[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 105 (Tuesday, June 21, 2022)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3025-S3027]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Ukraine
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. President, I come to the floor again today to update
people on what is happening in Ukraine as Russia continues its illegal,
unprovoked, and brutal assault on that country and talk more about what
we can do here in the Congress and as Americans to help the people of
Ukraine during this desperate hour. This will be the 16th consecutive
week I have come to the floor to discuss the invasion while the Senate
has been in session.
We are now on the 118th day of this war on Ukraine. In response, the
bravery and effectiveness of the Ukrainian defenders has been
unbelievable, truly impressive, but not surprising because they are
fighting to defend their homeland, their families, and their freedom.
They have shown again and again the power that comes with that. Just
4 days ago was another example of Ukrainian tenacity and success
against a much bigger and better armed Russian army. Last Friday,
Ukrainian military officials announced that they struck and sunk a
Russian vessel in the Black Sea using two Harpoon anti-ship missiles
supplied by the West. The ship was carrying personnel and anti-aircraft
equipment to Snake Island, which the Russians invaded early on and used
as an outpost to assist in their blockade of Ukraine.
This action marks the first time that Ukraine has destroyed a Russian
vessel with a new, Western-supplied armament. It is an example of what
we can do, the United States and other allied countries, 42 of us who
are helping Ukraine, giving them the tools they need to defend their
homeland.
By the way, the Ukrainians have now sunk so many Russian ships that
the head of the Odessa Oblast military administration remarked that
Ukraine is creating ``an underwater brigade at the bottom of the Black
Sea.''
Despite these successes in the Black Sea, Russia has taken the upper
hand in the critical area east of Ukraine called the Donbas. The Donbas
region is this area of Ukraine in eastern Ukraine where Russia has
really focused its forces. Previously, you recall they took Crimea in
2014, and they took a part of the Donbas--Donbas and Donetsk areas. Now
they are trying to take the entire Donetsk region and more.
Although the Ukrainians are fighting valiantly in this area of the
Donbas, they are simply being outgunned by the Russians, who have
longer range and very accurate Russian missiles. The stakes are really
high right now. The fate of a sovereign country to remain free hangs in
the balance. But not only that, if Vladimir Putin is successful here in
the Donbas in taking more than he already controls, I think it would be
naive to believe he will stop there. Based on his own words, he won't
stop there. The Baltics could be next. He already has a puppet
dictatorship here in Belarus. These countries--Baltics, Poland,
Romania, where I was recently, Moldova--they are all concerned and
rightly so. We cannot allow him to achieve these goals.
Last Wednesday, the Senate Ukraine Caucus, which I cofounded along
with Senator Dick Durbin, hosted six members of the Ukrainian
Parliament, or Rada, leaders in the Parliament who came to talk to us,
along with Ukrainian Ambassador to the United States Oksana Markarova.
They offered a very blunt view of the current war, which we have now
heard many times over these past several weeks.
Ukrainian soldiers are fighting very hard to defend their homeland,
but Russia is incrementally advancing, killing 100 to 500 Ukrainian
soldiers every day, as well as dozens of civilians, and destroying
cities in the Donbas area with a steady barrage of missiles. Russia is
sitting back and firing these guided missiles with impunity because the
shorter range Ukrainian missiles can't reach them.
The delegation of Ukrainian Parliament leaders included David
Arakhamia, one of Ukraine's lead negotiators with the Russians. He told
us the Russians are essentially delaying negotiations until Russia has
secured control over this whole area of the Donbas, and then they will
pretend to engage in negotiations while taking that time to recover
their combat power and prepare for yet another offensive.
Russia must not be allowed to continue to gain ground in the Donbas.
We have to get the Ukrainians what they need to protect themselves, the
weapons and equipment they need to be able to succeed so they can have
negotiations with the Russians but on their terms, not the Russians'.
There is a solution to the Ukrainians being outgunned. Over the past
several years, Ukrainian officials have specifically requested the
advanced weapons rocket artillery systems. The United States operates
one such system. It is called the HIMARS, or High Mobility Artillery
Rocket System. We have hundreds of these in our inventory, many of
which are not with Active units. They are superior to Russian artillery
in almost every respect--mobility, reload time, accuracy, and most
importantly, range. Yet, during Ukraine's hour of need, it has taken us
too long to respond, and we are providing too few units to make a
serious impact.
Three weeks ago, the administration did announce they would send
HIMARS to Ukraine but just four units.
With the time it takes to train Ukrainian soldiers on how to operate
this platform, the systems will not be combat ready until at least this
week, according to press reports. So we announced it a few weeks ago,
but every day brave Ukrainians have been dying and Donbas cities have
been systematically destroyed and the countryside has been conquered
step-by-step.
We must act more quickly, and we must do more. The Wall Street
Journal editorial board recently expounded on this argument in very
stark terms when they said:
How many rocket systems do our friends need? [Well] a . . .
military adviser [from Ukraine] told [a reporter recently]:
``If we get 60'' systems ``then the Russians will lose all
ability to advance anywhere, they will be stopped dead in
their tracks. If we get 40 they will [be able to] advance,
albeit very slowly with heavy casualties; with 20 they will
continue to advance with higher casualties than now.''
We are providing four.
When I met with the Rada, they told me that they would need at least
48 advanced rocket artillery systems to have a meaningful impact. So,
again, so far we have only provided four. My hope is, based on
conversations I have had with the administration, that more are coming.
But any new units announced won't reach the battlefield
[[Page S3026]]
with trained crews for roughly 3 weeks. Defense officials know that we
need to move more quickly, and I hope we will.
I am pleased to report that the Brits, the UK, and also the Germans
have offered their own rocket systems similar to ours--in fact, the
British system is bigger than ours--but only three apiece.
To address this, today I sent a letter with my colleagues Senators
Durbin, Blumenthal, and Grassley to Secretary of Defense Austin urging
the administration to rapidly send significant amounts of these
advanced rocket artillery systems to Ukraine, working with our allies.
In our inventory, we have hundreds of these HIMARS, and getting these
systems to Ukraine could be a game changer. We need to send them more
quickly so they have a fighting chance in this war.
With these systems in their arsenal, I believe the Ukrainians could
turn the tables on the Russians, just like they have done in so many
other places. Remember, in Kyiv, the success there. In Kharkiv, they
are having some success pushing back the Russians there.
Even here in the eastern part toward Kherson, they are having some
success, but they need help here with regard to these artillery
systems. It is an artillery battle.
The Wall Street Journal Editorial Board went on to say:
The stakes are high, [but not just] for Ukraine. If the
Russian military mops up the Donbas, Vladimir Putin will have
grabbed more land that he can sell at home as a victory. He
can then regroup and push south[east] toward Odessa--
Down here--
robbing the Ukrainians of their coast line and building a
bridge to Transnistria in Moldova.
Up here.
Europe will be less secure, and Mr. Biden will bear some
responsibility.
The editorial continued with the threat to other nations, saying:
Skeptics of U.S. aid to Ukraine like to say we can't
support the country forever. But that's all the more reason
to get Kyiv the right weapons sooner and in enough numbers so
Ukraine can stop and then roll back Russian advances. That's
the only way to get Mr. Putin to the negotiating table with
any hope of a cease-fire on Ukrainian terms favorable to
NATO.
I think they are right. We just provided $40 billion for Ukraine--
very generous from the U.S. taxpayers. Roughly, $21 billion of that
goes toward military.
I am not suggesting we spend more than that. I am suggesting that we
use the $21 billion in a more effective way to give them what they
actually need to be able to push back against the Russians, given this
current threat.
Russia won't stop at the Donbas. They will conquer the rest of
Ukraine's Black Sea coastline, as was said in this editorial. This, by
the way, would landlock Ukraine, one of the great exporters of the
world. It is an attempt to ruin the country economically.
One thing that has become crystal clear over the past decade, Russia
only responds to strength. When President Putin has sensed weakness,
that is exactly when his aggression has increased. He invaded Ukraine 4
months ago because he believed that Ukraine and the West would not
respond forcefully. He believed he could divide NATO.
Both of these assumptions proved to be wrong, and Russia was
initially pushed back. But note that they just kept coming, now
believing that freedom-loving democracies around the world will become
war weary; that our attention span is too short.
He believes he can outlast us. I am concerned that some are losing
interest. Look at the news coverage. Ukraine often is no longer in the
headlines, not in the nightly news, even though the destruction
continues; the bombing of civilian targets continues; the war crimes
continue.
I am concerned that some are forgetting the global stakes involved in
this war and how important it is to ensure that Ukraine wins and Russia
loses. If Russia senses that the West is weak and distracted and losing
interest in Ukraine, it will continue this war and bring it ever closer
to our NATO allies.
That is exactly why we need to provide Ukrainians what they need to
fight back right now, especially these HIMAR systems. We must
accelerate our deliveries if we are serious about supporting Ukraine.
Fortunately, other nations continue to offer support. During last
week's meeting of the Ukraine Defense Contact Group in Belgium,
Secretary of Defense Austin urged nations ``not to lose steam'' in
their efforts to aid Ukraine during Russia's invasion. Good for him.
He reported that Germany will offer three long-range artillery rocket
systems with ammunition to follow the UK's example, and Slovakia is
promising helicopters and ammunition. Poland, Canada, and the
Netherlands have promised more artillery. Forty-two nations have
stepped forward, in all, to provide military assistance to Ukraine, not
just us.
Several of these leaders also committed to Ukrainian officials that
the West would not demand any territorial concessions from Ukraine to
appease Russia and will support Ukraine to the end of this war.
That is very welcome news. Making any territorial concessions to
Russia would only embolden Putin and other future would-be conquerors.
The lesson they would learn is that with enough patience, we can wear
down the West and get what we want.
We saw how the territorial concessions worked in the late 1930s. It
only increased Nazi Germany's appetite. Nazi Germany was not led to
think that if they took over one country, that they couldn't take over
the next.
The United States needs to join our allies and continue to reaffirm
our unwavering commitment to Ukraine's territorial integrity. While we
continue our mission, Americans of all stripes have gone to Ukraine to
help, some as volunteers. Some have gone actually to help fight
alongside Ukraine forces to defend that democratic country.
According to reports, two Americans have been taken prisoner by
Russian-backed forces, and a third American is missing. We need to get
our people out.
Just yesterday, the Kremlin's chief spokesman told NBC that the two
Americans are not protected by the Geneva Convention. He stated they
should ``be held responsible for the crimes they have committed.''
By the way, the only ``crime'' they have committed was fighting back
against the Russians and helping Ukraine, an ally and a democracy,
defend its sovereign territory.
The Russians seem to be so accustomed to killing unarmed Ukrainian
civilians that they are shocked when anyone on the other side actually
dares to shoot back.
Let me be clear: These Americans are prisoners of war subject to the
protections of the Geneva Convention, and any unlawful prosecution
would be an unacceptable acceleration, an escalation by Russia. I
expect the administration to develop a plan to address these men's
situation and get them out of Kremlin captivity. That is on the
military side.
On sanctions, when it comes to funding for Russia's war machine, last
week the Treasury Department announced it will allow certain energy-
related transactions with SberBank, VTB Bank, Alfa Bank, and several
other Russian entities to continue until December 5.
The United States has already banned imports of Russian oil and gas
and imposed sanctions, but now the administration seems to want to
extend bank transactions on Russian oil and gas sent to European
countries. That doesn't make sense to me. There have been bipartisan
calls here in this Congress to put a halt to sending President Putin
the money to fund his war machine. Remember, the EU is using Russian
oil and gas, dependent on it in many cases, and sending roughly $870
million a day to Russia to fund that war machine. So why would we want
to extend these licenses to early December?
I asked the Department of Treasury about this and was told that it
was to align with the EU sanctions. I fear we are letting EU lead while
we follow with softer sanctions than we must have in order to get
Russia to feel as though there is some impact here; that what they are
doing in Ukraine is hurting their economy.
America needs to lead from the front on sanctions, not lead from
behind. When we do lead, by the way, others follow. This is true with
the revived NATO right now. It is 30 countries strong, and members are
more committed than ever to pushing back against this Russian invasion.
[[Page S3027]]
In fact, in the wake of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Sweden and
Finland have shrugged off a long history of neutrality to apply to join
NATO. I applaud them for this and look forward to voting in favor of
their accession treaties on the U.S. Senate floor here very soon.
Tomorrow, in fact, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee is going to
hold a hearing on their interest in joining the alliance. I urge my
Senate colleagues to support this, and instead of causing global
division, as he meant to do, show President Putin that he has brought
NATO together and added to the strength of NATO.
I urge swift consideration of NATO expansion. Let's bring the Swedes
and the Finns into the fold. We can't forget that Russia has claimed
this war started because Ukraine wanted to join the NATO alliance. It
is certainly true that as they reaffirmed in 2014, when they threw off
a Russian-backed corrupt government, the people of Ukraine have been
looking westward, not eastward.
Of course, they want to join NATO and they want to join the European
Union and they want to form ever closer bonds with the transatlantic
community--and they have made significant progress in doing this. This
brutal invasion is just Russia's latest attempt to throw that progress
off course, to stop them from what is their inevitable move to the
West. We must not be deterred.
As I have said before, Ukraine deserves NATO membership and
immediately the NATO membership action plan to provide a clear path to
eventual membership. At the NATO summit in Madrid last week, much of
the attention will rightfully be focused on Sweden and Finland, but I
urge the leaders gathered there to remember Ukraine and Georgia in a
similar situation as well.
Just last Friday, there was some big news. The European Commission
recommended that Ukraine be granted candidate status to join the
European Union. That is not NATO, but it is the European Union, the
political union.
The recommendation by the European Commission, the EU's executive
body, is a significant step forward toward EU membership. The
Commission also recommended EU candidate status for Moldova, a country
with its own troubled history with Russia.
Here we see Moldova between Romania and Ukraine. Transnistria is
right along here, which is controlled by the Russians, a small part of
Moldova. I visited Moldova last month and met with their government,
including their Prime Minister.
We have a very strong partner in Moldova. They, too, are looking to
the West. The people of Moldova want their freedom and freedom from
Russian intimidation. When the leaders of the EU meet next month in
Brussels, I hope they will strongly support both Ukraine's and
Moldova's candidacies toward the European Union.
Soon, the Senate is going to adjourn for a couple of weeks. During
that time, Ukraine will be continuing to defend its territorial
integrity. I have now come to the floor, as I said, every week to
highlight this fight--every week since this illegal, unprovoked, and
brutal invasion began.
The Ukrainian people just want to live in peace, including with their
neighbor, Russia. This is our fight during our generation where
democracy is on the line. How this war develops will have far-reaching
impacts on all of us, all freedom-loving countries, including the
United States of America.
Most of us in this Chamber, Republicans and Democrats alike, get
that. We know that America can't afford to stay on the sidelines and be
a spectator in this conflict. At this crucial time in the battle for
freedom, democracy, and the ability for countries to decide their own
future, America cannot afford to be tentative. That is why we need to
supply them with these mobile rocket launchers, the HIMAR system, to
have the range and the ability to protect themselves.
Let's not be tentative. We must remember the lesson of the late
1930s: that appeasing tyrants will not satiate their desire to
violently conquer and subjugate their neighbors. Ukrainians certainly
understand this. They know what it is like to live under the thumb of
authoritarians, the Soviets, the Russians, and they broke away from
that and toward democracy, first in 1991 and again in 2014.
I was in Ukraine after the Revolution of Dignity, which is what they
call it, in 2014, where Ukrainians decided for themselves that they
wanted to turn away from Russian domination and corruption and turn to
us--Europe and the United States--to pursue a more hopeful future of
freedom and democracy.
Now President Putin is trying to extinguish that hope. We cannot let
that happen. The countries of the free world are with us but more so
when we lead. Now is not the time to equivocate.
At this critical juncture, let's work with allies to provide our
democratic brothers and sisters in Ukraine what they actually need to
protect their homeland and to defend democracy.
I yield the floor.