
By the way, I think most Americans are very supportive of legal
immigration. It is an important part of who we are. With very few
exceptions of Native Americans, we all came from someplace else. All of
us have proud stories of our immigrant forebearers--our parents, our
grandparents, our great-grandparents. And it has enriched our country.
It is part of the fabric of our Nation. It is what makes us special.
But that is legal immigration. And it is not what we are talking about
here.
Who bears the brunt of this crisis? Well, at the outset, of course,
it is the Border Patrol. We have got to provide them with the personnel
and resources they need to complete their mission, as difficult as it
is.
When you go and meet with these people, the men and women of the
Border Patrol, you come away just so proud of what they try to do every
day. They are a combination of, you know, border agents trying to
enforce the law, social workers trying to help people with their
problems, healthcare workers trying to help when people get
hurt. Unfortunately, as we have seen, a lot of people are getting hurt
in this process. That journey north is a dangerous journey.
And with the cartels so involved and right there at the border, what
happens in the desert, what happens on these trains, what happens in
these trucks--we just saw this horrible incident of these migrants who
were jammed into a semitruck, and more of them died, I think, than any
other accident of that kind, incident of that kind, in our history. But
this is inhumane, and this is part of what happens when you have these
cartels involved in this process.
We also have got to provide the Border Patrol with the ability to
help control things at the border by finishing the border fence and
putting the technology with the fence that was always intended.
By the way, the technology tends not to be very partisan around here.
Democrats and Republicans alike, I believe, mostly think we ought to
have cameras. We ought to have sensors. We ought to know what is going
on at the border. But when the order came down the first day of the
Biden administration to stop the wall and to end what the Trump
administration had started with Congress's approval and funding, they
also said, Stop the technology.
So in the El Paso sector, as an example, the wall is about 80, 90
percent completed. Unfortunately, there are gaps in the wall where you
literally have to have Border Patrol there 24 hours a day or people
just come through it, which makes their job really hard. What they want
to do is at least have the wall there to slow people down. And the
technology there enables them to then go and deal with situations as
they occur. But only 20 percent of the technology had been completed.
So you have more wall than you have technology. And the wall is not
that useful, frankly, without the technology, in my view. I think the
technology is the key. But that is what is happening.
And, by the way, to the taxpayers listening tonight, which is pretty
much all of us, we paid for that wall. We actually paid for the fencing
to be put up. Congress appropriated the money. And then the
administration stopped it. So you literally see the steel beams and the
pieces of concrete for the wall lying on the ground. And as one Border
Patrol agent told me when I was in one of the sectors--most recently I
was in the Nogales sector where there is a huge gap--he said, this is
really bad for morale. And our Border Patrol agents look at this stuff,
and they say: We have already paid for this. Can't we just finish the
wall and put these fences up, the gates up, to keep these openings from
attracting the cartels and the drug smugglers and the people smugglers?
But that is where we are. So that is one thing our legislation does, is
to correct that problem and help stop this crisis.
It also says that title 42--we talked about earlier--won't be lifted
until the COVID-19 emergency is over. Again, I think it ought to be
lifted when we have policies in place that make sense. But a lot more
is needed. The bill also mandates that the program the Biden
administration ended, which said that as you come to ask for asylum,
you should wait at the border--it is called the migrant protocols.
There was just an agreement with the President of Mexico and
President Biden a couple of days ago about more funding for the border
area--and that is good--to provide more humane living conditions. But
this was working to tell people, if you want to come for asylum, go
ahead and apply. And while you are waiting for asylum, you can remain
in Mexico. And if you get asylum, you come across. If you don't, you go
home. What happened is, a lot of people just went home.
The asylum process, which we will get into in a minute, is kind of a
complicated issue. But in other ways, it is pretty simple, and it is
the main reason for this, which is that people know if they come to the
border and they claim asylum, which most people do, they have an
immediate, what is called, credible fear interview. Sometimes, it is
over the telephone now,
[[Page S3282]]
partly because of COVID. And that is a very low bar. And so people say
what their issue is back home where they feel persecuted, and then they
come in. And once they are told to come in, then they are told: OK, you
can go to wherever you are going in America--let's say Cincinnati, my
hometown, or Columbus or Chicago or Denver, wherever it is--and you
need to check in with the ICE office--that is the immigration office in
the interior of the United States--within 90 days.
Some people do check in. Some people don't check in. But the point
is, there is now a wait of somewhere between 6 to 8 years before your
case is heard on asylum--6 to 8 years. Why? Because there are 1.5
million--someone told me today 1.6 million; let's say 1.5 million
people, that is high enough--waiting in line. That is what the backlog
is.
It just makes no sense to anybody, including, by the way, the
Secretary of Homeland Security, whom I have talked to about this. And
these long waits mean that you are there embedded in a community in
America getting to know your community. You are joining your church.
You are sending your kids to school. You are having children. You are
part of the community. And then you are told after 6 to 8 years, by the
way, your asylum application is being denied because you are an
economic refugee, not an asylee. In other words, you haven't
demonstrated a fear of persecution. You have come to this country,
understandably, because there is great opportunity here. Again, we
should be encouraging these people to come legally like so many other
immigrants have over the years.
Only about 15 to 20 percent of those people who apply for asylum
today are getting asylum. So think about it. If you are part of the 80
to 85 percent who are not going to get asylum, there is sometimes not
much of an incentive to enter into this process and go through the
hearings and so on.
The consequence if you don't go through the hearings is that you are
then subject to removal. However, we are just not removing people
today. So this past year, the latest numbers we have are that 59,000
people were deported, or removed, from America. About 66 percent of
those people had a criminal background. But, remember, this is out of a
couple hundred thousand people going through the process. So there is a
very small chance that you will ever be removed or deported. Even
though you went through the process, you were denied asylum. You stay
in the United States. And, you know, the next administration could
change that. This administration could change that. But right now, this
asylum process, which was created to give lawful presence to people who
were unable to be in their home country because of persecution, is not
being used properly. It is being exploited by people who know that
because of our system and our huge backlog, if they say that they are
part of a group that is being persecuted they can come in. And even
when they are denied asylum, they can stay. That is the way it is
working.
What we have found is that folks who come here are almost entirely
focused more on the economic side. There was a survey conducted by the
Migration Policy Institute recently, which, by the way, is a pro-
migrant institution. It found that 90 percent of the Central Americans
making the journey to our southern border are coming for what? For
work. They are coming for work because they come from poor countries.
They don't have a lot of opportunity in their country. I don't blame
them. If I was a father living in Honduras and couldn't find a job or I
was a subsistence farmer just barely making it and I had a few kids and
I wanted them to have a better life, I would come, too.
But that is not what immigration is all about. It is a system where
you come legally, yes. But if you come illegally, you have got to be
told you have to go back and apply like everybody else. Otherwise,
America would be overwhelmed. And it is being overwhelmed and will be
even more overwhelmed if title 42 is taken away. There are hundreds of
millions of people--maybe billions of people--around the world who
would love to come to this country. We take for granted our
opportunities, our freedoms; but others don't.
So we have to have a system. We have to have some sort of a border.
And, really, that is the question that is before us today in this body:
Are we going to have a system that makes sense or one where, again, you
have a million and a half people who are waiting to have their hearing.
When they have their hearing on asylum and they are denied, they still
aren't removed; so they can stay. And, again, meanwhile, they have
family and kids and connections to the community. It is really not fair
to them. A much better system would be to say, OK, apply for asylum in
your country, or if you don't feel comfortable there, apply from a
third country. Then you will know, yes or no, before you come up to the
border, don't make that dangerous journey north. Don't put yourself in
the clutches of these coyotes, these human smugglers, these
traffickers, who are heartless. What they are doing is they are going
down to Central America or Latin America or really all over the world.
People are coming from hundreds of countries now. And they are saying,
you know, give me money. Give me 10,000 bucks, and I will get you to
the border, and you can just walk across.
People are signing up--sometimes with their life savings. And
sometimes as, again, we talked about earlier, there are assaults along
the way. There are all kinds of horrible stories of how women,
particularly, are mistreated on the way up. It is a dangerous and
inhumane process.
At the end of the day, our system is pulling these people to the
border. The administration is now implementing a new asylum rule
recently to try to deal with this problem because they realize it is
just not working. However, the new system that they are putting in
place isn't working either, and there is a reason for that. Their
theory is we should adjudicate the cases at the border. I agree with
that. I would rather adjudicate them outside the border in the country
of origin or a third country, but have the adjudication be right at the
border; make the decision right there, yes or no. Let people know.
The problem is what they are doing right now is they are putting
asylum officers at the border, making a decision, adjudicating as
people come across. And if it is a no, people are not being sent home.
But rather, people are being told if it is a no, you can appeal it to
the regular system, so get back in line with the 1.5 million people.
What we are learning is that, of course, people are smart. They are
talking to the asylum officer. They are getting a yes or no. If they
are getting a yes, that is great; they are getting in. That is a small
percentage. If they are getting a no, they say, That is fine, I am
going to appeal it to the regular system.
It really isn't an answer to the problem. If you want an answer to
the problem, what you would have is processing centers along the
border. It would be expensive because there are so many people coming
over now, so many people applying for asylum. But have a process where,
quickly, you can adjudicate these cases. In the meantime, you would not
have people be released into the interior but have them stay there to
find out what the outcome of the case is.
This pull system is bad for everybody except the smugglers. They are
the ones who profit. They are the ones who are going to folks in places
like Honduras or Ecuador or, again, far-flung places--places in Eastern
Europe, places in Asia--and telling people, Give me a bunch of money,
and I will get you into the United States.
We recently had this tragedy I mentioned in San Antonio. Fifty-three
migrants were left for dead in the Texas heat in the back of a tractor-
trailer. They were just abandoned by their smuggler. They left them
locked inside of this tractor-trailer. It is not the first time this
has happened. But as I said earlier, 53 is probably the worst smuggling
tragedy in our history.
I went to Latin America last year. I met with the Presidents of
Mexico and Guatemala, Ecuador, and Colombia. It was interesting. They
all said the same thing. You would be surprised to hear what they said.
People think they must enjoy this process because so many of their
citizens are going to America, they can then send money back to their
family and it must be good for everybody. It is not.
They are losing some of the best and brightest in their country, and
these
[[Page S3283]]
people are going through, again, this arduous process to get to the
border, and the inhumanity of that troubles these Presidents. They all
told me basically the same thing, which is: Why don't you guys fix your
laws and stop this pull factor?
We talk about the push factor in poor countries. I mentioned Honduras
earlier. That is certainly true. By the way, we spent over the last 5
years about $3.6 billion of American taxpayer money to help in the
economics of the so-called Northern Triangle in the Central American
countries.
I am for spending money in these countries to try to help with their
economy, but with the corruption, with all the issues they have, it is
very difficult to imagine those countries in a short period of time
having any kind of economic opportunity that equals what we have right
here in this country, so there is going to continue to be that push. We
should try to alleviate it. It will continue to happen.
But the pull, this policy we have is just pulling people north. What
they said to me, these Presidents of these countries, was: You have a
legal immigration system where people know they can just get into your
country. Why don't you change that? Why don't you change that?
Again, it is not just people from Mexico and Central America. It is
people from all over the world.
By the way, for some of these people, the Border Patrol is
increasingly concerned because they come from countries where a lot of
people want to do us harm. So, increasingly, we are seeing people
coming to our country who are, as an example, on the terror watch list.
Back in 2017, 2 people; 6 people in 2018; none in 2019; 2020, there
were 3; 15 in 2021. This fiscal year, 2022, there are already 50
individuals on the terror watch list. Why? They know if they come to
the U.S. border, they can get across. I am sure this number is higher--
that is what we know--because, again, a lot of people are so-called got
aways. Let's say 20 percent.
Who are these people? Well, some of them are probably pretty smart
individuals who know how to get away from Border Patrol, do the
distraction and sneak in. That worries me and it worries me because we
are allowing people to come into our country who we would not otherwise
allow.
We have seen this increase of people coming into the country who are
on the terror watch list, but we have also seen, again, a lot of people
coming in who we just don't know anything about because they don't
count them at the Border Patrol. We have seen more caravans and we see
more migrants are on the way. Why? I think it is because of this
general pull factor. The fact is people know, if they come here, they
know they are going to be able to get in.
I think it is also because of title 42 because the smugglers are
using that--cartels are spreading the word: Title 42 is on its way out.
Read about it in the front page of your paper because that is where
it is because this administration wants to end it, so they are saying
now you can go to the border and you will be let in under the policies
like the asylum policy and the single adults--48 percent of whom
roughly have been turned away. Forty-eight percent of the total by
title 42 would no longer be turned away. I think that is why we are
seeing this. It is giving the coyotes, traffickers, and smugglers
opportunity to make lots of money.
By the way, that is hurting all these countries, too. If you talk to
the Presidents of these countries, including President Obrador of
Mexico, what he will tell you is the cartels are taking over more and
more of his country because they are making more and more money because
of this--and, significantly, because of the drug issue we are going to
talk about in a second. We know that the cartels are involved in human
trafficking. We know they are involved in drug smuggling. We know they
are involved in smuggling people.
I was with the Border Patrol in El Paso last year. We were out at
night. We saw a group of migrants coming, and the Border Patrol was
going to that location to stop them and question them. Meanwhile, we
heard on the radio the drug smugglers had come across. They could see
it. They knew it. They could tell by the backpacks they were wearing, I
guess, and clothes they were wearing--dark clothes, young men--that
they were smuggling. But they couldn't do anything about it because
Border Patrol were processing the migrants who had come in.
So I am watching the migrants coming in--actually talking to some of
them and Border Patrol--and meanwhile, on the radio, they are saying,
You have to go to this other sector, this other area to stop these drug
smugglers. We can't; we are distracted. The processing takes some time.
The other big issue, in addition to the unlawful entry into the
United States--smuggling, all the inhumanity that surrounds that--is
this drug issue. I have spent a lot of time working on this issue on
the prevention side--helping on treatment and recovery options and
doing more on prevention. We were making some progress until,
unfortunately, we were hit with this pandemic. And during that time and
since, drug use has gone up again. But we were making progress, in
part, because we were helping on the demand side of the equation.
But also on the supply side, we were keeping some of these drugs out
of the country. We did it primarily through stopping the deadliest of
all, which is the fentanyl--which is a synthetic opioid--from coming in
through the U.S. mail system. We passed a law called the STOP Act. It
kept China from poisoning our communities by sending this stuff through
the mail system, which was happening. That was the primary way it was
coming in.
What has happened? During the pandemic--kind of coincidental with the
pandemic--we had more people isolated, more people losing their jobs,
more people turning to drugs. You had Mexico begin to take the central
role in terms of fentanyl. A lot of it is precursors from China, so
China sends the precursors to Mexico, but Mexico is now making the
fentanyl--often into pills--Xanax or Adderall or Percocet.
If you buy any drugs on the street, know that those drugs could kill
you. Don't be fooled. There are so many counterfeit drugs out there
now. That is one of the preferred ways that the Mexican cartels are
bringing these drugs in.
Again, fentanyl is, of course, the deadliest of the drugs. About two
thirds of the overdose deaths in America are currently because of
fentanyl. We now have a record level of overdose deaths every year in
America, over 100,000 last year. There is no reason to believe that it
will be less than that this year based on early data we have, sadly. In
my home State of Ohio, it is the No. 1 killer by far.
Look at what has happened with the seizures of fentanyl. This is the
fentanyl that has been seized. Here are projections for the rest of
this year if they continue as they are--obviously, record levels. When
you have this huge surge of fentanyl coming in, what happens is you
have a lower cost in the drug--supply and demand, right? So there is a
huge supply, and the demand for these drugs continues.
On the streets of Columbus or Cleveland or Cincinnati or Dayton or
your town, wherever it is, it is likely that this cheap but really
deadly fentanyl is something that people are being exposed to. Some
people are falling prey to it, again, often thinking they are taking
another drug.
There are a couple of students at Ohio State University who overdosed
and died just before I gave a talk there at graduation earlier this
spring. They were taking what they thought were study drugs,
apparently: Adderall. A third student lived, but was in critical
condition. This is the deadliest of drugs.
In 2021, we seized double the fentanyl from the previous year, four
times from the year before that. Again, so far this year, we are on
track to match the most fentanyl seized ever. In May--just 1 month, in
May--there was enough fentanyl seized at the border to kill 200 million
Americans, more than half of our population in 1 month. People say:
Well, gosh, why are you so worried about the border? Let people come
across--open border--whatever.
Here is the consequence.
Again, it is hurting Mexico, too, and it is hurting lots of other
countries. But in terms of Mexico, this gives the cartels enormous
power and money. And, yes, ultimately, I think the most important thing
to do is to reduce demand. I do.
[[Page S3284]]
Again, we are making progress now. We had about a 20-percent
reduction in 2018. We need to get back to that. This Congress took the
lead on much of this.
But we also have to deal with the supply side and stop this enormous
surge of drugs that is coming over and poisoning our communities. That
is part of what is happening on the border. A few months ago, I was in
Nogales, south of Tucson, to ride with the Border Patrol and go to the
port of entry there. They are doing a very good job with what they
have, but they need better equipment.
This is one thing Congress can do. They need help. They need more
resources. They need better technology. They need to be able to scan
cars and trucks that are coming in, particularly for these drugs that
we talked about. A relatively small package of fentanyl this size can
kill 1,000 people. A few specks could kill you. It is easy to hide it
in a car or a truck.
We now know that less than 2 percent of passenger vehicles and less
than 20 percent of commercial vehicles coming into the United States
are scanned for these illegal drugs like fentanyl. This is just
unacceptable. Congress has appropriated more funding for this. That is
good. Let's get it moving. We should be scanning all vehicles, in my
view. A smuggler with multiple pounds of fentanyl concealed in a hidden
compartment might be worth hundreds of thousands or even millions of
dollars. They know they have a good chance of getting across without a
search. They take the risk.
It is not just a gap in our security; it is a gaping hole. And,
again, it leads to this flood of cheap fentanyl and other dangerous
drugs. The southern border has faced the worst unlawful crisis that we
have ever had, going back to the first chart. This tells the story, in
red.
The men and women of the Customs and Border Protection whom I have
met over the years are doing the best they can. They are doing their
best at the ports of entry. They are doing their best as Border Patrol
between the ports of entry, but they need help. That is what
legislation does. It provides them with the help they need to be able
to respond to this crisis.
We welcome legal immigration. We always should. They enrich our
country. And we are a nation of immigrants, and we are proud of that.
But we are also a nation of laws, and we are also a nation that cares
about the inhumanity of the current system and the flood of cheap,
deadly drugs coming through our border.
I urge the Biden administration to change course, to fix this broken
system, to follow the law, including the law on detaining people, to
reform the asylum process so it stops acting like a pull factor and is
used for what it is intended for, to truly help those who are seeking
asylum for the right reasons, to stop these policies that send a green
light to the smugglers, to the cartels, to the drug traffickers, and
that is causing so much human suffering along our southern border.
I urge the administration to act. In the meantime, again, we are
introducing legislation. I urge my colleagues to help us with that.
There is no reason that we can't work in a bipartisan way to deal with
what everybody has to acknowledge is a huge crisis at our southern
border.
I yield the floor.
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