[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 98 (Wednesday, June 8, 2022)]
[House]
[Pages H5363-H5396]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                        PROTECTING OUR KIDS ACT

  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 1153, I call 
up the bill (H.R. 7910) to amend title 18, United States Code, to 
provide for an increased age limit on the purchase of certain firearms, 
prevent gun trafficking, modernize the prohibition on untraceable 
firearms, encourage the safe storage of firearms, and for other 
purposes, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.
  The Clerk read the title of the bill.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. DeGette). Pursuant to House Resolution 
1153, in lieu of the amendment in the nature of a substitute 
recommended by the Committee on the

[[Page H5364]]

Judiciary printed in the bill, an amendment in the nature of a 
substitute consisting of the text of Rules Committee Print 117-48 is 
adopted and the bill, as amended, is considered read.
  The text of the bill, as amended, is as follows:

                               H.R. 7910

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE; TABLE OF CONTENTS.

       (a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Protecting 
     Our Kids Act''.
       (b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents for this Act 
     is as follows:

Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents.

                         TITLE I--RAISE THE AGE

Sec. 101. Prohibition on Federal firearms licensee selling or 
              delivering certain semiautomatic centerfire rifles or 
              semiautomatic centerfire shotguns to a person under 21 
              years of age, with exceptions.
Sec. 102. Operation of the Federal Bureau of Investigation's public 
              access line.

                   TITLE II--PREVENT GUN TRAFFICKING

Sec. 201. Prohibition on straw purchases of firearms; prohibition on 
              gun trafficking.
Sec. 202. Prohibition on disposition of firearm to person intending 
              unlawful further disposition.
Sec. 203. Penalties.
Sec. 204. Firearms subject to forfeiture.

                    TITLE III--UNTRACEABLE FIREARMS

Sec. 301. Requirement that all firearms be traceable.
Sec. 302. Modernization of the prohibition on undetectable firearms.

                         TITLE IV--SAFE STORAGE

Sec. 401. Ethan's Law.
Sec. 402. Safe guns, safe kids.
Sec. 403. Kimberly Vaughan Firearm Safe Storage.

                TITLE V--CLOSING THE BUMP STOCK LOOPHOLE

Sec. 501. Bump stocks.

                     TITLE VI--KEEP AMERICANS SAFE

Sec. 601. Definitions.
Sec. 602. Restrictions on large capacity ammunition feeding devices.
Sec. 603. Penalties.
Sec. 604. Use of Byrne grants for buy-back programs for large capacity 
              ammunition feeding devices.

                        TITLE VII--MISCELLANEOUS

Sec. 701. NICS Report.

                         TITLE I--RAISE THE AGE

     SEC. 101. PROHIBITION ON FEDERAL FIREARMS LICENSEE SELLING OR 
                   DELIVERING CERTAIN SEMIAUTOMATIC CENTERFIRE 
                   RIFLES OR SEMIAUTOMATIC CENTERFIRE SHOTGUNS TO 
                   A PERSON UNDER 21 YEARS OF AGE, WITH 
                   EXCEPTIONS.

       (a) In General.--Section 922(b)(1) of title 18, United 
     States Code, is amended to read as follows:
       ``(1)(A) any firearm or ammunition to any individual who 
     the licensee knows or has reasonable cause to believe has not 
     attained 18 years of age;
       ``(B) any semiautomatic centerfire rifle or semiautomatic 
     centerfire shotgun that has, or has the capacity to accept, 
     an ammunition feeding device with a capacity exceeding 5 
     rounds, to any individual who the licensee knows or has 
     reasonable cause to believe has not attained 21 years of age 
     and is not a qualified individual; or
       ``(C) if the firearm or ammunition is not a semiautomatic 
     centerfire rifle or semiautomatic centerfire shotgun 
     described in subparagraph (B) and is other than a shotgun or 
     rifle, or ammunition for a shotgun or rifle, to any 
     individual who the licensee knows or has reasonable cause to 
     believe has not attained 21 years of age;''.
       (b) Conforming Amendment.--Section 922(c)(1) of such title 
     is amended by striking ``in the case of any firearm'' and all 
     that follows through ``eighteen years or more of age'' and 
     inserting ``(1) in the case of a semiautomatic centerfire 
     rifle or semiautomatic centerfire shotgun that has, or has 
     the capacity to accept, an ammunition feeding device with a 
     capacity exceeding 5 rounds, I am at least 21 years of age or 
     a qualified individual (as defined in section 921(a)(30) of 
     title 18, United States Code), (2) in the case of a firearm 
     other than a shotgun, a rifle, or such a semiautomatic 
     centerfire rifle or semiautomatic centerfire shotgun, I am at 
     least 21 years of age, or (3) in the case of any other 
     shotgun or rifle, I am at least 18 years of age''.
       (c) Qualified Individual Defined.--Section 921(a) of such 
     title is amended by inserting after paragraph (29) the 
     following:
       ``(30) The term `qualified individual' means--
       ``(A) a member of the Armed Forces on active duty; and
       ``(B) a full-time employee of the United States, a State, 
     or a political subdivision of a State who in the course of 
     his or her official duties is authorized to carry a firearm.
       ``(31) The term `ammunition feeding device' means a 
     magazine, belt, drum, feed strip, or similar device, but does 
     not include an attached tubular device which is only capable 
     of operating with .22 caliber rimfire ammunition.''.

     SEC. 102. OPERATION OF THE FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION'S 
                   PUBLIC ACCESS LINE.

       (a) Report.--Not later than 90 days after the date of the 
     enactment of this Act, the Director of the Federal Bureau of 
     Investigation (in this section referred to as the ``FBI'') 
     shall submit to the Committee on the Judiciary of the Senate 
     and the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of 
     Representatives a report regarding operation of the FBI's 
     public access line.
       (b) Matters Included.--The report required by subsection 
     (a) shall, at a minimum, include the following:
       (1) A description of the protocols and procedures in effect 
     with respect to information-sharing between the public access 
     line and the field offices of the FBI.
       (2) Recommendations for improving the protocols and 
     procedures to improve the information-sharing.

                   TITLE II--PREVENT GUN TRAFFICKING

     SEC. 201. PROHIBITION ON STRAW PURCHASES OF FIREARMS; 
                   PROHIBITION ON GUN TRAFFICKING.

       (a) In General.--Chapter 44 of title 18, United States 
     Code, is amended--
       (1) in section 921(a), by adding at the end the following:
       ``(37) The term `family members' means spouses, domestic 
     partners, parents and their children, including step-parents 
     and their step-children, siblings, aunts or uncles and their 
     nieces or nephews, or grandparents and their 
     grandchildren.''; and
       (2) by adding at the end the following:

     ``Sec. 932. Gun trafficking

       ``(a) It shall be unlawful for any person (other than a 
     licensee under this chapter), in or otherwise affecting 
     interstate or foreign commerce, to knowingly purchase or 
     acquire, or attempt to purchase or acquire, a firearm for the 
     possession of a third party.
       ``(b) It shall be unlawful for any person (other than a 
     licensee under this chapter), in or otherwise affecting 
     interstate or foreign commerce, to hire, solicit, command, 
     induce, or otherwise endeavor to persuade another person to 
     purchase, or attempt to purchase, any firearm for the purpose 
     of obtaining the firearm for the person or selling or 
     transferring the firearm to a third party.
       ``(c) The Attorney General shall ensure that the firearm 
     transaction record form required to be completed in 
     connection with a firearm transaction includes a statement 
     outlining the penalties that may be imposed for violating 
     subsection (a).
       ``(d) This section shall not apply to any firearm, if the 
     purchaser or person acquiring the firearm has no reason to 
     believe that the recipient of the firearm will use or intends 
     to use the firearm in a crime or is prohibited from 
     purchasing or possessing firearms under State or Federal law 
     and the firearm--
       ``(1) is purchased or acquired by any person, or that any 
     person attempts to purchase or acquire, as a bona fide gift 
     between family members; or
       ``(2) is purchased or acquired by an agent of a lawful 
     business, or that an agent of a lawful business attempts to 
     purchase or acquire, for the purpose of transferring to 
     another agent of the business, for lawful use in the 
     business.''.
       (b) Forfeiture.--Section 982(a)(5) of such title is 
     amended--
       (1) in subparagraph (D), by striking ``or'' at the end; and
       (2) by inserting after subparagraph (E) the following:
       ``(F) section 922(a)(1)(A) (related to unlicensed firearms 
     sales);
       ``(G) section 922(d) (relating to illegal gun transfers); 
     or
       ``(H) section 932 (relating to gun trafficking),''.
       (c) Money Laundering Amendment.--Section 1956(c)(7)(D) of 
     such title is amended by striking ``section 924(n)'' and 
     inserting ``section 922(a)(1)(A), 922(d), 924(n), or 932''.
       (d) Clerical Amendment.--The table of sections for such 
     chapter is amended by adding at the end the following:

``932. Gun trafficking.''.

     SEC. 202. PROHIBITION ON DISPOSITION OF FIREARM TO PERSON 
                   INTENDING UNLAWFUL FURTHER DISPOSITION.

       Section 922(d) of title 18, United States Code, is amended 
     in the 1st sentence--
       (1) in paragraph (8), by striking ``or'' at the end;
       (2) in paragraph (9), by striking the period at the end and 
     inserting ``; or''; and
       (3) by inserting after and below paragraph (9) the 
     following:
       ``(10) intends to sell or otherwise dispose of the firearm 
     or ammunition in violation of a Federal law, or to sell or 
     otherwise dispose of the firearm or ammunition to a person in 
     another State in violation of a law of that State.''.

     SEC. 203. PENALTIES.

       Section 924(a) of title 18, United States Code, is amended 
     by adding at the end the following:
       ``(8) Whoever knowingly violates section 922(a)(1)(A) or 
     932 shall be fined under this title, imprisoned not more than 
     10 years, or both.''.

     SEC. 204. FIREARMS SUBJECT TO FORFEITURE.

       Section 924(d) of title 18, United States Code, is 
     amended--
       (1) in paragraph (1), by inserting ``or 932'' after 
     ``section 924''; and
       (2) in paragraph (3)--
       (A) in subparagraph (E), by striking ``and'' at the end;
       (B) in subparagraph (F), by striking the period at the end 
     and inserting ``; and''; and
       (C) by adding at the end the following:
       ``(G) any offense under section 932.''.

                    TITLE III--UNTRACEABLE FIREARMS

     SEC. 301. REQUIREMENT THAT ALL FIREARMS BE TRACEABLE.

       (a) Definitions.--Section 921(a) of title 18, United States 
     Code, as amended by this Act, is further amended--
       (1) in paragraph (10), by adding at the end the following: 
     ``The term `manufacturing firearms' shall include assembling 
     a functional firearm or molding, machining, or 3D printing a

[[Page H5365]]

     frame or receiver, and shall not include making or fitting 
     special barrels, stocks, or trigger mechanisms to 
     firearms.''; and
       (2) by adding at the end the following:
       ``(38) The term `ghost gun'--
       ``(A) means a firearm, including a frame or receiver, that 
     lacks a unique serial number engraved or cast on the frame or 
     receiver by a licensed manufacturer or importer in accordance 
     with this chapter; and
       ``(B) does not include--
       ``(i) a firearm that has been rendered permanently 
     inoperable;
       ``(ii) a firearm that, not later than 30 months after the 
     date of enactment of this paragraph, has been identified by 
     means of a unique serial number, assigned by a State agency, 
     engraved or cast on the receiver or frame of the firearm in 
     accordance with State law;
       ``(iii) a firearm manufactured or imported before December 
     16, 1968; or
       ``(iv) a firearm identified as provided for under section 
     5842 of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986.
       ``(39) The term `fire control component'--
       ``(A) means a component necessary for the firearm to 
     initiate or complete the firing sequence; and
       ``(B) includes a hammer, bolt or breechblock, cylinder, 
     trigger mechanism, firing pin, striker, and slide rails.
       ``(40)(A) The term `frame or receiver'--
       ``(i) means a part of a weapon that provides or is intended 
     to provide the housing or structure to hold or integrate 1 or 
     more fire control components, even if pins or other 
     attachments are required to connect those components to the 
     housing or structure;
       ``(ii) includes a frame or receiver, blank, casting, or 
     machined body, that requires modification, including 
     machining, drilling, filing or molding, to be used as part of 
     a functional firearm, and which is designed and intended to 
     be used in the assembly of a functional firearm, unless the 
     piece of material has had--
       ``(I) its size or external shape altered solely to 
     facilitate transportation or storage; or
       ``(II) solely its chemical composition altered.
       ``(B) For purposes of subparagraph (A)(i), if a weapon with 
     more than 1 part that provides the housing or a structure 
     designed to hold or integrate 1 or more fire control or 
     essential components, each such part shall be considered a 
     frame or receiver, unless the Attorney General has provided 
     otherwise by regulation or other formal determination with 
     respect to the specific make and model of weapon on or before 
     January 1, 2023.''.
       (b) Prohibition; Requirements.--Section 922 of title 18, 
     United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the 
     following:
       ``(aa)(1)(A) Except as provided in subparagraph (B), it 
     shall be unlawful for any person to manufacture, sell, offer 
     to sell, transfer, purchase, or receive a ghost gun in or 
     affecting interstate or foreign commerce.
       ``(B) Subparagraph (A) shall not apply to--
       ``(i) the manufacture of a firearm by a licensed 
     manufacturer if the licensed manufacturer complies with 
     section 923(i) before selling or transferring the firearm to 
     another person;
       ``(ii) the offer to sell, sale, or transfer of a firearm 
     to, or purchase or receipt of a firearm by, a licensed 
     manufacturer or importer before the date that is 30 months 
     after the date of enactment of this subsection; or
       ``(iii) transactions between licensed manufacturers and 
     importers on any date.
       ``(2) It shall be unlawful for a person other than a 
     licensed manufacturer or importer to engrave or cast a serial 
     number on a firearm in or affecting interstate or foreign 
     commerce unless specifically authorized by the Attorney 
     General.
       ``(3) Beginning on the date that is 30 months after the 
     date of enactment of this subsection, it shall be unlawful 
     for any person other than a licensed manufacturer or importer 
     to knowingly possess a ghost gun in or affecting interstate 
     or foreign commerce.
       ``(4) Beginning on the date that is 30 months after the 
     date of enactment of this subsection, it shall be unlawful 
     for any person other than a licensed manufacturer or importer 
     to possess a ghost gun in or affecting interstate or foreign 
     commerce with the intent to sell or transfer the ghost gun 
     with or without further manufacturing or to manufacture a 
     firearm with the ghost gun.
       ``(5)(A) It shall be unlawful for any person to sell, offer 
     to sell, or transfer, in or affecting interstate or foreign 
     commerce, to any person other than a licensed manufacturer a 
     machine that has the sole or primary function of 
     manufacturing firearms.
       ``(B) Except as provided in subparagraph (A), beginning on 
     the date that is 180 days after the date of enactment of this 
     subsection, it shall be unlawful for any person other than a 
     licensed manufacturer to possess, purchase, or receive, in or 
     affecting interstate or foreign commerce, a machine that has 
     the sole or primary function of manufacturing firearms.
       ``(C) Subparagraph (B) shall not apply to a person who is 
     engaged in the business of selling manufacturing equipment to 
     a licensed manufacturer who possesses a machine with the 
     intent to sell or transfer the machine to a licensed 
     manufacturer.''.
       (c) Requirements.--
       (1) Removal of serial numbers.--Section 922(k) of title 18, 
     United States Code, is amended--
       (A) by striking ``importer's or manufacturer's'' each place 
     it appears; and
       (B) by inserting ``authorized by this chapter or under 
     State law'' before ``removed'' each place it appears.
       (2) Licensed importers and manufacturers.--Section 923(i) 
     of title 18, United States Code, is amended--
       (A) by inserting ``(1)(A)'' before ``Licensed''; and
       (B) by adding at the end the following: ``The serial number 
     shall be engraved or cast on the frame or receiver in a 
     manner sufficient to identify the firearm and the 
     manufacturer or importer that put the serial number on the 
     firearm.
       ``(2)(A) Not later than 180 days after the date of 
     enactment of this paragraph, the Attorney General shall 
     prescribe regulations for engraving a unique serial number 
     onto a ghost gun.
       ``(B) The regulations prescribed under subparagraph (A) 
     shall--
       ``(i) allow an owner of a firearm described in subparagraph 
     (A) to have a unique serial number engraved on the firearm by 
     a licensed manufacturer or importer; and
       ``(ii) require that a serial number be engraved on the 
     frame or receiver in a manner sufficient to identify the 
     firearm and the licensed manufacturer or importer that put 
     the serial number on the firearm.
       ``(C) The regulations authorized under this paragraph shall 
     expire on the date that is 30 months after the date of 
     enactment of this paragraph.''.
       (d) Penalties.--Section 924 of title 18, United States 
     Code, is amended--
       (1) in subsection (a)(1)(B), by striking ``or (q)'' and 
     inserting ``(q), (aa)(1), (aa)(2), (aa)(4), or (aa)(5)'';
       (2) in subsection (c)
       (A) in paragraph (1)--
       (i) in subparagraph (A), in the matter preceding clause 
     (i), by inserting ``functional'' before ``firearm'' each 
     place it appears;
       (ii) in subparagraph (B), in the matter preceding clause 
     (i), by inserting ``functional'' before ``firearm''; and
       (iii) in subparagraph (D)(ii), by inserting ``functional'' 
     before ``firearm''; and
       (B) in paragraph (4), by striking ``all or part of the 
     firearm'' and all that follows through ``person.'' and 
     inserting the following: ``all or part of the functional 
     firearm, or otherwise make the presence of the functional 
     firearm known to another person, in order to intimidate that 
     person, regardless of whether the functional firearm is 
     directly visible to that person.'';
       (3) in subsection (d)(1), by striking ``or (k)'' and 
     inserting ``(k), (aa)(1), (aa)(2), (aa)(4), or (aa)(5)'';
       (4) in subsection (e)(1), by inserting ``through the 
     possession of a functional firearm'' before ``and has 
     three''; and
       (5) by adding at the end the following:
       ``(q) A person who violates section 922(aa)(3) shall--
       ``(1) in the case of the first violation by the person, be 
     fined under this title, imprisoned not more than 1 year, or 
     both; or
       ``(2) in the case of any subsequent violation by the 
     person, be fined under this title, imprisoned not more than 5 
     years, or both.''.

     SEC. 302. MODERNIZATION OF THE PROHIBITION ON UNDETECTABLE 
                   FIREARMS.

       Section 922(p) of title 18, United States Code, is 
     amended--
       (1) in paragraph (1)--
       (A) in the matter preceding subparagraph (A), by striking 
     ``any firearm'';
       (B) by amending subparagraph (A) to read as follows:
       ``(A) an undetectable firearm; or''; and
       (C) in subparagraph (B), by striking ``any major component 
     of which, when subjected to inspection by the types of x-ray 
     machines commonly used at airports, does not generate'' and 
     inserting the following: ``a major component of a firearm 
     which, if subjected to inspection by the types of detection 
     devices commonly used at airports for security screening, 
     would not generate'';
       (2) in paragraph (2)--
       (A) by amending subparagraph (A) to read as follows:
       ``(A) the term `undetectable firearm' means a firearm, as 
     defined in section 921(a)(3)(A), of which no major component 
     is wholly made of detectable material;'';
       (B) by striking subparagraph (B) and inserting the 
     following:
       ``(B) the term `major component', with respect to a 
     firearm--
       ``(i) means the slide or cylinder or the frame or receiver 
     of the firearm; and
       ``(ii) in the case of a rifle or shotgun, includes the 
     barrel of the firearm; and''; and
       (C) by striking subparagraph (C) and all that follows 
     through the end of the undesignated matter following 
     subparagraph (C) and inserting the following:
       ``(C) the term `detectable material' means any material 
     that creates a magnetic field equivalent to or more than 3.7 
     ounces of 17-4 pH stainless steel.'';
       (3) in paragraph (3)--
       (A) in the first sentence, by inserting ``, including a 
     prototype,'' after ``of a firearm''; and
       (B) by striking the second sentence; and
       (4) in paragraph (5), by striking ``shall not apply to any 
     firearm which'' and all that follows and inserting the 
     following: ``shall not apply to--
       ``(A) any firearm received by, in the possession of, or 
     under the control of the United States; or
       ``(B) the manufacture, importation, possession, transfer, 
     receipt, shipment, or delivery of a firearm by a licensed 
     manufacturer or licensed importer pursuant to a contract with 
     the United States.''.

                         TITLE IV--SAFE STORAGE

     SEC. 401. ETHAN'S LAW.

       (a) Secure Gun Storage or Safety Device.--Section 922(z) of 
     title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding at the end 
     the following:
       ``(4) Secure gun storage by owners.--
       ``(A) Offense.--
       ``(i) In general.--Except as provided in clause (ii), it 
     shall be unlawful for a person to store or keep any firearm 
     that has moved in, or that has otherwise affected, interstate 
     or foreign

[[Page H5366]]

     commerce on the premises of a residence under the control of 
     the person if the person knows, or reasonably should know, 
     that--

       ``(I) a minor is likely to gain access to the firearm 
     without the permission of the parent or guardian of the 
     minor; or
       ``(II) a resident of the residence is ineligible to possess 
     a firearm under Federal, State, or local law.

       ``(ii) Exception.--Clause (i) shall not apply to a person 
     if--

       ``(I) the person--

       ``(aa) keeps the firearm--
       ``(AA) secure using a secure gun storage or safety device; 
     or
       ``(BB) in a location which a reasonable person would 
     believe to be secure; or
       ``(bb) carries the firearm on his or her person or within 
     such close proximity thereto that the person can retrieve and 
     use the firearm as readily as if the person carried the 
     firearm on his or her person; or

       ``(II) another individual unlawfully enters the premises 
     under the control of the person and thereby gains access to 
     the firearm.

       ``(B) Penalty.--
       ``(i) In general.--Except as otherwise provided in this 
     subparagraph, any person who violates subparagraph (A) shall 
     be fined $500 per violation.
       ``(ii) Forfeiture of improperly stored firearm.--Any 
     firearm stored in violation of subparagraph (A) shall be 
     subject to seizure and forfeiture in accordance with the 
     procedures described in section 924(d).
       ``(C) Minor defined.--In this paragraph, the term `minor' 
     means an individual who has not attained 18 years of age.''.
       (b) Firearm Safe Storage Program.--Title I of the Omnibus 
     Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968 (34 U.S.C. 10101 
     et seq.) is amended by adding at the end the following:

                ``PART PP--FIREARM SAFE STORAGE PROGRAM

     ``SEC. 3061. FIREARM SAFE STORAGE PROGRAM.

       ``(a) In General.--The Assistant Attorney General shall 
     make grants to an eligible State or Indian Tribe to assist 
     the State or Indian Tribe in carrying out the provisions of 
     any State or Tribal law that is functionally identical to 
     section 922(z)(4) of title 18, United States Code.
       ``(b) Eligible State or Indian Tribe.--
       ``(1) In general.--Except as provided in paragraph (2), a 
     State or Indian Tribe shall be eligible to receive grants 
     under this section on and after the date on which the State 
     or Indian Tribe enacts legislation functionally identical to 
     section 922(z)(4) of title 18, United States Code.
       ``(2) First year eligibility exception.--
       ``(A) In general.--A covered State or Indian Tribe shall be 
     eligible to receive a grant under this section during the 1-
     year period beginning on the date of enactment of this part.
       ``(B) Covered state or indian tribe.--In this paragraph, 
     the term `covered State or Indian Tribe' means a State or 
     Indian Tribe that, before the date of enactment of this part, 
     enacted legislation that is functionally identical to section 
     922(z)(4) of title 18, United States Code.
       ``(c) Use of Funds.--Funds awarded under this section may 
     be used by a State or Indian Tribe to assist law enforcement 
     agencies or the courts of the State or Indian Tribe in 
     enforcing and otherwise facilitating compliance with any 
     State law functionally identical to section 922(z)(4), of 
     title 18, United States Code.
       ``(d) Application.--An eligible State or Indian Tribe 
     desiring a grant under this section shall submit to the 
     Assistant Attorney General an application at such time, in 
     such manner, and containing or accompanied by such 
     information, as the Assistant Attorney General may reasonably 
     require.
       ``(e) Incentives.--For each of fiscal years 2023 through 
     2027, the Attorney General shall give affirmative preference 
     to all Bureau of Justice Assistance discretionary grant 
     applications of a State or Indian Tribe that has enacted 
     legislation functionally identical to section 922(z)(4) of 
     title 18, United States Code.''.

     SEC. 402. SAFE GUNS, SAFE KIDS.

       Paragraph (4)(B) of section 922(z) of title 18, United 
     States Code, as added by this Act, is amended by adding at 
     the end the following:
       ``(iii) Enhanced penalty.--If a person violates 
     subparagraph (A) and a minor or a resident who is ineligible 
     to possess a firearm under Federal, State, or local law 
     obtains the firearm and causes injury or death to such minor, 
     resident, or any other individual, the person shall be fined 
     under this title, imprisoned for not more than 5 years, or 
     both.''.

     SEC. 403. KIMBERLY VAUGHAN FIREARM SAFE STORAGE.

       (a) Best Practices for Safe Firearm Storage.--
       (1) Establishment.--
       (A) In general.--
       (i) Not later than 180 days after the enactment of this 
     Act, the Attorney General shall establish voluntary best 
     practices relating to safe firearm storage solely for the 
     purpose of public education.
       (ii) The Attorney General shall give not less than ninety 
     days public notice, and shall afford interested parties 
     opportunity for hearing, before establishing such best 
     practices.
       (B) Requirements.--In establishing the best practices 
     required under subparagraph (A), the Attorney General shall 
     outline such best practices for preventing firearm loss, 
     theft, and other unauthorized access for the following 
     locations:
       (i) Businesses.
       (ii) Vehicles.
       (iii) Private homes.
       (iv) Off-site storage facilities.
       (v) Any other such place the Attorney General deems 
     appropriate to provide such guidance.
       (C) Publication.--Not later than 1 year after the enactment 
     of this Act, the Attorney General shall publish, in print and 
     on a public website, the best practices created pursuant to 
     subparagraph (A) and shall review such best practices and 
     update them not less than annually.
       (b) Promotion of Safe Firearm Storage.--
       (1) In general.--Section 923 of title 18, United States 
     Code, is amended by adding at the end the following:
       ``(m) Beginning on January 1, 2025, licensed manufacturers 
     and licensed importers that serialize not less than 250 
     firearms annually pursuant to subsection (i) shall provide a 
     clear and conspicuous written notice with each manufactured 
     or imported handgun, rifle, or shotgun that--
       ``(1) is attached or adhered to, or appears on or within 
     any packaging of, each handgun, rifle, or shotgun; and
       ``(2) states `SAFE STORAGE SAVES LIVES' followed by the 
     address of the public website established by the Attorney 
     General pursuant to section 403(a) of the Protecting Our Kids 
     Act.''.
       (c) Safe Storage Devices for All Firearm Sales.--
       (1) In general.--Section 922(z) of title 18, United States 
     Code, is amended by striking ``handgun'' each place it 
     appears and inserting ``handgun, rifle, or shotgun''.
       (2) Effective date.--This section and the amendments made 
     by this section shall take effect on the date that is 180 
     days after the enactment of this Act.
       (d) Kimberly Vaughan Safe Firearm Storage Grant Program.--
     Part PP of title I of the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe 
     Streets Act of 1968 (34 U.S.C. 10101 et seq.), as added by 
     this Act, is amended by adding at the end the following:

     ``SEC. 3062. KIMBERLY VAUGHAN FIREARM SAFE STORAGE GRANT 
                   PROGRAM.

       ``(a) Authorization.--The Attorney General may award grants 
     to States and Indian Tribes for the development, 
     implementation, and evaluation of Safe Firearm Storage 
     Assistance Programs.
       ``(b) Application Requirements.--Each applicant for a grant 
     under this section shall--
       ``(1) submit to the Attorney General an application at such 
     time, in such a manner, and containing such information as 
     the Attorney General may require; and
       ``(2) to the extent practicable, identify State, local, 
     Tribal, and private funds available to supplement the funds 
     received under this section.
       ``(c) Reporting Requirement.--
       ``(1) Grantee report.--A recipient of a grant under this 
     section shall submit to the Attorney General an annual 
     report, which includes the following information:
       ``(A) The amount distributed to each Safe Firearm Storage 
     Assistance Program in the jurisdiction.
       ``(B) The number of safe firearm storage devices 
     distributed by each such Safe Firearm Storage Assistance 
     Program.
     A recipient of a grant under this section may not include any 
     personally identifying information of recipients of safe 
     firearms storage devices pursuant to a Safe Firearm Storage 
     Assistance Program that received funding pursuant to this 
     section.
       ``(2) Attorney general report.--Beginning 13 months after 
     the first grants are awarded under this section, and annually 
     thereafter, the Attorney General shall submit to Congress a 
     report, which shall include following information:
       ``(A) A list of grant recipients during the previous year, 
     including the funds awarded, cumulatively and disaggregated 
     by grantee.
       ``(B) The information collected pursuant to subsection 
     (d)(1).
       ``(d) Authorization of Appropriations.--There is authorized 
     to be appropriated to the Attorney General to carry out this 
     section $10,000,000 for each of fiscal years 2023 through 
     2033, to remain available until expended.
       ``(e) Use of Funds.--Funds awarded under this section shall 
     be allocated as follows:
       ``(1) Not less than 75 percent of the funds received by a 
     grantee shall be used to create or to provide resources for 
     Safe Firearm Storage Assistance Programs in the jurisdiction.
       ``(2) Not more than 25 percent of the funds received by a 
     grantee may be made available to nonprofit organizations to 
     partner with units of local government to purchase and 
     distribute safe firearm storage devices.
       ``(f) Definitions.--For purposes of this section:
       ``(1) The term `safe firearm storage device' means a device 
     that is--
       ``(A) designed and marketed for the principal purpose of 
     denying unauthorized access to, or rendering inoperable, a 
     firearm or ammunition; and
       ``(B) secured by a combination lock, key lock, or lock 
     based on biometric information which, once locked, is 
     incapable of being opened without the combination, key, or 
     biometric information, respectively.
       ``(2) The term `Safe Firearm Storage Assistance Program' 
     means a program--
       ``(A) carried out by a unit of local government or an 
     Indian tribe; and
       ``(B) solely for the purpose of acquiring and distributing 
     safe firearm storage devices to the public.''.

                TITLE V--CLOSING THE BUMP STOCK LOOPHOLE

     SEC. 501. BUMP STOCKS.

       (a) In General.--Section 5845 of the Internal Revenue Code 
     of 1986 is amended--
       (1) in subsection (a), by striking ``and (8) a destructive 
     device.'' and inserting ``(8) a destructive device; and (9) a 
     bump stock.''; and
       (2) by adding at the end the following new subsections:
       ``(n) Bump Stock.--The term `bump stock' means any of the 
     following:
       ``(1) Any manual, power-driven, or electronic device that 
     is designed such that when the device is attached to a 
     semiautomatic weapon, the

[[Page H5367]]

     device eliminates the need for the operator of a 
     semiautomatic weapon to make a separate movement for each 
     individual function of the trigger and--
       ``(A) materially increases the rate of fire of the 
     semiautomatic weapon, or
       ``(B) approximates the action or rate of fire of a 
     machinegun.
       ``(2) Any part or combination of parts that is designed and 
     functions to eliminate the need for the operator of a 
     semiautomatic weapon to make a separate movement for each 
     individual function of the trigger and--
       ``(A) materially increases the rate of fire of a 
     semiautomatic weapon, or
       ``(B) approximates the action or rate of fire of a 
     machinegun.
       ``(3) Any semiautomatic weapon that has been modified in 
     any way that eliminates the need for the operator of the 
     semiautomatic weapon to make a separate movement for each 
     individual function of the trigger and--
       ``(A) materially increases the rate of fire of the 
     semiautomatic weapon, or
       ``(B) approximates the action or rate of fire of a 
     machinegun.
       ``(o) Semiautomatic Weapon.--The term `semiautomatic 
     weapon' means any repeating weapon that--
       ``(1) utilizes a portion of the energy of a firing 
     cartridge or shell to extract the fired cartridge case or 
     shell casing and chamber the next round, and
       ``(2) requires a separate function of the trigger to fire 
     each cartridge or shell.''.
       (b) Amendments to Title 18, United States Code.--
       (1) Section 921(a) of title 18, United States Code, as 
     amended by this Act, is further amended--
       (A) in paragraph (3), by striking ``muffler or firearm 
     silencer'' and inserting ``muffler, firearm silencer, or bump 
     stock''; and
       (B) by adding at the end the following:
       ``(41) The term `bump stock' has the meaning given such 
     term in section 5845(n) of the National Firearms Act (26 
     U.S.C. 5845(n)).''.
       (2) Section 922 of title 18, United States Code, is 
     amended--
       (A) in each of subsections (a)(4) and (b)(4), by inserting 
     ``bump stock,'' before ``machinegun''; and
       (B) in subsection (o)(1) , by inserting ``or bump stock'' 
     before the period.

                     TITLE VI--KEEP AMERICANS SAFE

     SEC. 601. DEFINITIONS.

       Section 921(a) of title 18, United States Code, as amended 
     by this Act, is further amended by adding at the end the 
     following:
       ``(42) The term `large capacity ammunition feeding 
     device'--
       ``(A) means a magazine, belt, drum, feed strip, helical 
     feeding device, or similar device, including any such device 
     joined or coupled with another in any manner, that has an 
     overall capacity of, or that can be readily restored, 
     changed, or converted to accept, more than 15 rounds of 
     ammunition; and
       ``(B) does not include an attached tubular device designed 
     to accept, and capable of operating only with, .22 caliber 
     rimfire ammunition.
       ``(43) The term `qualified law enforcement officer' has the 
     meaning given the term in section 926B.''.

     SEC. 602. RESTRICTIONS ON LARGE CAPACITY AMMUNITION FEEDING 
                   DEVICES.

       (a) In General.--Section 922 of title 18, United States 
     Code, is amended by inserting after subsection (u) the 
     following:
       ``(v)(1) It shall be unlawful for a person to import, sell, 
     manufacture, transfer, or possess, in or affecting interstate 
     or foreign commerce, a large capacity ammunition feeding 
     device.
       ``(2) Paragraph (1) shall not apply to the possession of 
     any large capacity ammunition feeding device otherwise 
     lawfully possessed on or before the date of enactment of this 
     subsection.
       ``(3) Paragraph (1) shall not apply to--
       ``(A) the importation for, manufacture for, sale to, 
     transfer to, or possession by the United States or a 
     department or agency of the United States or a State or a 
     department, agency, or political subdivision of a State, or a 
     sale or transfer to or possession by a qualified law 
     enforcement officer employed by the United States or a 
     department or agency of the United States or a State or a 
     department, agency, or political subdivision of a State for 
     purposes of law enforcement (whether on or off-duty), or a 
     sale or transfer to or possession by a campus law enforcement 
     officer for purposes of law enforcement (whether on or off-
     duty);
       ``(B) the importation for, or sale or transfer to a 
     licensee under title I of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 (42 
     U.S.C. 2011 et seq.) for purposes of establishing and 
     maintaining an on-site physical protection system and 
     security organization required by Federal law, or possession 
     by an employee or contractor of such licensee on-site for 
     such purposes or off-site for purposes of licensee-authorized 
     training or transportation of nuclear materials;
       ``(C) the possession, by an individual who is retired in 
     good standing from service with a law enforcement agency and 
     is not otherwise prohibited from receiving ammunition, of a 
     large capacity ammunition feeding device--
       ``(i) sold or transferred to the individual by the agency 
     upon such retirement; or
       ``(ii) that the individual purchased, or otherwise 
     obtained, for official use before such retirement; or
       ``(D) the importation, sale, manufacture, transfer, or 
     possession of any large capacity ammunition feeding device by 
     a licensed manufacturer or licensed importer for the purposes 
     of testing or experimentation authorized by the Attorney 
     General.
       ``(4) For purposes of paragraph (3)(A), the term `campus 
     law enforcement officer' means an individual who is--
       ``(A) employed by a private institution of higher education 
     that is eligible for funding under title IV of the Higher 
     Education Act of 1965 (20 U.S.C. 1070 et seq.);
       ``(B) responsible for the prevention or investigation of 
     crime involving injury to persons or property, including 
     apprehension or detention of persons for such crimes;
       ``(C) authorized by Federal, State, or local law to carry a 
     firearm, execute search warrants, and make arrests; and
       ``(D) recognized, commissioned, or certified by a 
     government entity as a law enforcement officer.''.
       (b) Identification Markings for Large Capacity Ammunition 
     Feeding Devices.--Section 923(i) of title 18, United States 
     Code, as amended by this Act, is further amended by inserting 
     after subparagraph (A) of paragraph (1) the following:
       ``(B) A large capacity ammunition feeding device 
     manufactured after the date of enactment of this subparagraph 
     shall be identified by a serial number and the date on which 
     the device was manufactured or made, legibly and 
     conspicuously engraved or cast on the device, and such other 
     identification as the Attorney General shall by regulations 
     prescribe.''.
       (c) Seizure and Forfeiture of Large Capacity Ammunition 
     Feeding Devices.--Section 924(d) of title 18, United States 
     Code, as amended by this Act, is further amended--
       (1) in paragraph (1)--
       (A) in the first sentence--
       (i) by striking ``Any firearm or ammunition involved in'' 
     and inserting ``Any firearm or ammunition or large capacity 
     ammunition feeding device involved in'';
       (ii) by inserting ``(v),'' after ``(k),''; and
       (iii) by striking ``any firearm or ammunition intended'' 
     and inserting ``any firearm or ammunition or large capacity 
     ammunition feeding device intended''; and
       (B) by inserting ``or large capacity ammunition feeding 
     device'' after ``firearms or ammunition'' each place the term 
     appears;
       (2) in paragraph (2)--
       (A) in subparagraph (A), by inserting ``or large capacity 
     ammunition feeding device'' after ``firearms or ammunition''; 
     and
       (B) in subparagraph (C), by inserting ``or large capacity 
     ammunition feeding devices'' after ``firearms or quantities 
     of ammunition''; and
       (3) in paragraph (3)(E), by inserting ``922(v),'' after 
     ``922(n),''.

     SEC. 603. PENALTIES.

       Section 924(a)(1)(B) of title 18, United States Code, as 
     amended by this Act, is further amended by inserting ``(v),'' 
     after ``(q),''.

     SEC. 604. USE OF BYRNE GRANTS FOR BUY-BACK PROGRAMS FOR LARGE 
                   CAPACITY AMMUNITION FEEDING DEVICES.

       Section 501(a)(1) of title I of the Omnibus Crime Control 
     and Safe Streets Act of 1968 (34 U.S.C. 10152(a)(1)) is 
     amended by adding at the end the following:
       ``(I) Compensation for surrendered large capacity 
     ammunition feeding devices, as that term is defined in 
     section 921 of title 18, United States Code, under buy-back 
     programs for large capacity ammunition feeding devices.''.

                        TITLE VII--MISCELLANEOUS

     SEC. 701. NICS REPORT.

       Not later than 1 year after the date of enactment of this 
     Act, and annually thereafter, the Attorney General shall 
     submit to the Committee on the Judiciary of the Senate and 
     the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of 
     Representatives a report that includes, with respect to the 
     preceding year, the demographic data of persons who were 
     determined to be ineligible to purchase a firearm based on a 
     background check performed by the National Instant Criminal 
     Background Check System, including race, ethnicity, national 
     origin, sex, gender, age, disability, average annual income, 
     and English language proficiency, if available.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The bill, as amended, shall be debatable for 
2 hours, equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking 
minority member of the Committee on the Judiciary or their respective 
designees.
  The gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler), and the gentleman from Ohio 
(Mr. Jordan), will each control 1 hour.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York.


                             General Leave

  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks 
and insert extraneous material on H.R. 7910.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from New York?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Pelosi), the distinguished Speaker of the House.
  Ms. PELOSI. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I 
commend him for his leadership in bringing this important legislation 
to the floor. Protecting our kids; what could be more important than 
that? I thank the gentleman for channeling the ideas and enthusiasms of 
so many Members on both sides of the aisle as he brings this bipartisan 
legislation to the floor.
  I thank Mr. Nadler for his leadership, and I thank the task force led 
by Mr.   Mike Thompson of California for

[[Page H5368]]

his important work advancing the background check partisan legislation, 
as well as Mr. Clyburn for his legislation that is already over on the 
Senate side.
  Madam Speaker, but today, we are doing more. Today, we were called to 
action by our colleague, Lucy McBath, who told us that today we must 
make history to protect the children, and we are going to make history 
by making progress.
  So I thank all of our Members, so many Members who have been so 
important to this legislation. I thank them on behalf of the courageous 
survivors of gun violence who have spoken out, out of respect for those 
who lost their lives and with appreciation for the gravity of this 
issue that we come to be on this floor.
  Madam Speaker, as the families from Buffalo to Uvalde bury their 
loved ones, even more communities have been hit by gun violence. Just 
last weekend, Americans watched in horror as at least 13 mass shootings 
unfolded across the country: from Philadelphia to Chattanooga to 
Phoenix to Grand Rapids.
  As the data shows, the challenge of gun violence goes much further 
than these mass killings. Every night on our streets, Americans are 
being killed in gun crimes. And every day, our Nation loses Americans 
to suicides and accidents. This is a tragic daily massacre, which 
rarely makes the headlines or the evening news, but it is there.
  So here we are, for the children. When those who were advocating gun 
violence or perpetrating it went into the classrooms, they crossed a 
line. It is terrible the gun violence that we have had in our country. 
But that they would go into Newtown and shoot little children who are 
barely out of diapers; and again now in Texas, these beautiful children 
in elementary school, and everything that happened in between, it was 
an assault on the culture of our country that our children would not be 
able to go to school without fear or concern about their safety.
  Our children are, as President Kennedy said, our greatest resource 
and our best hope for the future. They are our precious treasure. 
Everything we do is for the children. And for the children, we must 
stop this gun violence in our country and restore their confidence in 
their safety, wherever they may be. So we are on a crusade for the 
children, and sadly now, by the children.
  Children testifying in committee. Children coming to events. Last 
week, I had a 5th grader come to a Wear Orange rally that we had in 
California, where she said she lost both her mother and her father in 
separate gun violence incidents. In 5th grade, speaking at the podium 
so courageously. Children turning their grief, their experience now, 
not just--it would be enough to end the violence of losing a loved one, 
but to witness it and be a victim of it in the classroom. A crusade for 
the children by the children and of the children in terms of our 
motivation to stop this for our precious children.
  Indeed, America had lost more children from gun violence than any 
other cause.
  Does that embarrass you to think that in our country more children 
have died from gun violence than any other cause?
  These stories are tragically all too common in America today. 
Countless more than those who died are forever changed by the horrors 
of gun violence that they saw firsthand or that they experienced in 
their families.
  It is sickening that our children are forced to live in this constant 
fear. And make no mistake, these gunmen who choose to shoot at innocent 
children are desecrating, again, our culture--a culture where all of 
us, all of our kids must and should feel safe, whether it is in school, 
in church, the movies, or any other place.
  Madam Speaker, protecting our children can and must be a unifying 
mission for our Nation because they are our, as I said, our national 
treasure. That is why, under the unyielding leadership of our chairman, 
Mr. Nadler, the House will pass the Protecting Our Kids Act today. This 
bold package includes commonsense measures that will make an enormous 
difference to save lives.
  Who wouldn't vote to raise the age from 18 to 21 for a person to have 
a weapon of war?
  Who wouldn't vote to raise the age to take weapons of war out of the 
hands of teenagers?
  Who wouldn't vote to get illegal guns off of our streets by cracking 
down on gun trafficking which is a danger to people but also to law 
enforcement?
  Who wouldn't vote for background checks on ghost gun purchases which 
our law enforcement tells us is a major concern out there?
  Who wouldn't vote to protect children from stolen weapons or 
accidental shootings with safe storage requirements?

  Who wouldn't vote to ban bump stocks--that was President Trump's 
executive order--bump stocks from civilian use or outlawing high-
capacity magazines designed for massacres not for killing varmints.
  These measures will not only help stem the tide of mass murder but 
address the equally urgent and wide range of daily gun deaths. Let us 
salute the many Members who have worked persistently to craft this 
strong legislation, written to earn bipartisan support that the 
American people expect and deserve.
  Today's package is just one step in the House's relentless fight to 
stop the bloodshed. Our Democratic majority, as I mentioned earlier, 
has twice passed the Bipartisan Background Checks Act and the Enhanced 
Background Checks Act, which together would put our Nation on a path 
toward universal background checks.
  Tomorrow, thanks again to Congresswoman McBath and Congressman 
Carbajal, we will pass the Federal Extreme Risk Protection Act, 
otherwise known as the Red Flag Act. This will help keep guns out of 
the hands of those who pose a threat to themselves or others.
  Soon, we will vote for Mr. Cicilline's Active Shooter Alert Act to 
create an AMBER alert-style notification during a mass shooting, a 
measure widely supported by law enforcement.
  And the House will continue to consider additional actions we can 
take that have a proven record of saving lives. When I talk about these 
different things, people say, well, what difference is that going to 
make?
  Well, the cumulative effect is a big one. We know there are 
negotiations going on in the Senate and we are prayerful, we are 
prayerful about those. Hopefully, we can make some advancement.
  Because for all of us who have met again and again and again with the 
survivors of gun violence, some coming time and again to check up on 
what is happening, others new to that horrible club that none of us 
wants to be a member of, they just want something to happen.

                              {time}  1445

  Years ago, when I met with the survivors of Pulse, I said: What can 
we do to be of comfort to you? They said: Just make sure it doesn't 
happen to someone else.
  That is what they said. They didn't say: I need this; I need that. 
They said: Just make sure it doesn't happen to someone else.
  Right now, in the eyes of survivors and indeed all Americans, their 
eyes are on us in the Congress to see whether we have the courage, the 
commitment, and the conviction to protect the children.
  For some in Congress, a moment of silence is good enough for them, a 
moment of silence. As Mr. Higgins said when he talked about Buffalo, a 
moment of silence now, but action after. Now, we are taking that 
action.
  So many of our colleagues have talked about incidents in their 
district, personal experiences shared by people who have been victims 
of gun violence. Mr. Espaillat talked about what happened in his 
district.
  Again, so many of you have come speaking of the horror of it all, and 
every time it happens, it is as if it has happened for the first time 
because the horror is so fresh. But it is not the first time for the 
victims who have to relive so much of the experience.
  To those who a moment of silence is good enough because you don't 
have the courage to take a vote to protect the children, I would say 
your political survival is totally insignificant compared to the 
survival of our children.
  I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to come together with 
a strong ``aye'' vote on all the provisions

[[Page H5369]]

in the bill for the final package and to do so as part of a crusade of, 
by, and for the children. I urge an ``aye'' vote on the Protecting Our 
Kids legislation.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  What happened in Uvalde, Buffalo, and Tulsa is as wrong as wrong 
could be, and our hearts go out to those communities and those families 
who have been impacted in such a terrible way. The answer is not to 
destroy the Second Amendment, but that is exactly where the Democrats 
want to go.
  Don't take my word for it. Just look at what they said. The President 
of the United States said last week that he wants to get rid of the 
most popular handgun in the country. Michael Moore, a Democrat--not a 
Member of Congress but a Democrat--said it is time to repeal the Second 
Amendment.
  During our 10-hour markup last Thursday in the committee hearing, 
Representative Jackson Lee said if this bill passes, we are not 
finished. Representative Jones said if this bill doesn't pass, we will 
end the filibuster; we will expand the Supreme Court; we will do 
whatever it takes to get law-abiding citizens' guns.
  Today, we have this hodgepodge of six bills thrown together. Many of 
the elements in these bills are unconstitutional. Even the Ninth 
Circuit has said it is unconstitutional what they want to do on the age 
limit. These bills would say when you can buy a firearm, what kind of 
firearm you can get, and where and how you have to store that firearm 
in your own darn home.
  Of course, tomorrow, they are bringing the so-called red flag law to 
the floor. Someone who doesn't like you can file a complaint. Within 24 
hours, there is a hearing that you are not allowed to be at--you can't 
confront your accuser--and they can take away your Second Amendment 
liberty. That is the bill they are going to pass tomorrow.
  Frankly, this shouldn't surprise us. For 18 months, Democrats have 
assaulted the First Amendment. It shouldn't surprise us now that they 
are coming after the Second. Every right we enjoy as Americans under 
the First Amendment--your right to practice your faith, your right to 
assemble, your right to petition your government, freedom of the 
press--heck, some of them call for outlawing certain networks.
  And freedom of speech, just a few weeks ago, the Biden administration 
tried to put together the Disinformation Governance Board. Oh, my 
goodness.
  The attacks on the First Amendment have been sustained. They have 
been going on for 18 months, and now here they come, going after law-
abiding citizens' Second Amendment liberties.
  The Speaker started by saying this bill is about protecting our kids. 
That is important. Sure is. That is what she said, protecting our kids 
is important. Yes, it is. But this bill doesn't do it.
  What this bill does is takes away Second Amendment rights, God-given 
rights protected by our Constitution, from law-abiding American 
citizens. That is what this legislation does, and that is why we should 
oppose it.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Madam Speaker, our Nation has been through trying times these last 
few weeks as we have tried to process the mass shootings in Buffalo, 
Uvalde, Tulsa, and all too many other cities. Just this past weekend, 
we learned of yet another horrific incident in Philadelphia and yet 
more carnage in Tennessee, Arizona, Virginia, and South Carolina. And 
those are just the stories we saw in the news.
  Day after day, we see more lives lost to gun violence in our schools, 
on our streets, in our houses of worship, and in our homes, touching 
every region of the country. And we hear the urgent calls from our 
constituents crying out for us to take action. Today, we heed that 
call.
  H.R. 7910, the Protecting Our Kids Act, is comprehensive legislation 
to address the scourge of gun violence, a blight that killed nearly 
45,000 Americans in 2020 alone.
  It builds on the work of several of our colleagues, including:
  Anthony Brown's Raise the Age Act, which would raise the lawful age 
to purchase an AR-15 styled semiautomatic assault rifle from 18 to 21 
years old;
  Robin Kelly's Prevent Gun Trafficking Act, which would establish new 
Federal offenses for gun trafficking and straw purchasing;

    David Cicilline's Untraceable Firearms Act, which would ensure that 
ghost guns are subject to existing Federal firearms regulations;
  A trio of gun storage proposals--Rosa DeLauro's Ethan's Law, Elissa 
Slotkin's Safe Guns, Safe Kids Act, and Sheila Jackson Lee's Kimberly 
Vaughan Firearms Safe Storage Act--which would establish storage 
regulations that keep guns out of the hands of children and award 
grants for firearm storage assistance programs;
  Dina Titus' Closing the Bump Stock Loophole Act, which would build on 
existing regulations banning the manufacture, sale, or possession of 
bump stocks for civilian use;
  And Ted Deutch's Keep Americans Safe Act, which would ban the sale, 
manufacture, and illegal possession of gun magazines that hold more 
than 15 rounds of ammunition.
  I thank each of them for their contributions to this bill and for 
making this country safer for all Americans.
  Madam Speaker, all of us in this Chamber were shaken by the images of 
parents in Uvalde standing in line to match their DNA to the remains of 
their 9- and 10-year-old children, parents who should be picking up 
their children from school right now but who, instead, are picking up 
the pieces of their lives shattered by this unimaginable loss.
  But the question today is: Who among us will have the courage to do 
something about it? Who will be able to tell mothers and fathers that 
their children need not go to school in a fortress just to keep them 
safe? Who will be able to tell children that they did all they could 
today to ensure that their parents will return safely from the 
supermarket or their office or an evening out? Who will be able to tell 
their constituents that they stood with them and not with the gun 
lobby?
  Americans are watching. They are begging us to protect them and their 
loved ones from gun violence. Who among us will answer their call?
  I urge all of my colleagues to join me in supporting this Protecting 
Our Kids Act, and I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from 
Ohio (Mr. Chabot).
  Mr. CHABOT. Madam Speaker, this legislation represents an unfortunate 
missed opportunity. After witnessing the horrible tragedy that occurred 
at Robb Elementary School in Uvalde, Texas, we should be coming 
together and working in a bipartisan manner to take every 
constitutionally permissive step to make our schools safer and more 
secure and to protect our most valuable resources, our children.
  That is what we did after the tragic shooting in Parkland, Florida. 
Back in 2018, Congressman   John Rutherford, a former sheriff, led a 
bipartisan group of Members, myself included, in reauthorizing the COPS 
Secure Our Schools grant program. The legislation we passed increased 
Federal funding for school security and expanded the safety measures 
for which the money could be used.
  As a result, the Department of Justice announced over $125 million in 
grants last year to help improve security at local schools. Overall, it 
is a good program that will benefit millions of students and teachers, 
but there is always room for improvement.
  That is why we should be looking for ways to get more money to 
schools to increase security, but the legislation before us today 
contains nothing that will really help make our schools safer. In fact, 
efforts to add school security provisions to the bill were rejected by 
the majority.
  For example, during the Judiciary Committee markup, I offered an 
amendment to encourage the hiring of retired police officers and 
honorably discharged military personnel as school resource officers. 
After all, no one is better trained and better prepared to protect our 
schools. Unfortunately, the majority rejected this commonsense proposal 
to help improve safety and security at schools across the country.

[[Page H5370]]

  Then, at Rules Committee, I offered an amendment to allow unspent 
American Rescue Plan funds to be used on school security programs. 
Billions set aside for schools under that legislation hasn't been spent 
and could be lost forever if schools don't meet certain deadlines.
  While we do, or did, need to protect students and teachers from 
COVID, more children under 11 died at Robb Elementary in 1 hour than 
have died from COVID in the entire State of Texas this year. Yet, we 
have $100 billion--billion with a b--in unspent education funds to 
fight COVID while only $125 million--million with an m--available for 
school security.
  It seems logical that we should allow these unspent funds to be spent 
to protect our children and our teachers. The money could be used for 
metal detectors, to adopt security plans, to train school officials, to 
hire school resource officers, including, as I mentioned, retired 
police officers, and to help identify students with mental health 
issues and get those students the treatment that they need.

  Yet, this commonsense amendment, too, was rejected by the majority.
  Instead of school security measures, we, unfortunately, have a bill 
full of likely unconstitutional provisions that won't pass the Senate 
anyway.
  The crux of my argument against this legislation is the majority is 
acting quickly when they ought to be doing the right thing.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee), the cosponsor of the bill and 
a member of the Judiciary Committee.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, no 9-year-old should be sentenced to 
a death sentence. No grandmother shopping at a grocery store should get 
a death sentence. No mother who testified today should lose her son.
  Vicious gun violence that has no rhyme and no reason. Yes, I am 
excited about this historic moment. H.R. 7910, the Protecting Our Kids 
Act, is, in fact, a solution to horrible and vicious problems.
  It is clear, as I stand next to the children, they should not have 
died. As I stand next to those from Buffalo, they should not have died. 
As we know about those who were seeking medical care in Tulsa, they 
should not have died.
  I have no problem with saying that we build on this, and as Ronald 
Reagan said to us, he at the time saw no reason for an AK-47 to be used 
for hunting or defending one's home.
  Dr. Guerrero, a pediatrician, said that he raced to the hospital, and 
as he raced to the hospital, he found parents outside yelling 
children's names in desperation, sobbing as they begged for news of 
their related children. Or the mother who ran barefoot all the way to 
Robb Elementary School, begging and crying for a child. Or Miah, who 
had the wherewithal to watch as her teacher was shot dead, she marked 
herself with blood because she was attempting to save her life.
  These children, these Americans, our loved ones, this should not 
happen again. So, this bill that has a package of storage bills, that 
has a package of munitions, that deals with the age, deals with a 
number of items, trafficking, ghost guns, bump stocks, this is a way to 
go.

                              {time}  1500

  I hope, as we go in the future, we are not afraid of a 7-day waiting 
period or an assault weapon ban. This is the way to go.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield the gentlewoman an additional 15 
seconds.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, this is the way to go.
  I thank Chairman Thompson and Chairman Nadler.
  This is the way to go. Should they be given a death sentence? Where 
is the responsible gun owner that can stand with me and declare that 
they should live? You are out there.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has again 
expired.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, we need humanity and courage.
  Madam Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 7910, the ``Protecting Our 
Kids Act.''
  Our country is experiencing a crisis of gun violence. It is critical 
that Congress act now to protect our children and our communities by 
supporting H.R. 7910. This multifaceted legislation is a combination of 
humanity, courage, decency, and action.
  I traveled to Uvalde and listened to the grieving parents and 
families of children and teachers slaughtered at Robb Elementary. We 
can no longer standby idly as our children suffer such life-changing 
trauma.
  As I stand here today, I am reminded of the immortal words of the 
conscience of Congress, Representative John Lewis, following the 2016 
Pulse Nightclub massacre. He said:
  ``This is the fight. It is not an opinion. We must remove the 
blinders, the time for silence and patience is long gone.''
  He asked--``Where is the heart of this body? Where is our soul? Where 
is our moral leadership? Where is our courage?''
  Far too many have died by gunfire since Representative Lewis asked, 
``Are we blind?'' I ask this body today: Where is our courage? Are we 
still blind to this horror? What will it take for us to act?
  As a Texan, I understand how deeply guns are embedded in our culture. 
Though, I equally understand how our children are impacted by the 
presence of guns in our communities.
  My heart was touched by Kimberly Vaughan, a 14-year-old student, was 
the youngest victim to die along with eight schoolmates and two 
teachers, at Santa Fe High School in Texas in 2018. The shooter gained 
access to his father's shotgun and pistol, kept in a closet, to carry 
out the murders.
  To commemorate Kimberly Vaughan, I introduced a provision of H.R. 
7910 that expands the requires safe firearm storage devices to be made 
available at the point of sale--for both rifles and shotguns--which 
will train new gun owners on the value of safe storage and remind 
seasoned gun owners that safe storage goes hand-in-hand with 
responsible gun ownership.
  There are now more guns held legally and illegally in the U.S. than 
there are people. While gun violence touches every corner of America, 
Texas has suffered some of the deadliest mass shootings in history.
  Despite the escalating gun violence statistics, which have left 
innumerable families and communities broken and afraid, Congress has 
still failed to act.
  Instead, lawmakers in several states, including in my state of Texas, 
have reconvened after mass shootings to soften gun laws, most notably, 
passing permit-less carry legislation.
  I have been dismayed by those who repeatedly offer thoughts and 
prayers, then fail to act. Our top priority as lawmakers should be 
protecting our communities. Yet, we have relinquished that duty through 
inaction.
  Now is the time for action. We cannot wait any longer. I call upon 
each of my colleagues, on both the right and left, to muster your 
courage and join me in support of H.R. 7910--life-saving legislation, 
which represents the hard work of so many dedicated members of 
Congress.
  I thank House Judiciary Committee Chairman Nadler and Representative 
Mike Thompson, Chair of the Gun Violence Prevention Task Force, for 
working with me on this bill and recognizing the urgency and necessity 
of bringing it to the floor.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Gaetz).
  Mr. GAETZ. Madam Speaker, Speaker Pelosi tells us she is on a crusade 
for the children. Someone should maybe remind the Speaker the Crusades 
did not always end well when they were reflexively driven by emotion 
and riddled with poor planning.
  No, this is no crusade for the children. If it were, you wouldn't 
leave our children as sitting ducks in gun-free zones when they go to 
school every day.
  The Speaker says we need action. We are for action. How about the 
action of my bill to create a national stand-your-ground law to 
strengthen self-defense, or Richard Hudson's bill for national 
concealed carry, or any number of proposals Republicans have offered to 
unlock the safe and secure environment when we have our military 
veterans and our former members of law enforcement able to carry a 
firearm responsibly in schools to be able to respond to these acts of 
violence?
  No, their version of action is more gun control and raising the age 
to be able to buy certain firearms. Well, on November 25, 2021, a 
crazed lunatic with a knife broke into a home in El Paso and began 
assaulting a woman inside. The 20-year-old homeowner grabbed his rifle 
and killed the assailant. That is action.
  In 2017, in Sutherland Springs, Texas, a gunman open fired inside the 
First Baptist Church. A Good Samaritan grabbed his AR-15 and engaged 
the

[[Page H5371]]

shooter, stopping him from further carnage--a good use for an AR-15.
  In 2019, in Broken Arrow, Oklahoma, a 19-year-old killed three would-
be burglars who broke into his home.
  These situations happen every day. There would be more death and more 
bloodshed if we were to accept these proposals from the Democrats.
  The Second Amendment isn't about hunting or about self-defense; it is 
about power. It is about the power that is reserved in the citizenry to 
curate a balance so that Americans are not overrun by tyranny. Thank 
God we haven't had to use the Second Amendment for the purpose that 
some might have envisioned necessary when our Founders were creating 
the Constitution.
  That power belongs to the people, not to the Democrats trying to take 
their rights away.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Thompson), a cosponsor of the bill and the chairman of 
the Gun Violence Prevention Task Force.
  Mr. THOMPSON of California. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support 
of this bill, the Protecting Our Kids Act. I point out that every 
argument we have heard against it so far is nonsense.
  Every student deserves to feel safe in school, and every parent 
should know that their child is safe when they walk out of their house 
in the morning.
  After each mass shooting, too many people are content to offer their 
thoughts and prayers. The Protecting Our Kids Act is more than thoughts 
and prayers.
  I was proud to work on this bill with Chairman Nadler, Chairwoman 
Jackson Lee, and all of our colleagues who have contributed bills and 
input that have made this bill the important bill that it is.
  As a lifelong hunter, gun owner, and as a combat veteran, I believe 
in law-abiding citizens' ability and right to own firearms. As a gun 
owner, I believe that all responsible gun owners have that 
responsibility to support efforts to help keep our schools, streets, 
and communities safe from mass shootings and from the everyday gun 
violence that often goes unreported by the media.
  Each provision in this bill helps reduce gun violence, and it saves 
lives. Raising the age to buy an assault weapon saves lives. Limiting 
magazine capacity will limit the carnage of mass shootings, and it 
saves lives. Going after traffickers keeps guns out of the hands of 
people who shouldn't have them, and it saves lives. Safe storage helps 
reduce suicides and keeps kids safe at home and school, and it saves 
lives. The unregulated sales of bump stocks and ghost guns is tearing 
up our communities; regulating ghost guns and regulating bump stocks 
saves lives.
  This bill respects the Second Amendment while taking steps to protect 
our communities from the epidemic of gun violence. None of our careers 
are worth more than the lives of the children in this country. We need 
to pass this bill, and I hope we do it with strong bipartisan support.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, the previous speaker said ``nonsense.'' It 
is not nonsense to defend the Second Amendment. The Second Amendment 
protects our God-given right to protect ourselves, our family, our 
property, and our freedom. That is not nonsense. That is essential is 
what it is, and it is a critical part of the Constitution.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from North Carolina 
(Mr. Hudson).
  Mr. HUDSON. Madam Speaker, as the father of an elementary school 
child, I am devastated every time we have a school shooting. That is 
why identifying solutions to stop these tragedies is so important to 
me.
  There are only two significant gun safety bills to pass Congress 
recently. Both were Republican bills passed by a Republican majority 
and signed by a Republican President.
  The Democrats' mantra has been ``do something.'' My Republican 
colleagues and I know that the American people expect us to do 
something that matters.
  That is why I introduced H.R. 7966, the STOP II, Secure Every School 
and Protect our Nation's Children Act. It builds on the STOP School 
Violence Act signed into law in 2018 and redirects unused COVID-19 
funding to provide $1 billion to hire school resource officers, and it 
provides $1 billion to hire mental health guidance counselors.
  Our guidance counselors are wonderful, caring people who are 
stretched too thin. They may not always have the time they need to 
reach all the children who need help. There is $5 billion included to 
fund STOP School Violence programs that harden schools, expand active 
shooter training, and provide resources for law enforcement, school 
officials, and students to intervene before someone reaches a breaking 
point.

  Under my legislation, schools can also apply for threat assessments 
to identify weaknesses in security and in mental health services. A 
clearinghouse is also codified under Homeland Security to share best 
practices for school safety.
  My STOP II Act is one of 12 bills that House Republicans are bringing 
forward that actually solve problems and actually save lives, all 
without threatening the Second Amendment rights of law-abiding 
citizens. If gun control worked, Chicago would be one of the safest 
cities in America.
  My colleagues across the aisle have so far refused to work with us 
where there is common ground on this issue. They and the media know the 
bills we are considering today have no chance of becoming law.
  I ask my colleagues across the aisle to set aside this partisan 
agenda. Instead, help me to harden schools. Help me to intervene with 
students in a mental health crisis before they reach a breaking point.
  Imagine the impact if we had intervened and gotten the help that this 
young man in Uvalde needed before he dropped out of high school. Help 
me protect our children and teachers to make sure tragedies like this 
never happen again.
  Madam Speaker, if we adopt the motion to recommit, we will instruct 
the Committee on the Judiciary to consider my amendment to H.R. 7910 to 
provide needed resources to schools for safety and security and mental 
health intervention and counseling.
  Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of the 
amendment in the Record immediately prior to the vote on the motion to 
recommit.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from North Carolina?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Tennessee (Mr. Cohen), a member of the Judiciary Committee.
  Mr. COHEN. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this bill and 
would like to see a bill that is even stronger.
  There is no question that children--and that is what they are--should 
not be buying AR-15s before they are 21. In fact, I don't think they 
should be buying them at all. But until they are 21, they shouldn't be 
buying them.
  It has been proven scientifically that the male brain is not 
developed to a certain point to be trusted at that time with that type 
of weapon. Those are weapons of war. Those weapons tore apart those 
children, decapitated them, and made them unidentifiable. That was the 
purpose of those weapons, and that is what happened. There is no reason 
for that to occur.
  The opinion in 2008 that gave the right to carry a gun was not 
unlimited. It said you can have reasonable restrictions. That is what 
Justice Scalia said. These are reasonable restrictions.
  As far as my friend, Mr. Hudson, I have great respect for him. One of 
the teachers at Uvalde who was hit and lost all 11 children said: We 
trained. There is no training that can prepare you for this. There is 
nothing you can be prepared for.
  If you get more school counselors, does that help people in the movie 
theaters and in Columbine? No. Movie theaters, churches, grocery stores 
all need to be protected. This country is wild with guns, and we need 
to restrict them.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from 
Texas (Mr. Gohmert).
  Mr. GOHMERT. Madam Speaker, it has been difficult in debate last week 
and even today to be told that we have no courage. We were told in 
debate last week: We don't want to hear anymore about social media, 
violent video games, Hollywood, mental illness. And

[[Page H5372]]

they sure don't want to hear any more about prayers. They are disgusted 
hearing about prayers. They don't want to hear any more about 
fatherlessness and drug use.
  Maybe if we heard more prayers from leaders of this country instead 
of taking God's name in vain, we wouldn't have the mass killings like 
we didn't have before prayer was eliminated from school.
  It is not like we are not willing to consider the best way to stop 
mass shootings, but if you look at the plans being proposed in these 
bills, you can find these things in cities controlled by Democrats.
  If you look at the 16 cities that were hit with record homicide 
rates, they all had Democrats at the top controlling things: 
Philadelphia, 524 murders last year; Austin, Texas, had a record 88; 
Indianapolis, 258; Albuquerque, 107; Columbus, Ohio, 179; Jackson, 
Mississippi, 129; and Atlanta, Georgia, 150.
  If you look at the Speaker's own State--as this article by AWR 
Hawkins said this week, an FBI report on active shooter incidents in 
2021 shows California was the number one State for such incidents, with 
6 incidents out of the 12 that met the definition of mass killing.

  In California, universal background checks, assault weapons ban, 
high-capacity magazine ban, 10-day waiting period on gun purchases, red 
flag laws, gun registration requirements, good cause requirement for 
concealed carry--and what is the response we got in debate last week 
about? You ought to have due process. We are told: Oh, they get due 
process. Look at the bill.
  What the Democrats call due process is just like the January 6th 
Committee. It is not due process. It is not bipartisan. They have only 
one side that is heard at the hearing. The people, when they want to 
take away your gun, they don't get to be there. The husband can rush in 
and claim the battered wife is a threat. That is enough to get her 
eliminated from being able to use a weapon or have a weapon.
  These are not the ways to fix things. For people who are okay with 
late-term abortions and ripping the arms and legs off of children that 
feel the pain and then crushing the skulls, it is desensitizing.
  Madam Speaker, it is not well received.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Georgia (Mr. Johnson), a member of the Judiciary Committee.
  Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Madam Speaker, how free are we as Americans 
if we are holed up in our homes, shell-shocked by gun violence? We 
should not have to live like that. We shouldn't have to live tormented 
by the need to buy yet another gun more powerful than the one our 
neighbor purchased last week. That is not freedom. Our kids deserve 
better.
  The old and tired NRA Republican Party philosophy, which is the only 
way to stop a bad guy is a good guy with a gun, has not and will not 
work. In Uvalde, 19 good guys with guns didn't stop the killer of 19 
school kids and two teachers.
  We have done it the Republican way for far too long now, and for the 
sake of the kids, it is time to do something different.
  Today, the good guys in the House will stand up to the NRA and pass 
the commonsense Protecting Our Kids Act.

                              {time}  1515

  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I include in the Record an article dated 
May 31, 2022, from The New York Times titled ``California has America's 
Toughest Gun Laws, and They Work.''

                [From the New York Times, May 31, 2022]

       California Has America's Toughest Gun Laws, and They Work

                           (By Shawn Hubler)

       The grotesque toll of gun violence is again being debated 
     in Congress. As Luis Ferre-Sadurni and I reported over the 
     long weekend, states are not holding their breath.
       Particularly this state: In ways that have tended to be 
     underreported, California has significantly lowered gun 
     deaths, Dr. Garen J. Wintemute, an emergency room doctor and 
     longtime firearm violence researcher, told me this week.
       ``For the last 20, maybe even 25 years--except for the two 
     years of the pandemic, which have increased homicides and 
     suicides across the country--our rates of firearm violence 
     have trended downward,'' said Dr. Wintemute, who directs the 
     Violence Prevention Research Program at the University of 
     California, Davis, Medical Center in Sacramento. ``And this 
     has been at a time when most of the rates in the rest of the 
     country have gone up.''
       California's rate of firearm mortality is among the 
     nation's lowest, with 8.5 gun deaths per 100,000 people in 
     2020, compared with 13.7 per 100,000 nationally and 14.2 per 
     100,000 in Texas, the Centers for Disease Control and 
     Prevention has reported. And Californians are about 25 
     percent less likely to die in mass shootings, compared with 
     residents of other states, according to a recent Public 
     Policy Institute of California analysis.
       I asked Dr. Wintemute how California is different. Here's a 
     lightly edited excerpt from our conversation, which took 
     place on Memorial Day after his emergency room shift:
       Just a couple of weeks ago, California had a mass shooting. 
     By what measures are our policies a success?
       You have to look at it on a population basis. We do have 
     more mass shootings in California, but we're also by far the 
     largest state. I looked a while ago at the rates of firearm 
     violence across the 21st century--homicide and suicide 
     together--and the rest of the country was up, but 
     California's rates were so far down that the average was 
     flat.
       We always hear that nothing works, that even California's 
     strict gun laws are ineffective.
       That's because we evaluate policies one at a time, in 
     isolation. The results for one policy might be mixed or even 
     negative. But what California has done over a number of 
     decades has been to enact a whole bundle of policies that I 
     think work in synergy, to measurable effect.
       It sounds like the ``Swiss cheese model'' public health 
     experts have used to address Covid.
       Yes. The idea is to prevent the holes in the policies from 
     lining up. But if we rank the states, California's rate of 
     firearm violence ranks 29th out of 50 states for homicides 
     and 44th for suicides.
       Can you share some examples?
       California has done a lot to prevent high-risk people from 
     purchasing firearms. We've broadened the criteria for keeping 
     guns out of the hands of people who pose a danger to 
     themselves or others due to mental illness. If you're 
     convicted of a violent misdemeanor in California, you can't 
     have a gun for the next 10 years; that offense has to be a 
     felony in most states.
       We require background checks, and not just from licensed 
     retailers; in most states, purchases from private parties 
     require no background checks or record keeping of any kind. 
     We have a system, that we're evaluating now, for getting guns 
     back from ``prohibited persons''--people who have been 
     convicted of violent crimes or who are facing domestic 
     violence restraining orders. And we enforce these policies, 
     unlike a lot of other states.
       What else?
       In the early 1990s, cheap handguns--``Saturday Night 
     Specials''--were almost entirely manufactured around Los 
     Angeles. It was a few companies making upward of 800,000 
     cheap handguns a year. So the state imposed standards for 
     design and safety. One of the companies has since gone to 
     Nevada. The rest went belly-up and no one else has come in to 
     fill the gap.
       What about gaps?
       Every time California sets a new standard, the gun industry 
     tries to outwit it. Unregulated ghost guns have become 
     immensely popular here, precisely because we're such a 
     tightly regulated market. And the state program to recover 
     guns from prohibited people has never had the level of 
     funding it needs to do the whole job--there are only about 40 
     trained agents for the whole state and a backlog of at least 
     10,000 people whose guns need to be taken.
       Overall, what could the rest of the country learn from 
     California?
       The lower the prevalence of ownership, the lower the rate 
     of firearm violence--that's been one of the most robust 
     research findings for decades. Rates of gun ownership are 
     lower here, in part because of this bundle of state measures. 
     In the United States overall, something like 25 percent to 30 
     percent of individuals own guns. In California, it's about 15 
     percent to 18 percent.

  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, the evidence doesn't lie. California's 
rate of firearm mortality is among the Nation's lowest, with 8.5 gun 
deaths per 100,000 people in 2020, compared with 13.7 per 100,000 
nationally and 14.2 per 100,000 in Texas. Gun safety laws work. It is 
that simple.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from 
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).
  Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  This is an emotional debate. It is an emotional debate because we 
lose, on a daily basis, family members, neighbors, friends, and fellow 
citizens to a bullet or multiple bullets--killed by gun.
  I do not subscribe to the theory that some promote that the more guns 
we have, the safer we will be. I believe that is somewhat like the O.K. 
Corral theory that if you have a faster gun, then you will be safe. 
Eventually,

[[Page H5373]]

somebody will have a faster, bigger, and more surprising gun than we.
  Madam Speaker, like all Americans, I found the mass shooting at 
Uvalde, Texas, heart-wrenching, tragic, and unacceptable. Although the 
news was excruciating to watch, it was anything but surprising given 
our history with deadly firearms. Sadly, we didn't even have time to 
mourn the 19 children and two teachers who were killed in Uvalde before 
news broke of another mass shooting--over and over and over and over 
and over and over again.
  At some point these statistics have to move us to respond in an 
effective way. My friend from North Carolina suggested hardening the 
schools. We have hardened this Chamber over the objections of some when 
we know that no gun should be in this Capitol other than those 
possessed by law enforcement, Capitol Police.
  According to the nonpartisan Gun Violence Archive, there have been as 
many as 33 mass gun violence incidents in the 14 days since the attack 
on Robb Elementary. We have more guns in this country than any other 
nation on Earth. The Second Amendment guarantees that we have a right 
to a gun, but the Supreme Court in Heller said: But there are 
limitations to that right.
  I strongly support an individual American's right to have a gun in 
his or her home--their home--to protect themselves and their business. 
But the Court said: Be reasonable.
  In the past week alone, 7 days, we have seen mass shootings in 
Chattanooga, Tennessee, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; and Tulsa, 
Oklahoma. Not even 10 days before the shooting in Robb Elementary, a 
domestic terrorist killed 13 people in a grocery store in Buffalo, New 
York.
  In every corner of this country, Americans are begging--begging--
Congress to protect our kids and our people. Many of us like to say, 
This is the people's House.
  The people are speaking to us and crying out for action.
  A gentleman who spoke before me said something about saying prayers. 
I believe in prayer. But I also believe the admonition that John 
Kennedy said when he said: ``Let us go forth to lead the land we love, 
asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on Earth, God's 
work must truly be our own.''
  Today, in this House--the people's House--we need to act to protect 
the people.
  Madam Speaker, I want to direct your attention to this chart again. 
Look at the numbers--hundreds of deaths. In addition to the 
unconscionable trauma these attacks inflicted on the parents, children, 
wives, husbands, brothers, sisters, and other loved ones of the 
victims, they have one thing in common: the perpetrator got the gun 
legally.
  In Tulsa, Oklahoma, the perpetrator got the gun approximately 3 hours 
before he shot Dr. Phillips. He was filled, obviously, with passion, 
hate, and anger at the pain that he apparently was suffering physically 
and perhaps emotionally.
  So what did he do?
  He went down and quickly got a gun--an AR-15 to be exact--and went 
and shot not only Dr. Phillips but three other people in the process. 
Those are 285 deaths we could have prevented if we had commonsense gun 
laws in place.
  Of the 45,000 people who died from gun violence last year alone--we 
are talking about making people safe--45,000 deaths--they are not 
safe--how many would have also been spared had our laws been stronger?
  Frankly, I, myself, would favor reinstituting the 1994 assault 
weapons ban for which I voted. And I lamented the fact that when my 
Republican colleagues were in charge of the House, Senate, and the 
Presidency, they allowed that law to go out of existence. None of us 
can speculate what the cost of that was, but there is no doubt in my 
mind there was a cost. In fact, that bill reduced mass shootings then, 
and it would do so again now.
  There is much I believe we ought to do as the Representatives of the 
American people in this House. The House, though, has already taken 
action on two very critical gun safety measures supported by 9 out of 
10 Americans. We don't have 9 out of 10 Americans who are Democrats in 
this country. Neither side does. But if you have any credence in 
polling data that says what Americans think, 9 out of 10 think that 
comprehensive background checks should be the law of the land. I don't 
know a commonsense argument against that.
  We passed the Charleston loophole. This gentleman who bought that gun 
3 hours or thereabouts before he killed Dr. Phillips would have had 
time to cool off and to perhaps have second thoughts, to perhaps have 
saved the life of a doctor whose job it was to save lives. We sent 
those bills over, and Senate Republicans, however, have refused to 
allow even debate on either of these bills--even debate on either of 
these bills that are overwhelmingly supported by the American people.
  I know that my Republican colleagues are as disturbed by the murder 
of children as Democrats are. I believe that. I hope that is the case, 
but I believe it. But I am confounded by the unwillingness to respond 
in an effective way even on asking that everybody get checked out, so 
we know they are not criminally insane or a felon or an abuser or on 
the terrorist watch list; but it is no to comprehensive background 
checks just to see if somebody is a danger to themselves or others.

  I know that our colleagues across the aisle shed tears when their 
constituents die from gun violence, as we do. This should not be a 
Democratic or Republican issue but an issue of our common humanity and 
our common sense. If we work together, we can achieve a safer America.
  We have seen promising signs from the Senate that a bipartisan 
agreement may be possible. I surely hope it is. But this House will not 
and should not wait to act. That is why we are voting on this 
Protecting Our Kids Act today.
  This legislation is, in my view, long overdue. I participated in a 
sit-in on this floor to try to galvanize the Congress. It didn't work. 
Sadly, it didn't work. To the disappointment of the American people, it 
didn't work.
  This comprehensive bill is the product of tireless efforts by many of 
our colleagues to address issues that contribute to our gun violence 
epidemic.
  Thanks to Robin Kelly, the Protecting Our Kids Act will crack down on 
gun traffickers who take guns, where? Into the big cities and spread 
them around. Now, they sell them; they don't give them away for free. 
But it is the traffickers who break the laws--not of Chicago, but 
perhaps don't break the laws of where they bought multiple guns for 
those who can't buy guns.
  Similarly, Representatives Cicilline and Espaillat pushed to include 
provisions that would regulate elusive ghost guns. Now, I chaired the 
Subcommittee on Treasury, Postal Service, and General Government that 
oversaw the Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms Division, and we couldn't 
even make sure that ordnance--bullets--could be traced because the NRA 
was opposed.
  Representative Titus ensured that we would ban bump stocks, a weapon 
component that allowed a gunman to kill 60 people in Las Vegas in 2017 
and wound hundreds more.
  Was he a hunter? Was he a sportsman?
  Additionally, this bill will restrict high-capacity magazines which 
enable shooters to inflict maximum destruction in the minimum amount of 
time, thanks to language included by Representative Deutch. Because of 
Chairwoman DeLauro, Chairwoman Jackson Lee, and Representative Slotkin, 
this bill also protects our kids from gun violence at home by 
implementing gun storage safety standards.
  Common sense and common purpose protects our kids.
  This act also includes Representative Anthony Brown's measure to 
raise the legal age for purchasing assault weapons and shotguns from 18 
to 21. You can buy an AR-15, apparently, or some other multiple-shot, 
quick-shot weapon, but you can't buy a drink in many jurisdictions.
  Is that common sense?
  This legislation never would have come together without the 
leadership of Chairman Nadler. I thank the chairman for his leadership, 
and I thank the committee for their work on this bill. I thank 
Chairwoman Jackson Lee of the Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism and 
Homeland Security, and I thank Chairman Thompson of the Gun Violence 
Task Force.
  This bill, as well as additional legislation from Representatives 
McBath and Carbajal that will be considered subsequently on Thursday, 
takes major

[[Page H5374]]

steps forward to make our communities and our children safer.
  Is it perfect?
  Will it stop all the killing?
  No, it won't. We know that.
  Is there a perfect answer?
  No.
  Is making schools safer bad?
  No. We support that.
  I don't know that we support making them into armed camps, as some 
would suggest, because I think that would make them less safe in many 
respects.

                              {time}  1530

  So I urge all of my colleagues to put our country, our constituents, 
and our kids first. Let us rise above party and partisanship and 
special interests as we seek to do what is right, what is necessary, 
and what an overwhelming majority of the American people are looking to 
Congress to achieve.
  Isn't that what we are supposed to do, represent the people?
  I am hopeful we can find a bipartisan path forward to enact long-
overdue reforms to make our communities safer from gun violence because 
a bullet doesn't care about your race, your faith, your age, your 
orientation, or any other factor.
  And yes, people do care about those things and manifest it in the 
worst way possible. But they do it with an instrument that will allow 
them to kill a lot of people very quickly.
  The American people care what we do here today. The American people 
care that their Congress is doing everything possible to keep them 
safe, to keep our children safe. The American people care.
  Each of us today has a chance to show that we care. God's work on 
Earth must truly be our own. Vote for this bill. Make our kids and 
communities and people safer.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New 
York (Mr. Jeffries), a member of the Judiciary Committee.
  Mr. JEFFRIES. Madam Speaker, America is in the midst of a shocking 
gun violence epidemic that should shock the conscience of everyone, and 
has devastated children, families, and communities. We must address it 
with the fierce urgency of now.
  But there are some in this Chamber who would rather bury their heads 
in the sand and act like everything is okay.
  It is not okay that Black folks were gunned down in Buffalo, New 
York, simply because of the color of their skin.
  It is not okay that members of the Jewish community were gunned down 
in the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh simply because of their 
religious beliefs.
  It is not okay that children were gunned down and shredded in Uvalde, 
Texas, by an 18-year old who should never have had access to a weapon 
of war.
  It is not okay that mass murder has become a way of life in the 
United States of America. That is why we must pass comprehensive gun 
violence prevention legislation, address this epidemic decisively, and 
allow America to be the best version of itself.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from 
Kentucky (Mr. Massie).
  Mr. MASSIE. Madam Speaker, today we are debating six gun control 
provisions in one. Why are there six bills in here? Because none of 
them work.
  But you can't take six bills that don't work and put them together 
and make one that does. It doesn't work that way.
  These are unserious, unconstitutional and, most troubling, dangerous 
provisions; six titles in this bill, and they all suffer the same 
inherent problem that gun control suffers when we pass it here in these 
legislatures, and that problem is, criminals do not obey the law. They 
are going to love some of these laws, though.
  Let's take, for instance, the so-called safe storage provisions in 
here. Home invaders are going to love the fact that Congress has now 
told you you need to lock up your gun in your house. How are you going 
to defend yourself when your guns are locked up? This is dangerous. It 
is also unconstitutional.
  The Supreme Court already ruled in Heller that it is unconstitutional 
to require Dick Heller to keep his gun disassembled and unloaded in his 
house. That violates the Second Amendment.
  Think about the provision to raise the age to 21 to buy a long gun. 
That includes rifles and shotguns, not just a handgun, which is already 
impermissible. This is unconstitutional, and it is immoral.
  Why is it immoral? Because we are telling 18-, 19-, and 20-year olds 
to register for the draft. You can go die for your country. We expect 
you to defend us, but we are not going to give you the tools to defend 
yourself and your family.
  I offered an amendment in committee that would let the spouse of 
somebody in the armed services serving overseas acquire the means of 
self-defense while her husband is serving overseas; let her defend her 
and her children. Just because she is 18, 19, or 20, and her husband is 
serving, she shouldn't be defenseless. The Democrats voted it down in 
committee.
  I offered an amendment to say that we won't treat domestic violence 
victims as gun traffickers if they happen to get a gun from a neighbor 
instead of getting it from the gun store. Every Democrat but one voted 
against protecting domestic violence victims.
  Let me give you one that is not a hypothetical. My dear friend Nikki 
Goeser, who worked in my congressional office, watched her husband 
murdered in front of her in a gun-free zone because she followed the 
law. She had a licensed registered firearm and, in a moment she regrets 
to this day, she left it in her car because she knew the law said not 
to bring it in there; but her stalker knew she wasn't going to have a 
gun. Her stalker murdered her husband in front of her.
  Criminals don't follow the law. So let's do the one serious thing we 
could do.
  Why must children keep dying? Let's quit advertising our schools as 
soft targets. Let's quit saying that these are gun-free zones, and that 
these kids are sitting ducks.
  In 1990, Congress did another knee-jerk reaction that has cost more 
lives than it saved. It is called the 1990 Gun-Free School Zones Act.
  Fortunately, some States and school districts have had the wisdom to 
override this provision. And guess what? We don't have to guess.
  Does hardening our schools work? Does letting trained teachers and 
professional staff carry, does it protect children? We know it does. 
Because in every single school district, every school that has allowed 
them to carry, there hasn't just been no mass shootings, there hasn't 
been a single shooting. Why?

  Because these insane individuals, they seek one thing. They seek some 
twisted version of glory, which involves a body count. And they know 
they will not achieve that if they walk into that school and the first 
thing they see when they whip out their gun is a staff member who is 
armed and trained, and they die unceremoniously. That is what they 
deserve.
  Put three of those on the news, and you could stop this.
  So we should quit advertising our schools. Quit making that the 
Federal default that they are sitting ducks.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Cicilline), a member of the Judiciary 
Committee.
  Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, almost 6 years ago I sat down right 
here on this floor with the late, great John Lewis and so many 
colleagues to protest the Republicans' unwillingness to take up gun 
safety legislation after the Orlando shooting at the Pulse nightclub.
  We promised to the American people that if we were given the 
majority, we would deliver on gun safety legislation.
  Last year, we passed bills for expanded criminal background checks 
and to close the Charleston loophole to ensure criminals can't buy 
firearms. And today, we will pass groundbreaking legislation to address 
gun violence and the epidemic of gun violence in our country.
  Gun violence is the crisis of this generation. There isn't a person 
or a community in this country that isn't affected by gun violence. It 
doesn't matter if you are rich or poor, in a city or suburb, young or 
old. We are all a text message away from this happening to any one of 
us.
  In the last 159 days alone, we have had more than 240 mass shootings 
in

[[Page H5375]]

this country; almost 19,000 dead from guns, and 27 school shootings. 
Children killed in Uvalde, Parkland, Sandy Hook, and many more places 
across the country.
  Enough is enough. It is time to do something. Every minute we wait, 
every minute we fail to act, we sentence more Americans and more 
children to death by guns in this country.
  The Protecting Our Kids Act is a smart, commonsense package that will 
save lives. I urge my colleagues to take this first step with us. Help 
reduce gun violence in this country. Protect your constituents from the 
gun violence that is ravaging communities all across America.
  And we can't stop here. This is a great bill. There is a lot more 
work to be done to make certain that kids and all the members of our 
communities are safe.
  But have the courage to stand up. Actually, it doesn't take a lot of 
courage. Do your job. Protect your constituents from these horrific 
acts of gun violence.
  Vote ``yes'' on this legislation.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are directed to address their 
remarks to the Chair.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from 
Arizona (Mr. Biggs).
  Mr. BIGGS. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  I oppose H.R. 7910, the Democrats' latest gun control effort. 
Supporters of this bill do not want to protect America's Second 
Amendment rights because they don't care about Second Amendment rights.
  Instead of addressing the societal issues that have been caused by 
decades of progressive leftwing policies that have assaulted the 
American family and American society, they want to ban guns.
  They ignore the fact that many of the cities with the most 
restrictive gun control laws also have the highest levels of crime. 
They simply do not acknowledge that they don't believe in the Second 
Amendment.
  But let's talk about what Republicans have proposed because 
Republicans have proposed many efforts. You just heard from Mr. Massie 
one of his.
  Well, here is what you don't hear. I listened very carefully to the 
majority leader. He was enumerating through polls. But guess what? The 
majority of Americans believe schools would be safer if teachers were 
given options to carry a firearm. That comes from The Economist, the 
latest Economist poll last week.
  A similar poll: 26 percent are safer with an armed guard. Utah allows 
teachers to carry a concealed weapon. They not only have not had a mass 
shooting, they have never had a shooting since that law has been in 
place.
  Justice Scalia said in his Heller opinion that the very text of the 
Second Amendment implicitly recognizes the pre-existence of the right, 
the Second Amendment right, and declares only that it shall not be 
infringed. This is not a right granted by the Constitution. Neither is 
it in any manner dependent upon that instrument for its existence.
  The Second Amendment simply declares that it shall not be infringed, 
but that is exactly what your bills do.
  The Republicans have also said, let's harden the schools. Look, you 
have got $122 billion that you gave in relief, COVID relief to K-12. 
More than 90 percent of it remains unused.
  And you say, well, we don't want to talk about doors. What do we do? 
We hide behind doors because they work.
  You can harden schools and make them work. You can arm guards and 
make them work and make children safer.
  We all condemn the acts of violence that have occurred throughout our 
country, but the answer cannot be restricting America's right to 
protect themselves. Every day, Americans use guns to protect themselves 
and their families. This bill will make it harder for Americans to do 
this. That is an inconvenient fact that my colleagues across the aisle 
simply can't and choose not to address.
  Last week, at markup, Democrats repeatedly claimed that good guys 
with guns do not stop bad guys with guns. But Congressman Massie read a 
long list of incidents of good guys using guns to stop bad guys. But 
that list was ignored.

  I will give you one. In Charleston, West Virginia, a woman with a 9-
millimeter handgun stopped a shooter shooting into a crowd with an AR-
15.
  Here is one. Stephen Willeford stopped a shooting at a church in 
Sutherland Springs.
  I urge you to vote ``no.''
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from California (Mr. Lieu), a member of the Judiciary 
Committee.
  Mr. LIEU. Madam Speaker, when I served in the U.S. military, I was 
trained on firearms.
  Let me tell you what a bullet from an AR-15 does to you. The bullet 
leaves the muzzle of the AR-15 at a speed three times higher than that 
of a handgun. The energy is so strong that the bullet will disintegrate 
3 inches of your bone.
  A person shot with an AR-15 looks like a grenade exploded in their 
body. The bullet also causes your human flesh to ripple violently, so 
that even if the bullet misses your artery, the human flesh, the 
ripples can burst arteries anyway.
  In Uvalde, Texas, little kids were decapitated and had their faces 
blown off.
  A person under 21 cannot buy a Budweiser. We should not let a person 
under 21 buy an AR-15 weapon of war.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

                              {time}  1545

  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from Washington (Ms. Jayapal), a member of the Judiciary 
Committee.
  Ms. JAYAPAL. Madam Speaker, the Protecting Our Kids Act is about 
saying no more to mass shootings, no more to children murdered in 
schools, no more to Black people murdered at the grocery store, no more 
to doctors being murdered in hospitals, no more to losing our children, 
our fathers, mothers, siblings, and friends in this uniquely American 
epidemic of gun violence.
  The families who have lost loved ones know that these deaths are not 
inevitable. We need to act now.
  This bill has simple but effective solutions: Raise the minimum age 
to 21 to buy a semiautomatic rifle, prohibit gun trafficking and high-
capacity magazines, require safe storage, and crack down on ghost guns 
and bump stocks.
  Had these protections been enacted in 1999, they would have stopped 
at least 35 recent mass shootings and saved over 400 lives.
  Today, we can choose to mean it when we say ``never again.'' Vote 
``yes.'' Save lives. Save children. Save our communities.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Demings), a member of the Judiciary 
Committee.
  Mrs. DEMINGS. Madam Speaker, as a police chief, I was expected to get 
things done, to do everything within my power to keep people safe.
  Offering thoughts and prayers is fine. My grandchildren do that. But 
if that was all I did as a police chief after mass shootings, no one 
would have let me get away with that. Well, there is an expectation for 
Congress, too, to do more.
  Madam Speaker, what is painfully wrong with this tragic moment in our 
history are the people who want the power of the position but not 
really the responsibility.
  Congress failed that little girl who could only be identified by her 
green tennis shoes. Congress failed the loved ones in Buffalo, at the 
Pulse nightclub, and in Newtown.
  After the Parkland shooting in Florida, Republican legislators helped 
pass red flag laws and other meaningful legislation to keep guns out of 
the hands of dangerous people.
  Will we do something? Haven't we had enough, or is it just too scary 
to do the right thing?
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from California (Mr. Correa), a member of the Judiciary 
Committee.
  Mr. CORREA. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Protecting 
Our Kids Act.
  Over the last 20 years, we have lost thousands of lives--thousands of 
lives--

[[Page H5376]]

to mass shootings. Gun violence is now the leading cause of death of 
children in America. Let me repeat: Gun violence is now the top cause 
of death of children in America.
  This legislation is not perfect, but if we can save one, two, three 
lives by passing this legislation, then it is worth our effort.
  It is our obligation to pass this legislation. Our thoughts and 
prayers are not enough. We have to act and act now, and I call on my 
colleagues to join us in voting in favor of protecting our kids.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Garcia), a member of the Judiciary 
Committee.
  Ms. GARCIA of Texas. Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of 
H.R. 7910, the Protecting Our Kids Act, and H.R. 2377, the Federal 
Extreme Risk Protection Order Act.
  In Texas, our souls are crushed, and our hearts are still broken. We 
stand in solidarity with our friends and neighbors in Uvalde and 
communities across the Nation, mourning the lives of those who have 
lost their lives to gun violence.
  Empathy, love, and morality are calling upon us to pass these bills 
that are commonsense legislation to reduce gun violence and save 
children's lives.
  Let's not be deceived by the absurd proposition to arm our teachers 
in schools. Let's let schools be schools. A teacher should be armed 
with books, not guns. Children need to focus on learning the ABCs, not 
how to dodge bullets.
  I urge my colleagues across the aisle to consult their conscience, 
not the NRA, and vote ``yes'' on these measures.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, how much time remains on each side.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York has 40\1/2\ 
minutes remaining. The gentleman from Ohio has 38\1/2\ minutes 
remaining.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Neguse), a member of the Judiciary 
Committee.
  Mr. NEGUSE. Madam Speaker, I rise today not to offer my words but the 
words of a brave Coloradan, Tom Mauser. Tom's son, Daniel, was murdered 
at Columbine High School 23 years ago in 1999. He was 15 years old, the 
same age as me.
  Tom shared with me that in the weeks before his death, Daniel asked 
him, ``Dad, did you know there are loopholes in the Brady Bill?''
  At 15 years old, Daniel was able to see the gaping holes in our 
Nation's gun laws. Tragically, so were the two 18-year-old killers, 
teenagers that, in Tom's words, ``saw loopholes big enough to drive a 
truck through.''
  As Tom said to me today, what has Congress really done to protect our 
precious children from gun violence in those 23 years? Shamefully, 
nothing.
  It is time for Congress to do its job. It is time to act and to 
demonstrate that you give a damn about our children. Tom is right. I 
beg my colleagues, support this commonsense bill.

  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Wisconsin (Mr. Fitzgerald).
  Mr. FITZGERALD. Madam Speaker, I rise today in opposition to H.R. 
7910.
  I thought I would take this opportunity to do my own fact check on 
some of the inaccurate claims my colleagues on the other side of the 
aisle presented at last week's markup.
  My Democrat colleagues will often claim there are loopholes in the 
current background check system, sometimes specifically citing the 
Charleston loophole. This is simply not true. Federal firearms 
licensees cannot transfer a firearm without performing a background 
check on the purchaser.
  The FBI is notified immediately if a prohibited person attempts to 
purchase a weapon, and the FBI has 3 days to follow up. The 3 days for 
follow-up prevent the FBI from sitting on their hands and not following 
through with background checks as a way to deny a person a firearm by 
bureaucracy and, therefore, take away their Second Amendment rights.
  Another claim frequently made by my colleagues is that banning so-
called assault weapons, a term they rarely define, would reduce mass 
shootings. Despite automatic weapons already being illegal to the 
general public, the left uses the term ``assault weapons'' to describe 
scary-looking guns, regardless of the actual characteristics of the 
firearm. Even weapons mischaracterized as assault weapons are used in 
less than 1 percent of all homicides.
  Many of my colleagues claim mandating so-called safe storage of 
firearms is a commonsense approach to reducing gun violence. Not only 
does a requirement to keep a firearm within the home unloaded or locked 
up not comply with Supreme Court precedent, but it also puts them at a 
disadvantage.
  Listen, if you want to accomplish something today, pass what many 
States have done, and that is to make resources available to secure 
schools. Madam Speaker, $100 million, and over 1,300 Wisconsin schools 
have removed themselves from the list of the most vulnerable with State 
dollars. Let's do that today and really accomplish something.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from Pennsylvania (Ms. Dean), the vice chair of the 
Judiciary Committee.
  Ms. DEAN. Madam Speaker, it is said that a civilized society that can 
no longer feel outrage can no longer be civilized.
  Ten people slaughtered in their grocery store. Nineteen children and 
two teachers massacred in their school, only to have parents who had 
dropped their children off in the morning wait in some horror line to 
offer DNA samples. At least 15 people murdered in mass shootings just 
this weekend, including in my home city, Philadelphia.
  Outrage. We must feel the outrage. Do these tragedies from guns in 
the hands of bad actors sound like the well-regulated militia 
explicitly mentioned in the Second Amendment? Of course not. It is 
outrageous.
  We want to save our children. We want to save our babies. We want to 
save our families, the elderly who live in constant fear.
  Yet, did you hear, Madam Speaker, the argument on the other side of 
the aisle? A God-given right for an 18-year-old to slaughter children 
in a school? Enough is enough.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
Georgia (Mrs. McBath), a member of the Judiciary Committee who knows 
the tragedy of gun violence personally.
  Mrs. McBATH. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of the Protecting 
Our Kids Act, a chance for us to keep our families healthy and whole 
and safe.
  Day after day, hour after hour, the American people have felt the 
pain and the horror and the despair of yet another mass shooting, 
another family torn apart, another community broken.
  I know that feeling. You know my story. My son, Jordan, was just 17 
years old when he was shot by a man who simply didn't like the loud 
music that he was playing in his car.
  How long do we let American families in this country keep suffering 
this pain?
  That is why we must pass this commonsense legislation, why we must 
take this step toward ensuring that we are creating true progress for 
the next generation.
  Americans deserve better, and shame on us if we do not take action.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Escobar), a member of the Judiciary 
Committee.
  Ms. ESCOBAR. Madam Speaker, on August 3, 2019, in El Paso, a white 
supremacist massacred 23 innocent people at Walmart. Our red flag bill 
might have saved them.
  On August 31, 2019, eight people were killed in Midland-Odessa by a 
man who failed his background check and purchased a gun through a 
private sale. Our bill on private firearm sales might have saved them.
  On May 18, 2018, at Santa Fe High School, a 17-year-old used his 
father's gun to kill 10 people. Our safe storage bill might have saved 
them.

[[Page H5377]]

  In Uvalde, parents are burying their babies today after an 18-year-
old purchased an AR-15-style rifle and slaughtered 21 individuals. Our 
bill raising the age to 21 might have saved them.
  These are just the recent Texas mass shootings.
  It is not the teachers, the schools, or the doors. It is the guns.
  We can't save every life, but my God, shouldn't we try?
  We hear Americans, and today in the House, we are taking the action 
you are demanding. Take note of who is with you and who is not. I am 
proud to remain El Paso Strong.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Jones), a member of the Judiciary 
Committee.
  Mr. JONES. Madam Speaker, I rise because we find ourselves on a path 
that we have traveled before, a path that the American people were 
promised they would never have to meet again after Columbine, after 
Sandy Hook, after Parkland, and now after Uvalde.
  For two decades--two decades--Republicans bought by the NRA have 
blocked every attempt to pass legislation that would stop children from 
being massacred in their classrooms. Why? Because nothing is easier 
than buying an AR-15 in this country except buying a Republican Member 
of Congress.
  Today, Democrats in the House will pass the Protecting Our Kids Act, 
and we need the Senate to abolish the filibuster to do the same.

                              {time}  1600

  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from Illinois (Ms. Kelly).
  Ms. KELLY of Illinois. Madam Speaker, for years I have heard that 
tired argument that gun violence prevention legislation won't work. 
``Just look at Chicago,'' they say, ``where residents have some of the 
strictest gun laws but the highest rates of gun violence.''
  The reason for that is simple--gun trafficking. More than 60 percent 
of guns used in crimes in Chicago come from out of State, and we are 
not the only city where this happens.
  According to the ATF, from just 2016 to 2020, one-third of the more 
than 1.3 million crime guns recovered and traced by law enforcement 
were brought in across State lines. These guns are purchased in States 
with lax laws, trafficked across State lines, and then sold to people 
in our State who we know should not have a gun.
  In Illinois, we are doing everything we can to protect our residents. 
Our neighbors are failing us. That is why I introduced the Prevent Gun 
Trafficking Act, and why I am so glad this solution is included in the 
Protecting Our Kids Act. This is a simple, commonsense solution. Making 
straw purchasing a Federal crime will help stop the flow of guns into 
our communities from out of State. Most importantly, it will save 
lives.
  Stopping gun trafficking and straw purchasing is just one step we can 
take to eliminate gun violence. The Protecting Our Kids Act is a smart, 
broad approach to a complex issue. Passing this bill is the next step 
forward in saving children, and we cannot wait.
  Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this bill.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro), the distinguished chairwoman of the 
Appropriations Committee.
  Ms. DeLAURO. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of the Protecting Our 
Kids Act, a comprehensive package to address gun violence in the United 
States. I am pleased that it includes my legislation, Ethan's Law, 
which will keep kids across the country safe by ensuring that firearms 
are safely stored and secured.
  I introduced Ethan's Law in the House over 3 years ago in memory of 
Ethan Song, a Guilford, Connecticut, teenager, 15 years old, who 
accidentally shot himself with an unsecured gun in 2018. The firearm 
was improperly stored in a Tupperware box with the gun lock keys and 
the ammunition nearby.
  Before I had the honor of introducing Ethan's Law in Congress, it 
passed the Connecticut General Assembly and the State senate with broad 
bipartisan support, signed into law in 2019. Today, we take a critical 
step to make Ethan's Law the national standard in safe storage.
  Ethan's Law will set a Federal standard for safe gun storage and 
incentivize States to create and implement safe gun storage laws. This 
legislation is a child safety bill, first and foremost, because losing 
just one child to accidental gun violence is too many.
  What happened to Ethan was tragic. No parent should have to lose 
their child because of an unsecured gun. It is time for Congress to 
act.
  In the words of Ethan Song's parents, Mike and Kristin Song, whose 
relentless advocacy led us to this moment: ``Not a single person on 
Earth can change the past, but every one of us can change the future.'' 
Let's change the future while saving countless lives by passing the 
Protecting Our Kids Act.
  When Kristin Song found out that Ethan's Law was included in the 
Protecting Our Kids Act, she said that the first person she wanted to 
tell was Ethan, her beautiful boy, that she has fearlessly fought for 
since the day she was forced to watch him be lowered into the ground. 
Upon hearing the news, she immediately drove to the cemetery, and she 
ran across it yelling, ``Ethan, we did it. Your lifesaving legislation 
will be heard, it will get a vote.''
  Madam Speaker, I am voting in favor of this legislation. I urge my 
colleagues to do the same.
  We love you, Ethan.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. McClintock).
  Mr. McCLINTOCK. Madam Speaker, this is called the Protecting Our Kids 
Act, but sadly it does no such thing. The one thing that we could do 
immediately to protect our kids is the one thing that the Democrats 
refuse even to consider.
  We think nothing of it when we see an armed guard at a bank. Well, 
they are there for one purpose--to stop anyone who is trying to steal 
our money. And, yet, when we suggest that we should use the same force 
and resolve to stop someone from killing our children, the left goes 
berserk. I simply do not understand such a screwed-up value system as 
that.
  President Biden's press secretary says that hardening our schools is 
not something he supports. Think about that. The most heavily guarded 
person in the world in the most hardened fortress in the country is 
telling us that we cannot protect our children and our schools as 
seriously as we protect our money in our banks. Of course, hardening 
the schools works.
  Listen to the sick mind that produced the massacre in Buffalo. He 
wrote, ``Attacking in a weapon-restricted area may decrease the chance 
of civilian backlash. Schools, courts, or areas where CCW are outlawed 
or prohibited may be good areas of attack. Areas where CCW permits are 
low may also fit in this category. Areas with strict gun laws are also 
great places of attack.'' That is the Buffalo shooter. Criminals 
understand that even if the Democrats in this House do not.
  In committee, I offered an amendment to require schools receiving 
Federal security funds to have at least one armed guard on every campus 
and to allow school officials who have met the requirements of their 
State to carry a concealed weapon to have it on campus to protect their 
students if they want to. This is something that can be implemented 
immediately and that could well have stopped the massacre at Uvalde.

  It doesn't depend on criminals obeying the law, as this bill does. It 
doesn't depend on someday, maybe, reducing possibly the 400 million 
firearms in this country. It doesn't make self-defense harder for 
honest and decent people. In fact, it makes self-defense easier for 
honest and decent people. It would make future attacks on our schools 
much less likely to succeed and infinitely more dangerous to those 
contemplating such an act. Yet, the Democrats refuse to even consider 
it.
  We know how to reduce gun violence. Harden our schools and protect 
our

[[Page H5378]]

children with the same seriousness as we protect our money. Prosecute 
gun criminals. Send them to prison for the rest of their lives. Execute 
murderers. Confine the dangerously mentally ill so that we can treat 
them. Stop letting terrorists into the country across our southern 
border.
  Yet, woke district attorneys often refuse to prosecute gun criminals 
or they quickly drop gun charges to reduce their sentences. The 
Democrats have all but abolished the death penalty. They have released 
dangerous criminals from our prisons, released dangerous criminal, 
illegal aliens into our communities, flooded our streets with the 
dangerously mentally ill, and turned a blind eye as terrorists come 
across the border that they have left wide open. And then they wonder 
why we are plagued with violent criminals.
  Maybe it is time to get serious about removing criminals from our 
streets and fortifying our schools. That is something we could do today 
that will have an immediate effect today.
  Protecting Our Kids Act. It does no such thing. It is a tale told by 
an idiot full of sound and fury signifying nothing.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Brown).
  Mr. BROWN of Maryland. Madam Speaker, again and again we hear a 
common refrain when a mass shooting happens, a young man, typically 
under the age of 21, legally purchases a semiautomatic rifle and 
murders innocent people. We saw this in Uvalde; we saw this in Buffalo; 
we saw this in Indianapolis in 2021; and we saw this in Parkland in 
2019. In fact, six of the nine deadliest mass shootings since 2018 were 
by young men who should never have been allowed to purchase these 
weapons in the first place.
  Right now, you must be 21 in this country to buy a handgun but only 
need to be 18 years old to buy a semiautomatic rifle capable of 
committing unspeakable tragedies. I served in the military. I trained 
with these weapons. I know what they can do.
  These weapons of war have no place in our neighborhoods, let alone in 
the hands of an untrained 18-year-old boy. The answer is simple--raise 
the age needed to purchase these weapons to 21, in line with the age to 
purchase handguns. We have bipartisan support for this: Democrats, 
Republicans, gun safety advocates, law-abiding citizens and responsible 
gun owners, teachers, and veterans, because it is common sense.
  Shooting after shooting, we ask ourselves what more could we have 
done. We debate whether one action could have saved the lives of those 
children, those mothers, fathers, grandmothers, and neighbors. I am 
done with that. It is time for action.
  Raising the age to buy these weapons won't solve our Nation's gun 
violence epidemic overnight, but if we can make it just a little harder 
for someone to get their hands on these deadly weapons, if we can save 
just one life or one community from this carnage and grief, it will be 
worth it.
  Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this legislation. 
Raise the age to buy these deadly weapons. Enough is enough.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman 
from Michigan (Mr. Walberg).
  Mr. WALBERG. Madam Speaker, the despicable violence that took place 
in Uvalde and other places was horrific, and we mourn the loss of 
innocent life. The thought of losing my fourth-grade grandson in this 
way shakes me to the core.
  There are steps we can take to prevent tragedies from occurring 
without endangering and infringing upon the rights of law-abiding 
citizens. I will not support legislation taking away the Second 
Amendment rights of my constituents. We must focus on root causes of 
violent crimes and the many cultural issues plaguing our society.
  As a Nation, we face a severe mental health crisis, fatherless homes, 
breakdown of families, glorification of violence that permeates our 
culture at every level, even to the devaluation of 63 million innocent 
babies' lives taken in the last 50 years. It must be all-hands-on-
deck--in our homes, our schools, and our churches--to address the 
foundational issues that keep our kids and communities safe.
  Madam Speaker, let's not just do something. Harden our schools. 
Tackle them with real solutions. Oppose this legislation and do the 
right thing to save innocent lives.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Langevin).
  Mr. LANGEVIN. Madam Speaker, I rise today to plead with my colleagues 
to support H.R. 7910, the Protecting Our Kids Act.
  We gather just days after an 18-year-old mowed down 19 schoolchildren 
and two of their teachers with an AR-15. Just days earlier, a racist 
conspiracy theorist used that same type of weapon of war to murder 10 
Americans, turning a grocery store into a bloody battlefield. Nineteen 
families in Uvalde and 10 families in Buffalo are permanently 
shattered, never to be the same again. On average, more than 110 
Americans suffer the same fate, death by gun, every single day.
  Madam Speaker, no one can tell me that I don't know what I am talking 
about when it comes to damage that guns can do. Forty-two years ago, I 
was a sixteen-year-old police cadet when a gun misfired, severing my 
spinal cord, and changing my life forever.
  Of course, we will never be able to stop every single gun injury or 
death, but we have the power to act, to pass commonsense gun safety 
laws that reduce the preventable heartbreak experienced by far too many 
families in this country. We must get illegal guns off our streets. We 
must pass red flag laws to keep guns out of the wrong hands. We must 
raise the minimum age to buy a semiautomatic assault weapon to 21, and 
we can.

  These are commonsense policies, backed by broad, bipartisan 
majorities of Americans. But instead, some of my colleagues have the 
audacity to suggest that we turn our schools into armed fortresses.
  What is next? Armed churches? Armed movie theaters? Is this the 
country you want to leave to your children and grandchildren? I 
certainly don't.
  Madam Speaker, guns are now the leading cause of death for children 
in this country. No other developed country on Earth would ever 
tolerate this level of gun violence, and we shouldn't, either.
  Those children in Uvalde deserved to grow up.
  The victims in Buffalo deserved to return home safe.
  And the 40,000 Americans who die from guns every year deserved to 
live.
  The American people are counting on us to deliver change. I pray that 
we won't let them down.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from 
Utah (Mr. Owens).

                              {time}  1615

  Mr. OWENS. Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to H.R. 7910. The 
violence that occurred in Uvalde, Texas, was horrific. As we consider 
the pain these families are experiencing, we can do more now. Let us 
focus today like a laser beam on protecting our precious children.
  My friends on the other side of the aisle want us to vote on a hasty, 
partisan, and overreaching package of bills they developed in the 
middle of the night without any Republican input.
  The legislation we are considering today is clearly designed to strip 
law-abiding Americans of their constitutional rights. In a town hall 
meeting last summer, President Biden himself said he would like to ban 
the sale of handguns and rifles, full stop. It is no wonder law-abiding 
Americans see this legislation as central Federal overreach.
  History has taught us some great lessons. One is that, ``Liberty, 
once lost, is lost forever.''
  I grew up in the Deep South where, for a time, Black Americans were 
unable to defend themselves. After the Civil War, Democrat Black Codes 
and Jim Crow laws prohibited people of color from owning firearms.
  Most people have heard the phrase, ``40 acres and a mule,'' the order 
issued in 1865 that allowed 40,000 former slaves to live on hundreds of 
thousands of acres.
  After the assassination of Abraham Lincoln, the Democrat President, 
Andrew Johnson, a Confederate sympathizer, confiscated this land, 
displacing thousands of Black Americans

[[Page H5379]]

and families. This is an example of why the right to bear arms is 
necessary to safeguard and protect our life, liberty, and property.
  The Democrats' proposals are unhelpful in protecting our kids and go 
against all common sense. They ignore real solutions that will keep our 
children safe and help prevent future acts of senseless violence.
  Most importantly, they are not proposing anything that protects our 
children now. We don't need to spend another 2 years fighting over 
solutions. We have solutions available immediately. The Securing Our 
Students Act, my legislation, would empower local school districts to 
immediately receive unspent funds from the American Rescue Plan and 
implement security measures in their schools now.
  Of the $122 billion appropriated to the America's K-12 schools in 
last year's $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan, roughly 93 percent 
remains unspent. I invite my colleagues to join me in demanding these 
hundreds of billions of dollars be immediately used to help local 
schools determine and implement the safety measures that best fit their 
communities. We can harden our schools and protect our children at 
school now.
  We can never bring back those precious children we lost, but we can, 
and we must, work together to prevent future tragedies.
  This is a solution that will harness the full weight of American 
innovation and technology and keep our schools safe now to ensure that 
no child, educator, or family has to say goodbye to a loved one because 
of any kind of violence.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Michigan, (Mr. Levin).
  Mr. LEVIN of Michigan. Madam Speaker, I thank Chairman Nadler for 
pulling this vital package together.
  I speak as a father of four who is heartbroken and still processing 
Uvalde, Buffalo, and the unending string of mass shootings; a longtime 
gun reform advocate and a member of the Gun Violence Prevention Task 
Force who demands real, commonsense gun reform to save lives now.
  That is why I support the Protecting Our Kids Act in this moment of 
profound grief and collective loss. When it comes to the epidemic of 
gun deaths, there is no panacea. We must pass meaningful reforms, 
evaluate our work, and then keep on passing more legislation.
  Though I am extremely supportive of this long-overdue package, I am 
concerned about criminal penalties for safe storage violations. Over-
criminalization too often harms Black and Brown communities.
  As a warrior for racial justice, I urge all of us to investigate how 
disparate communities would be impacted before this bill heads to the 
President's desk.
  Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to 
support this bill.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from 
Texas (Mr. Roy).
  Mr. ROY. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Ohio for yielding.
  Why do we have guns?
  Why do we have the Second Amendment?
  Is it to hunt? Sure.
  Self defense? That is even more important.
  The fact is, if you read the founders--Federalist No. 46, James 
Madison contrasts us with the tyrannical governments of Europe who are, 
``afraid to trust the people with arms.''
  Joseph Story in his Commentaries on the Constitution in 1833: ``The 
right of the citizens to keep and bear arms has justly been considered 
as the palladium of the liberties of a republic. Since it offers a 
strong moral check against the usurpation and arbitrary power of 
rulers; and will generally, even if these were successful in the first 
instance, enable the people to resist and triumph over them.''
  We have a Second Amendment because we understand in this country that 
there are some things, inalienable rights, that you cannot justly take 
away from a free and equal human being. Tyrants disarm the people they 
intend to oppress. Those are the facts.
  Jewish people in Germany were prohibited from owning firearms; 13 
million Jews were exterminated by the Nazis.
  The Soviets instituted gun control and millions were killed; 20 
million dissidents were rounded up and exterminated.
  Mao disarmed the Chinese people; 20 million dissidents were 
exterminated.
  In Cambodia, the Khmer Rouge was able to take advantage of the fact 
that limited gun ownership to just hunters and killed 1.5 million to 3 
million Cambodians.
  Turkey disarmed Armenians, and 1.5 million Armenians were killed in 
the Armenian Genocide.
  The South disarmed slaves and actively fought against their arming. 
And then in the 20th century, armed Black Army veterans, for example, 
in Louisiana, were able to defend against the KKK.
  Even fact-checking organization Snopes said: ``We find it reasonable 
to conclude that gun confiscations, facilitated by laws requiring the 
registration and/or licensing of firearms, played a crucial role in 
carrying out of 20th-century genocides.''
  This is not fiction. This is in our lifetime. This is in our 
grandparents' lifetime. This is in our recent history. This is why the 
Second Amendment matters. It is not trivial. It is not something you 
just brush aside. This is a foundation of liberty. It is who we are. 
But in order to sell a lie to the American people that the government 
will protect them from all manners of evil, while defunding the police, 
leaving our borders wide open--I am glad my colleagues can suddenly 
find Uvalde on a map--while allowing dangerous cartels operating 
hundreds of miles into Texas, allowing fentanyl to pour into our 
communities and kill tens of thousands of children--the very children 
my colleagues say they wish to protect.
  In order to do this, Democrats in this body are willing to take away 
citizens' God-given right--yes, the God-given right that was mocked 
earlier--to protect himself or herself, or her family or his family, 
from harm--the very harm they foster by appeasing lawlessness, and 
importantly, from the very tyranny being applied to them to deny that 
right.
  That is what is at stake, this bill; and it gets brushed aside, raise 
the age limit. Well, there are constitutional questions to that, in the 
4th Circuit, 9th Circuit, and other circuits.
  The second title in straw purchases, the very straw purchases the 
Democrat DAs don't even want to really prosecute, would prohibit a law-
abiding citizen from giving a gun to a friend as a gift.
  Safe storage would make it unlawful for me to have the 22- and the 
20-gauge, propped up by my door right now in Texas, to kill coyotes and 
snakes. It would make it unlawful.
  This will not do any good. It will harm Americans, and it undermines 
our foundational liberties that are crucial for a free state.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from North Carolina (Ms. Manning).
  Ms. MANNING. Madam Speaker, so far this year, our country has 
experienced more than 250 mass shootings. And it is only June. Gun 
violence is now the number one cause of death of children in this 
country. We cannot let this continue.
  The Protecting Our Kids Act is an important step toward curbing gun 
violence by limiting high-capacity magazines, raising the minimum age 
to buy assault weapons to 21, and encouraging safe storage practices.
  If these measures had been in place, the 18-year-old gunman in 
Uvalde, Texas, would not have been able to buy the two assault weapons 
he used to murder 19 children and two teachers.
  The Dayton, Ohio, shooter would not have been able to buy the high-
capacity magazine that allowed him to shoot 26 people in 30 seconds.
  Madam Speaker, we can't solve this complex problem at once, but 
neither can we desist from taking commonsense measures to help make 
this country safer for our children. Let's honor our oath. Let's do our 
job to keep the American people safe. Vote ``yes'' on this bill. It is 
the least we can do for our constituents.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Speier).

[[Page H5380]]

  

  Ms. SPEIER. Madam Speaker, I believe I am the only Member of this 
House that is a victim of gun violence. My body is riddled with 
bullets. I have a divot in my leg that is the size of a football. I 
have skin grafts on all parts of my body. I live with that every single 
day.
  A victim of gun violence is traumatized over and over again. I 
implore my colleagues on the other side of the aisle, if we had a 737 
that crashed every month for 12 months in this country, we would do 
something about it. And that is what is happening to children in this 
country.
  Madam Speaker, 1,500 kids die of gun violence every single year. We 
have to do something about it. All we are saying is don't let them 
purchase an assault weapon until they are 21. We already say you can't 
purchase a handgun until you are 21. Dr. Guerrero this morning talked 
about decapitated heads.
  Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues--I am leaving this institution--
to please do something.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky).
  Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Madam Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding.
  Madam Speaker, I will share a conversation that I had with Anna Kate, 
who is a constituent of mine in my district. She called my office 
absolutely distraught; this was late in the day of the shooting. She 
said that parents have really reached their breaking point right now 
and that she is afraid, and she is afraid for her 7-year-old son.
  She said, I want to tell my child, you will be safe in school.
  What a simple sentence that most parents--any parent--would want to 
say. ``You will be safe in school.''
  But I can't, she said.
  Children continue to die, and this is on all of us, all of our 
conscience. There is no issue more important than this.
  We can do something starting today, something real. We can finally 
pass this legislation. Let's do it.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Eshoo).
  Ms. ESHOO. Madam Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding.
  Madam Speaker, where is the soul of America in this Chamber? I have 
listened to every speaker since the debate began.
  I think that Shakespeare would say: Thou dost protest too much.
  We have simple, profound facts. Our children are being blown away. 
Last week, the first funeral, that casket could not be opened.
  I think every single Member here is a parent. Walk behind that 
casket. Think of yourselves and your own children. They deserve 
solutions to this. There has to be more from you than damning the 
Democratic Party.
  Come on. We are Members of Congress.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 10 seconds to the 
gentlewoman.
  Ms. ESHOO. Many of us say a prayer, the Lord's prayer. And at the end 
we say: And lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Wisconsin (Mr. Tiffany).
  Mr. TIFFANY. Madam Speaker, not one word from our colleagues when it 
comes to the crime waves in cities like Chicago, Los Angeles, 
Milwaukee, Minneapolis, New York, San Francisco, and Philadelphia.
  To do so would be to criticize their own soft-on-crime policies. It 
has been going on for a decade now. They hope Americans ignore the 
inconvenient truth. Criminals don't get background checks, and they 
don't fear laws because rogue prosecutors financed by progressive dark 
money groups don't enforce our laws.

                              {time}  1630

  These criminal strongholds and Washington, D.C., have one thing in 
common: They are run by Democrats who refuse to enforce our laws.
  This administration, responsible for a 40-year inflation high, 
erasing our border, and a shrinking economy, will say anything to 
distract from their own failures. Jimmy Carter says thank you for 
making the seventies look good.
  Week after week, we hear about violent criminals revictimizing 
communities without being held accountable. The people furthering these 
policies and making our communities less safe are the same people who 
are fervently arguing to disarm Americans and defund the police. They 
are the same people weaponizing the FBI against their political 
opponents and the same people who want to repeal the Second Amendment. 
I wish they would just tell the American people the truth instead of 
deploying Trojan horses.
  Whether it is rifle bans, 9-mm bans, Federal red flag laws, one thing 
is certain: They will not change the outcomes for the people in those 
cities.
  As some Members of this body have said in the last few weeks: This is 
just the beginning. We will not stop.
  They will continue to erode our rights because they believe in a 
nanny-state government, not a government of the people.
  What Americans need is the enforcement of our laws holding criminals 
accountable and protecting our constitutional rights.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I include in the Record a May 27, 2022, 
piece from CNN titled ``States with weaker gun laws have higher rates 
of firearm related homicides and suicides, study finds.''

                        [From CNN, May 27, 2022]

   States With Weaker Gun Laws Have Higher Rates of Firearm Related 
                  Homicides and Suicides, Study Finds

                (By Emma Tucker and Priya Krishnakumar)

       A new study published Thursday by a leading non-profit 
     organization that focuses on gun violence prevention found 
     that there is a direct correlation in states with weaker gun 
     laws and higher rates of gun deaths, including homicides, 
     suicides and accidental killings.
       The study by Everytown for Gun Safety determined that 
     California had the strongest gun laws in the country. Hawaii 
     topped the list with the lowest rate of gun deaths in the 
     country while Mississippi led the country with both the 
     weakest gun laws and highest rate of gun deaths.
       ``What this project does, is show what we've been saying 
     for years: Gun laws save lives,'' said Nick Suplina, senior 
     vice president of law and policy at Everytown for Gun Safety 
     Support Fund. ``We think this is going to be a really 
     important tool for lawmakers, reporters and advocates that 
     have been looking for the kind of visual tool that can make 
     that case clearly.''
       To compile its list, the group used data from the Centers 
     for Disease Control and Prevention, looked at each state's 
     rate of gun deaths in 2020 and compared those rates with 50 
     policies that they say are scientifically proven to be 
     effective in preventing gun violence, Suplina said.
       The research team then weighed the list of gun safety 
     policies based on their efficacy, ranked each state on its 
     implementation of those policies and compared that score with 
     the rates of gun deaths in each state, he said.
       The CDC's data includes homicides, accidental killings and 
     suicides committed by guns. According to the CDC, over 45,000 
     people in the United States were killed with a firearm in 
     2020--more than half died by suicide.
       The analysis, first reported by CNN, put California at the 
     top of the list for gun law strength--a composite score of 
     84.5 out of 100, with one of the lowest rates of gun deaths 
     per 100,000 residents, at 8.5 out of 30 and below the 
     national average of 13.6. Hawaii has the lowest rate of gun 
     deaths in the country with the second strongest gun law 
     score. It also has the lowest rate of gun ownership, with 
     firearms in 9 percent of households, the data shows.
       As state legislatures begin to convene for their 2022 
     legislative sessions, lawmakers will consider a breadth of 
     bills that either loosen or expand gun protections across 
     various states.
       ``I have seen firsthand in California that the work we have 
     done to strengthen gun laws has been both life-saving and 
     effective,'' said Rep. Mike Thompson (D-CA). chair of the 
     House Gun Violence Prevention Task Force. ``Gun laws work, 
     and we need them across the board to ensure that felons, 
     domestic abusers, and those with mental health issues can't 
     simply go to the next state over to circumvent the very laws 
     meant to keep guns out of their hands.''
       CNN has reached out to the National Rifle Association (NRA) 
     to comment on the research, but it declined to do so before 
     seeing the data.
       Mississippi has the weakest gun laws with a score of 3 out 
     of 100 and has the highest rate of gun deaths per 100,000 
     residents--28.6 out of 30, the research shows.
       Massachusetts has adopted 37 of the 50 policies and has the 
     second-lowest rate of

[[Page H5381]]

     gun deaths, while Missouri has only eight of the gun safety 
     policies and the fourth highest rate of gun deaths in the US. 
     Louisiana and Wyoming are among the top five states with the 
     highest gun deaths and the weakest gun safety laws.
       ``Lawmakers in the states at the bottom can't pretend to be 
     ignorant about the importance of gun laws after looking at 
     this report,'' said Shannon Watts, the founder of Moms Demand 
     Action, which has been fighting for gun safety measures since 
     the 2012 Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting in Connecticut 
     that killed 20 children and six educators.
       Mother and activist DeAndra Dycus said the gun violence 
     problem in Indianapolis is ``tearing our community apart.''
       Nearly eight years ago, her 13-year-old son, DeAndre 
     ``Dre'' Knox, was shot in the back left side of his head at a 
     birthday party in Indianapolis when shots were fired during a 
     confrontation between two boys. DeAndre, now 21, survived 
     after being on life support for several days, Dycus said, and 
     he currently lives in a facility with non-verbal quadriplegic 
     paralysis.
       ``As a mother, when I look at him, I see everything that 
     was taken away,'' Dycus said. ``My son was a dreamer. He was 
     a scholar. He was on this road to being something great.''
       ``But on the flip side, I see this little boy who has made 
     such an impact, not just on our city but our country, as it 
     pertains to what it looks like to survive,'' she said. ``Dre 
     has embodied that.''
       Everytown designated a list of five foundational laws that 
     have proven to be the most effective in lowering gun violence 
     rates. These include requirements for a background check and/
     or permits to purchase handguns; a permit to carry concealed 
     guns in public; the secure storage of firearms; the rejection 
     of `Stand Your Ground' laws; and the enactment of `extreme 
     risk' laws that temporarily remove a person's access to 
     firearms when there is evidence that they pose a serious risk 
     to themselves or others, according to Everytown.
       Last year, several conservative states--such as Texas, 
     Iowa, Tennessee, Montana, Utah and Wyoming--passed 
     legislation allowing some form of permitless carry as 
     President Joe Biden pushed forward executive actions to 
     address gun violence following several high-profile mass 
     shootings.
       In Texas, the controversial ``constitutional carry'' 
     legislation went into effect in September that allows most 
     Texans who legally own a firearm to carry it openly in public 
     without obtaining a permit or training.
       Supporters of the bill have argued that by removing the 
     licensing requirement they are removing an ``artificial 
     barrier'' to residents' right to bear arms under the 
     Constitution and ensuring more Texans have access to ``the 
     protection of themselves or their families'' in public. But 
     law enforcement officials and experts have expressed concerns 
     that the open carrying of firearms makes it more difficult 
     for police to quell violence.
       ``As we've seen gun extremism continue to rise in this 
     country, we've also seen people who open carry start out at 
     marches and rallies and then show up in elected officials' 
     homes, in polling places, statehouses and then on January 6th 
     at the US Capitol,'' Watts said.
       According to Watts, the shooting in a Michigan high school 
     in December that killed four students is a ``textbook 
     example'' of why laws that require the secure storage of 
     firearms are essential to gun safety.
       The alleged gunman in that shooting, 15-year-old Ethan 
     Crumbley, is accused of fatally shooting four classmates and 
     wounding several others on November 30. His parents were 
     charged with four counts of involuntary manslaughter in the 
     same incident. All three have pleaded not guilty.
       Prosecutors allege that James Crumbley, the father of the 
     suspected shooter, bought the gun used in the shooting four 
     days earlier. The incident prompted outrage over Ethan's 
     alleged accessibility to the gun, arguing that the shooting 
     could have been prevented.
       Only 23 states currently have some semblance of a secure 
     storage requirement, Watts said.
       Last year, Everytown successfully worked to pass secure 
     storage laws in Maine, Colorado, and Oregon, among others, 
     according to Watts.
       During this year's legislative session, Watts said the 
     organization will work with lawmakers in hopes of passing 
     such laws in at least 14 states. States such as California, 
     Michigan and New Jersey are working on first-of-its kind 
     legislation that requires parents to be notified about secure 
     storage.
       Everytown's research shows that 21 of the country's states 
     have rejected Stand Your Ground laws, which allow individuals 
     to use deadly force in public as self-defense even if they 
     can safely walk away from the situation.
       Despite strong gun laws, some states still feel the effects 
     of being close to a state with more lax regulations. For 
     example, Illinois has the sixth-strongest gun safety laws in 
     the country, but its neighboring state of Indiana has much 
     weaker gun laws, Suplina says.
       According to Suplina, this could explain why such a high 
     number of guns purchased in Indiana have ended up in Chicago. 
     Last year, the U.S. Department of Justice charged six 
     Indianapolis residents related to the straw purchasing of 
     firearms. Prosecutors said more than 20 of the guns were 
     recovered in Chicago after being used in violent crimes, 
     including murder.
       Gun violence overall has risen during the pandemic. More 
     than two-thirds of the country's 40 most populous cities saw 
     more homicides last year than in 2020, and most of them were 
     a result of gun violence, according to a CNN analysis of 
     police department data. For many cities, the elevated rates 
     of homicide continued into 2021.
       While experts say the reasons for the rise in homicides are 
     varied, murders are increasingly carried out with guns. The 
     increase in gun violence was underscored in the FBI's 2020 
     Uniform Crime Report, which stated that about 77 percent of 
     reported murders in 2020 were committed with a gun, up from 
     74 percent in 2019. The agency reported that the number of 
     homicides increased by nearly 30 percent from 2019, the 
     largest single-year jump the agency has recorded. There is no 
     federal database of gun sales, but other independent surveys 
     have found that gun sales have soared during the Covid-19 
     pandemic.

  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton).
  Ms. NORTON. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of the package of 
gun violence prevention bills we are considering today.
  Gun violence is at unseen epidemic levels in this country. We need to 
combat the source of the epidemic: easy access to guns.
  I will address, however, the impact of the lack of statehood for the 
residents of the District of Columbia on their ability to pass and 
maintain their own commonsense gun violence prevention laws.
  If Republicans take the majority in the next Congress, they could 
eliminate D.C.'s gun violence prevention laws, which they have 
repeatedly tried to do, including its ban on assault weapons and high-
capacity magazines and its universal background checks.
  At least seven current Republican Members of Congress have introduced 
such bills. I have defeated each effort in Congress to overturn D.C. 
gun violence prevention laws, and I vow to do so again, but the 
ultimate remedy for congressional interference in local D.C. matters, 
of course, is D.C. statehood.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Castro).
  Mr. CASTRO of Texas. Madam Speaker, I rise to vote to do something. 
It is too easy for dangerous people to get dangerous weapons in this 
country, and we are either going to do something about it or we are 
not.
  I want you to imagine for a second that a shooter with an AR-15 goes 
into your child's or grandchild's school tomorrow or next fall and 
leaves a hole the size of a basketball in their chest or leaves their 
head decapitated off their body. Ask yourself what you would ask of the 
people who represent you. Would their thoughts and prayers be good 
enough for you if that happened to your child? Would they being worried 
about their primary election be okay with you?
  The people of Uvalde, when I spoke to them, asked me how it is that 
somebody who is 18 can't buy beer or cigarettes, but they can go into a 
gun store and buy two AR-15s and go kill 20 people.
  The teachers who died, the cops who died, the children who died 
cannot vote to change the law. Only we can do that. This is our legacy. 
Vote ``yes.''
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to direct their remarks 
to the Chair.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Wasserman Schultz).
  Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ. Madam Speaker, I rise to confront the Nation's 
leading child killer: gun violence.
  Passing the Protecting Our Kids Act does that by raising the legal 
age to buy certain semiautomatic rifles and closing the ghost gun 
loophole. It strengthens safe storage rules at home and clamps down on 
bump stocks and high-capacity magazines.
  Once more, House Democrats will do something meaningful to address 
this carnage while House Republicans do nothing. Yes, a few Senate 
Republicans may do the absolute minimum, but when an 11-year-old tells 
Congress that she smeared her murdered friend's blood on her own body 
to play dead and stay alive in Uvalde, I will take baby steps over no 
steps.

[[Page H5382]]

  From Uvalde and Buffalo to Parkland, Orlando, and Las Vegas, America 
is bleeding. While this legislation will not end gun violence, it is a 
tourniquet.
  The deaths, suicides, and astronomical health costs are too high, and 
we cannot continue to forsake our national freedoms to learn, work, and 
worship without fear.
  Let's pass this legislation and reclaim America's values and confront 
this Nation's leading killer of children: gun violence.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman 
from Virginia (Mr. Cline).
  Mr. CLINE. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Ohio for 
yielding.
  I rise in opposition to the so-called Protecting Our Kids Act. What 
we saw 2 weeks ago in Uvalde, Texas, was tragic and horrific, and we 
should take action to prevent future tragedies such as this one, but 
this bill is not the solution for several reasons.
  First, the bill restricts the Second Amendment rights of law-abiding 
adults. With very limited exceptions, the bill would prohibit 18- to 
20-year-olds from buying nearly all semiautomatic rifles and shotguns.
  During the markup of this bill, the Judiciary Committee chairman 
argued that this is applicable because these young adults don't have 
fully formed brains. Yet, we entrust these same young adults to serve 
our country in the military and die for our country. We trust these 
young adults to vote in our elections.
  What is even more interesting is while Democrats believe that these 
young adults don't have fully formed brains, they certainly are more 
than willing to try to reduce the age at which a person can vote to 16.
  Second, the bill makes it more difficult for a domestic violence 
victim to keep a firearm for protection. As drafted, the bill would 
criminalize a domestic violence victim's attempt to seek help from a 
friend or neighbor in obtaining a firearm.
  The safe storage requirements of the bill make it harder for people 
to access a firearm in an emergency by mandating a one-size-fits-all 
approach for firearm storage.
  Finally, the bill's limits on magazine capacity will essentially ban 
many common firearms, some of which may accommodate between 15 and 30 
rounds of ammunition.
  Overall, this bill is an attempt to restrict the constitutional 
rights of law-abiding citizens while ignoring the broader problems of 
why these tragedies are happening.
  Let's talk about school resource officers in our schools. Let's talk 
about fortifying school buildings. Let's talk about ending the 
dangerous mirage of gun-free zones. And yes, let's talk about mental 
health.

  We have to look for commonsense solutions that make it easier for 
Americans to protect themselves and their loved ones. I oppose this 
bill, and I urge my colleagues to vote ``no.''
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Chu).
  Ms. CHU. Madam Speaker, we cannot let America be like this.
  Children shouldn't be texting their family good-bye as they lay 
barricaded behind desks. Parents shouldn't dread having to drop a child 
off at school, wondering if this is a death sentence. And a grandmother 
shouldn't have to fear being murdered as she goes into a grocery store 
to get dinner.
  The U.S. is the only country in the world with more civilian-owned 
firearms than people, and it is costing us our loved ones' lives.
  Thoughts and prayers are not enough. They never were. We have to take 
action. This is what we were sent to Congress to do, to act.
  The bill before us today, H.R. 7910, the Protecting Our Kids Act, 
will save lives. We can no longer act like we are powerless to stop 
mass murders in our communities when it is clear there is so much we 
can do.
  Pass this bill. Enough is enough.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
Georgia (Mrs. Greene).
  Mrs. GREENE of Georgia. In 1990, our schools became gun-free school 
zones, and on September 6, 1990, when I was 16 years old, my high 
school went on lockdown because one of the students at my school 
brought three guns to school in a duffel bag on the school bus, brought 
the guns into our school, and proceeded to take control of our high 
school. And he was the only person in the school who had guns. That is 
why that happened.
  There was no one to protect us who had a gun that day. The only 
person with guns was the very mentally ill, upset teenager who had 
brought guns to school that day to kill other students. I know that 
fear. As a matter of fact, I think I am the only Member of Congress 
that that has actually happened to.
  I am also a mom. I have dropped off my kids at school for years, 
wondering would this happen at my children's school. Would they face a 
terrible fate like the poor children in Uvalde? This should never 
happen to our children, and I can't help but point out to all of us 
here, while we are debating how to protect our kids in school and we 
are debating our Second Amendment gun rights, I want to point out that 
we are all so privileged to be in this building being protected by 
armed guards with guns who are protecting our lives.
  It is shocking to me that this body of Congress won't do the same 
thing for children in schools all over America because we know one 
thing works. We know that a gun is a tool, and it is a weapon that can 
be used to defend yourself or defend others. We are all lucky enough to 
have that privilege, but our schoolchildren aren't.
  If we really want to be serious about protecting our kids here in 
America, we will repeal the Gun-Free School Zones Act, and we will put 
into action real legislation that protects children in schools 
everywhere, all over America, with good guys with guns, the same way we 
are being protected.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the 
distinguished gentleman from Florida (Mr. Deutch), a member of the 
Judiciary Committee.
  Mr. DEUTCH. Madam Speaker, I am disappointed in the way that our 
colleagues are so cavalierly avoiding the facts.
  These commonsense measures, had we passed them before, could have 
saved over 400 people killed in mass shootings since Columbine.
  I am disappointed in the cavalier mischaracterization of 
jurisprudence. Justice Scalia said that the rights secured by the 
Second Amendment are not unlimited. My colleagues know that the changes 
in this law that we are proposing today will not undermine the Second 
Amendment in any way.
  Madam Speaker, I have two documents that inform everything I do here. 
One is the Constitution of the United States, and the other is this 
list that I wrote on February 14, 2018, of every one of the 17 members 
of my community slaughtered by a killer with an AR-15 in his high 
school.
  We have heard a lot about foundational rights, foundational 
liberties, as if the Second Amendment is the sum total of the 
Constitution. Madam Speaker, the First Amendment matters as well, and 
for these 17, they have no right to practice religion and to pray for 
themselves or all of those who are killed every time we offer thoughts 
and prayers. And for these 17 and everyone killed by gun violence, they 
cannot peaceably assemble as the First Amendment gives the right to all 
Americans. And, Madam Speaker, most of all, they cannot petition the 
government for redress of their grievances, not these 17, not the 19 
from Uvalde, no one killed by gun violence.
  Today, we can help redress the grievances of all those lost to gun 
violence by passing this important legislation. We must, and we will.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman 
from Florida (Mr. Rutherford).
  Mr. RUTHERFORD. Madam Speaker, I rise today in opposition to H.R. 
7910 because this bill does nothing to stop human violence, which is 
the real problem at hand here.
  Straw purchases are already illegal. You can't buy a gun for someone 
else to get around the background check. Bump stocks are already 
regulated like automatic weapons, thanks to the Trump administration.
  Infringing on the Second Amendment rights of law-abiding Americans is 
not the answer. In fact, the bill before us will even make criminals 
out of legal gun owners.
  This bill would put the Federal Government in charge of law-abiding 
citizens and how they store their firearms

[[Page H5383]]

inside their own homes. This bill puts firearms storage over and above 
self-defense.
  Instead, let's work together to address human violence problems by 
bolstering our mental health system, identifying individuals before 
they become active shooters and mass murderers, and improving our 
school safety through crime prevention through environmental design, 
CPTED. It can be done.

                              {time}  1645

  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from California (Mr. Garamendi).
  Mr. GARAMENDI. Madam Speaker, I have heard over and over again we 
ought to harden our schools. We ought to let every teacher have a gun.
  One question that needs to be asked as that argument goes forward: 
Why? Why do we need to do that?
  We need to do that because an 18-year-old was able to buy two AR-15s, 
go to the school in Uvalde, and shoot up all of the students and 
teachers--19. That is presumably why we have to harden our schools.
  Maybe it is time for us to come to the reality that it is time for us 
to pass commonsense gun safety legislation. This particular piece of 
legislation does just that. It doesn't take away the Second Amendment 
rights.
  What it does is to provide every American with the right to life, 
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and not having to worry about 
whether their school has been hardened sufficiently to prevent an 18-
year-old with two military-style weapons to enter that school. It is 
time for us to act. Pass this legislation.

  Mr. GARAMENDI. Madam Speaker, it is time to act.
  On January 19, 1989, my wife Patti and I entered the ICU at San 
Joaquin General Hospital. We were there to see a five-year-old boy and 
his parents, who recently fled from war-torn Laos. The boy was fighting 
for his life. A day earlier, a gunman, armed with an AK 47c, walked 
onto the playground at Cleveland Park Elementary School in Stockton 
California and started shooting, killing five children and injuring 
thirty-two. ``We came here to escape war,'' the boy's parents pleaded. 
``How could this happen in America?''
  I represented Stockton in the California Senate in 1989 during the 
Cleveland Park Elementary shooting. After hearing from first responders 
and victims, I introduced legislation that would become California's 
assault weapons ban--the first of its kind in the nation. Senator 
Dianne Feinstein bravely took up the case in Washington, and in 1994 
Congress passed and President Clinton signed the federal assault 
weapons ban into law. Unfortunately, the federal ban expired in 2004 
when the Republican-led Congress refused to extend the ban.
  Tragically, mass shootings have been on the rise ever since Congress 
let the assault weapons ban expire. Last month in Texas, days after his 
18th birthday, a man purchased two AR-15-style assault rifles and 375 
rounds of 5.56-caliber ammunition. Days later, on May 24, 2022, he 
entered Robb Elementary School in Uvalde, Texas, and murdered 19 
fourth-grade children and two teachers. America was left heartbroken 
and appalled by the horrific mass shooting and is asking how a youth 
who could not buy a beer was able to buy and possess more weapons of 
war than a trained Marine would carry into a deadly conflict.
  Unfortunately, the horror witnessed in Uvalde is not an isolated 
incident in today's America. There have been over 20 mass shootings in 
America since the tragedy at Robb Elementary in Uvalde, Texas. Mothers, 
fathers, children, and grandparents have all had their lives cut short 
and left behind friends and family to mourn their loss. America is 
experiencing a gun violence epidemic, and we are foolish to think 
anything will change without immediate action locally and nationally. 
It is estimated that over 20 million AR-15-style assault rifles are in 
the homes and streets of America. There have already been 233 mass 
shootings in America since January 2022. We have to act to change this.
  During the 10 years America had a federal assault weapons ban, gun 
homicide rates declined 49% nationally. Sadly, mass shootings and gun 
homicides have become more frequent and deadly since the ban expired. 
There have been more mass shootings in the last two years than in the 
10 years under the federal assault weapons ban.
  It's time for Congress to reinstate the federal assault weapons ban. 
H.R. 1808, the Assault Weapons Ban Act, would do just that and 
institute a buy-back program to remove many of these deadly weapons 
from our communities. Congress also must also institute a universal 
background check system with a waiting period, establish a national Red 
Flag law, ban ghost guns, limit magazine sizes, allow civil lawsuits 
against gun manufacturers, and institute a stiff tax on all gun sales 
and assault weapons ammunition. This tax should be used to compensate 
gun violence victims and increase investments in gun violence research.
  The Democratic House of Representatives, with no support from 
Republicans, has already voted twice this session to pass gun safety 
legislation. This month, House Democrats will take further action by 
voting for legislation to protect our communities from gun-wielding men 
and women bent on murder and violence. The tragic fact is that the 
Senate Republicans, like their House colleagues, have refused to vote 
for even the most minimal gun safety legislation and are using the 
filibuster to block commonsense reforms that will save lives.
  The gun violence epidemic cannot be tolerated. It cannot be 
normalized. We must not re-elect lawmakers and candidates who would 
rather protect the NRA and their gun-obsessed donors than innocent 
children and teachers. These shooters are cowards going after the most 
vulnerable.
  As I write this, the memory of that family gathered around that 
hospital bed at San Joaquin General Hospital haunts me as I envision 
hundreds of families gathered around hospital beds and coffins weeping 
and asking, ``How could this happen in America?'' It happens because 
our courts and too many politicians have chosen to protect gun 
manufacturers, gun sellers, and gun owners rather than children, 
teachers, worshipers, and shoppers. In the fall mid-term elections, 
America must elect candidates who will vote for gun control.
  We must be as brave as those children and teachers in that classroom 
last month. We must stand up to the NRA and its supporters.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Carolyn B. Maloney).
  Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Madam Speaker, I rise in support 
of the Protecting Our Kids Act.
  Today, the victims' families and community members from the mass 
shootings in Buffalo and Uvalde appeared before the Oversight Committee 
demanding action. These communities have faced unspeakable tragedy.
  It is our duty as lawmakers to listen to them and work to build a 
world where they will never have to see these horrific events repeated. 
This legislation will save countless lives from the violence these 
families have had to endure.
  We must support every title in this bill, especially title II, 
cracking down on interstate gun trafficking. I have spent over a decade 
fighting for gun trafficking and straw purchases to be made a Federal 
offense. The illegal interstate movement of firearms into New York, 
known as the ``Iron Pipeline'' has caused countless firearms to enter 
our State unlawfully. Preventing gun trafficking across State lines 
should be a bipartisan goal.
  As a mother and teacher, I am horrified by these attacks on our 
schools, grocery stores, and our communities. I urge my colleagues to 
support this bill.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
Florida (Mrs. Cammack).
  Mrs. CAMMACK. Madam Speaker, I came here today to speak on behalf of 
women and the parents of my district--heck, honestly, I came to speak 
on behalf of all Americans who want their kids to be safe and secure in 
their schools, and for people to be safe in their communities.
  I came here today to say that we all want these things because our 
hearts collectively break when any life is lost. We mourn for those 
lives lost needlessly.
  We need to do better, and we can do better, which is why every single 
Member of this Chamber must, without hesitation, denounce, decline, 
decide, and oppose against H.R. 7910, the politics over our kids act.
  This is common sense. Taking legal firearms out of the hands of law-
abiding citizens does nothing but empower criminals.
  It is already illegal to commit murder. Has that stopped murder? Has 
that stopped violence? No.
  Madam Speaker, you said in your opening remarks: ``Protecting our 
kids--what could be more important than that?'' You said: ``We are here 
for the children.'' You went on to say: ``Everything we do is for the 
children,'' and that today's effort to strip our constitutional rights 
is a ``crusade for the children.''

[[Page H5384]]

  You must have forgotten the nearly 60 million children that have been 
murdered through some of the most horrific means during an abortion. 
All on your watch.
  You invoke JFK, and say: ``Our children are our best resource and our 
best hope for the future.''
  Is that so?
  Why do you deny them their future by killing them in the womb? It 
sounds a bit hypocritical, if you ask me.
  You also made the statement that the leading cause of death for 
children is firearms. Then why does the data refute that? ``NBC News'' 
reported that motor vehicle deaths of kids from age 1 to 17 continues 
to be the number one cause of death.
  Spare me, Madam Speaker, that you are here fighting for the children 
because your three decades in Congress reflect a record of anything but 
a fight for children.
  Certainly not the kids being trafficked at the border. Not the kids 
being abused. Not the kids fighting for their life in the womb, or the 
kids whose future is being stolen by abusive Big Government policies.
  If this were about protecting kids, then why does this bill do 
nothing to secure or harden our schools? Why were there no bipartisan 
efforts as part of this package? Why do these bills do nothing to 
address the mental health crisis that we are facing that is driving the 
violence? It is not the guns; it is the people.
  People who are intent on committing acts of evil and violence will do 
so by any means necessary. That is a fact.
  While you have conveniently forgotten so much, I certainly do not 
want to forget how many victims of domestic violence will be left 
without options to protect themselves if this garbage bill becomes law.
  The same party screaming to defund our police is the same party 
screaming about how you--a law-abiding citizen--should not be able to 
defend yourself.
  Finally, I would be remiss if I didn't mention that you have clearly 
all forgotten your oath. An oath that we took here on this Chamber 
floor to uphold and defend the United States Constitution, and the 
Second Amendment is part of that.
  Madam Speaker, and to all my colleagues, the Constitution is not a la 
carte, you can either accept it all or none of it, but you cannot 
cherry-pick. If you cannot uphold your oath, then you should resign.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. All Members are reminded, once again, to 
address their remarks to the Chair.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
New Jersey (Ms. Sherrill).
  Ms. SHERRILL. Madam Speaker, like so many parents across the Nation, 
when I sent my four kids off to school this past week, I worried that 
they wouldn't be coming home, like so many children across the country.
  I got a bit hopeful when I heard that my colleagues are speaking for 
women across the country, and I expected to hear then that they were 
going to talk about passing universal background checks because we know 
that 88 percent of the country wants to see universal background checks 
passed. I am sorry, I must have missed that in their conversation.
  When I heard how devastated my colleagues are for the little children 
that have been dying, like I am, I thought, well, great, maybe we will 
hear something about passing a law that restricts people 21 and under 
from purchasing guns, like Mitch McConnell said he is willing to 
consider. I must have missed that, too.

  I have to tell you, we know these gun safety legislation pieces work 
because in New Jersey, we have passed most of them, and we have made 
major progress. In fact, while the rest of the country has seen gun 
rate deaths increase by 33 percent, in New Jersey they fell by 10 
percent.
  Again, I am hoping, as we speak for mothers and women and children 
and families across New Jersey, we start to hear about how we are going 
to pass this great legislation.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from 
North Carolina (Mr. Bishop).
  Mr. BISHOP of North Carolina. Madam Speaker, it is repeated over and 
over again that the Second Amendment is not unlimited, it has limits. 
No one contends otherwise.
  What are the limits? Wouldn't it be nice to hear that in the debate?
  The limits as set forth in Heller and McDonald is that it is 
improper, and you cannot ban weapons that are ``in common use at the 
time.'' You cannot require that firearms in the home be ``rendered and 
kept inoperable.''
  The Ninth and Fourth Circuits have said that, like other 
constitutional rights, all of them, the Second Amendment protections 
apply to 18- to 20-year-olds. The dissenting judge in that opinion in 
the Fourth Circuit acknowledged that there is ``persuasive evidence of 
that.''
  This bill bans for 18- to 20-year-old adults guns that are in common 
use. It bans for everyone ammo magazines that are in pervasive use. It 
requires that weapons be disabled in the home. This one doesn't violate 
the Constitution, I admit, but it even criminalizes a neighbor who buys 
a gun for self-protection for a victim of domestic violence.
  The Democrats say more is coming. They use the terminology ``weapon 
of war.'' They intend to ban this class of weapons entirely. You have 
made it clear in the House Judiciary Committee.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE: Madam Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. BISHOP of North Carolina. Madam Speaker, I will not yield. She 
has had a lot of time.
  Madam Speaker, you made it clear that you will proceed regardless of 
what the Second Amendment says. Mr. Jones made it clearer than anyone. 
If the filibuster obstructs us, we will abolish it. If the Supreme 
Court objects, we will expand it.
  Do something, is the mantra. It is probably worth remembering that 
that is short for the commonly heard phrase, ``do something, even if it 
is wrong.'' The last thing we need is something that is wrong. What is 
needed is an answer. You are not pursuing an answer because, frankly, 
you are not grappling with the problem.
  Could we begin with candor? Are these disasters enough to prompt 
candor? Could we have some truth? You have been doing gun control since 
1968. Has it worked to your satisfaction? The gentlewoman from 
Pennsylvania said earlier: The country is sick. She has misdiagnosed 
the problem.
  They say it is the guns. Madam Speaker, guns have been prevalent in 
the United States of America since before our founding. We did not 
suffer the mass shootings. We did not suffer the chaos in the cities 
like she described. Why do we have this now?
  Chesterton, a British gentleman, came closest, he said: ``The 
disintegration of rational society started in the drift from the hearth 
and the family; the solution must be a drift back.'' Everybody knows it 
is true.
  If there is a sickness in the country, it is the product of 60 years 
of disintegration of American culture by the liberal project: Assaults 
on the family; hostility to God; cheapening life; pervasive expansion 
of the welfare state; ridicule for individual and parental 
responsibility; Soros DAs ending punishment for crime; delegitimizing, 
defunding, and abolishing police.
  Behold your handiwork. Stripping Americans of constitutional rights 
won't cure what ails us. Not the Second Amendment, not the First 
Amendment to which you are hostile, not the Fourth Amendment, not the 
Fifth Amendment. Join us to solve the problems you have caused. We can 
find answers together.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will, once again, admonish Members 
to direct their remarks to the Chair.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Espaillat).
  Mr. ESPAILLAT. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of the 
Protecting Our Kids Act. This overdue legislation will tighten gun 
regulations.
  Unfortunately, in the world's wealthiest country, we have the 32nd 
highest rate of death from gun violence across the planet. This is a 
horrific statistic that is impacting all of our districts--blue 
districts and red districts.
  In my district, gun violence has taken far too many lives, including 
the young life and brutal murder of Krystal Bayron-Nieves, working the 
midnight shift in an East Harlem Burger King. The brutal murder of two 
police officers in Harlem's 32nd Precinct.

[[Page H5385]]

An 11-month-old gunshot victim in the Bronx. Yes, Madam Speaker, only 
11 months old.
  Madam Speaker, I am here to tell my colleagues on the other side of 
the aisle that this epidemic is serious. In fact, it is a public health 
crisis. For this reason, Congresswoman Escobar and I urge our 
colleagues to join us in a resolution declaring gun violence a national 
public health crisis.
  This is just the beginning, Madam Speaker. We will continue to pass 
more gun regulations.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

                              {time}  1700

  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, may I inquire how much time each side has 
remaining?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York has 13\1/4\ 
minutes remaining. The gentleman from Ohio has 10 minutes remaining.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from Massachusetts (Ms. Clark).
  Ms. CLARK of Massachusetts. Madam Speaker, today in our country 321 
people will be shot, and 111 of them will die from those gunshots. 
Twenty-two of the people who are shot every day in this country are 
kids, just like the 19 fourth graders sitting in their classroom while 
they were massacred in Uvalde.
  So I ask my colleagues: How many more?
  How many more innocent people need to die?
  How many more elders will be murdered at a grocery store or in their 
houses of worship?
  How many more children, slaughtered in their classroom, will be 
enough to do something to save lives?
  We are considering the most basic measures to keep people safe from 
gun violence and to keep families from having to I.D. their children by 
DNA after their bodies were destroyed by a weapon of war.
  Raising the age to 21 to buy assault rifles, safe gun storage, and 
cracking down on gun trafficking are obvious solutions. Vote ``yes'' to 
protect families. Vote ``yes'' to save our children.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
  Mr. BLUMENAUER. Madam Speaker, it has been heart-wrenching hearing 
the stories on the floor today.
  America is not unique with gun violence. What is unique is that 
America has accepted the slaughter. Unlike Britain, Canada, Australia, 
New Zealand, and Norway, after horrific events they acted decisively to 
reduce gun violence, and it worked.
  We have stood by while the carnage continues to our shame. America 
should not be the only rich country that cannot protect our children.
  After events in Oregon, I met with victims of gun violence, and they 
developed a package that looks a lot like what we are voting on today.
  It is no longer acceptable for gun violence enablers to hide behind 
thoughts and prayers. If other countries can protect their families, 
then so can we.
  Madam Speaker, pass this package.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Nevada (Mr. Horsford).
  Mr. HORSFORD. Madam Speaker, later this month, 30 years to the day, 
my father was shot and killed by senseless gun violence.
  And so I rise today with a heavy heart for those who have been 
murdered by gun violence and the survivors who now must live with that 
trauma every single day.
  I have a heavy heart for the 58 victims and survivors in my hometown 
of Las Vegas who experienced the worst mass shooting in U.S. history.
  I have a heavy heart for the parents and families in Uvalde, Texas, 
whose children were murdered while at school.
  I have a heavy heart for the Black Americans who were murdered at a 
grocery store in Buffalo, New York.
  I have a heavy heart for the doctors and nurses who were killed at a 
hospital in Tulsa.
  I have a heavy heart. But I also have the courage to protect our 
children, and I will continue to work to break the cycle of violence.
  The question is: Do my colleagues have the courage to protect our 
kids?
  Vote ``yes'' on this legislation.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 3\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman 
from Florida (Mr. Steube).
  Mr. STEUBE. Madam Speaker, guns are not the cause of evil, just like 
the vehicle used by the domestic terrorist in Waukesha, Wisconsin, to 
mow down innocent people in a parade killing six was not the cause of 
that evil. The person driving it was.
  Why aren't the pictures of the victims of that heinous act being 
shown by the Democrats on the floor today, like those victims in 
Uvalde?
  Where was the left's cry to ban vehicles that killed those innocent 
lives in Waukesha?
  There are no cries to ban cars because that is not on the left's 
agenda. Banning guns is. And Democrats use these heinous crimes to 
further the long sought-after political objective of disarming America, 
and many Democrats in this Chamber have called for outright bans on 
certain firearms.
  There is a moral decay in our country that has been created by the 
left. They have torn down traditional institutions, taken God out of 
our classrooms, and systematically destroyed the notion of 
traditional families and values.

  Just look at these numbers in a recent article from The Christian 
Post: Seventy-five percent of most cited school shooters in America are 
fatherless; 60 percent of America's rapists grew up without fathers; 63 
percent of teenagers who commit suicide don't have a father in their 
life; 72 percent of adolescent murderers are fatherless. The same was 
true for the murderer at Robb Elementary. And I could go on.
  Why isn't the majority talking about that?
  Why isn't the majority talking about solutions to have role models in 
children's lives?
  Because that doesn't accomplish a policy objective for them.
  This bill, nor any bill before us this week, will stop mass 
shootings. This bill won't even decrease gun violence, and the facts 
and evidence from the jurisdictions with similar policies make that 
clear. Just look at any holiday weekend in Chicago and see how many 
people have been shot with many of these policies already in place.
  This bill is simply a step further to restrict the ability of law-
abiding citizens to own firearms and defend themselves while doing 
nothing to address the cultural rot that leads to these acts.
  This bill seeks to take the Second Amendment rights away from 18- to 
20-year-olds by taking away their ability to purchase a firearm.
  Comparing Census data on the total 18- to 20-year-old population with 
Department of Justice data on violent crimes committed by that age 
group--and this includes violent crimes not involving guns--only 0.3 
percent of 18- to 20-year-olds commit violent crimes in a year.
  Madam Speaker, when you look at murder, including murder without 
guns, only 0.013 percent of 18- to 20-year-olds commit murder in a 
year. So today Democrats are going to take away the lawful right for 
99.7 percent of adult Americans between the ages of 18 and 20 for the 
acts of a few wicked people.
  Now, think about that, Madam Speaker. So the daughter off to college 
and living by herself can't buy a shotgun to keep in her home to 
protect herself against a rapist all because of 0.3 percent of that age 
group has committed a violent crime.
  The magazine limits in the bill are even more egregious because it 
affects all Americans and all firearms, not just rifles, and will 
effectively serve as a ban on most commonly used handguns. As I 
demonstrated in the Judiciary Committee last week, numerous firearms 
that millions of Americans use every single day to protect themselves 
and their families could be rendered useless by a 15-round magazine 
limit. And those 15-round magazine limits have absolutely no effect on 
solving mass shootings.
  Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to stand for freedom, to stand 
for the Constitution, and to stand for the right of law-abiding 
citizens to defend themselves.

[[Page H5386]]

  

  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee).
  Ms. LEE of California. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of 
H.R. 7910, the Protecting Our Kids Act. I thank Chairman Nadler for 
bringing these bills to the floor.
  Gun violence is responsible for more than 32,000 deaths each year. 
This is a heartbreaking moment for so many of us. This is a public 
health crisis in our country. It is an epidemic.
  The victims of Buffalo, Uvalde, Tulsa, and other mass shootings 
deserve more than our thoughts and prayers.
  Last week, I met with young, gun violence survivors in my district. 
They spoke powerfully about the cycle of violence and the easy access 
to guns, especially ghost guns. They talked about the trauma they 
endured by themselves, their families, and their communities. This is 
nothing new. This has been going on for so many years, and they are 
asking us to take action to save lives.
  This bill responds to their call by raising the age for purchase of 
certain firearms.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield the gentlewoman an additional 15 
seconds.
  Ms. LEE of California. All I am saying is, all of our children who 
have died through gun violence had a right to live, and they had a 
right to life.
  So I urge all of my colleagues to vote ``yes'' and to take action so 
that we can save countless lives. Let's protect our kids. I thank the 
chairman again for yielding.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Allred).
  Mr. ALLRED. Madam Speaker, after the mass shooting in El Paso in 
2019, I received a letter from then 6-year-old Cal from Rowlett, Texas.
  He wrote:

       When kids get shot, that is less friends to play with. When 
     I grow up I don't want to hear any more on the news about 
     people being killed with guns.

  He was 6, and he had to write that to his Congressman. Today, just 3 
years later, he is the same age as some of the kids murdered in Uvalde.
  I refuse to accept that there is nothing that we can do, and I refuse 
to say there is nothing we can do to protect kids like Cal or my sons 
in their schools.
  We have to act by passing commonsense measures, like raising the age 
to 21 to buy an assault-style weapon, banning high-capacity magazines, 
and increasing safe storage. That will save lives. This legislation, 
the Protecting Our Kids Act, will save lives.
  Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' to help us save 
lives and for the Senate to finally act and to join us in trying to end 
this crisis.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Velazquez).

  Ms. VELAZQUEZ. Madam Speaker, we are here today because for the 
victims of Uvalde, it is too late; for the victims of Parkland, it is 
too late; for the victims of Sandy Hook, it is too late; and for the 
victims of Columbine, it is too late.
  Constituents from my district are still reeling from recent gun 
violence incidents. We all saw the images of people running desperately 
away from the shooter at the subway station in Sunset Park. I am tired 
of watching again and again my constituents suffer from horrific acts 
of gun violence.
  This legislation is a necessary step to prevent gun violence from 
happening in our schools, places of worship, grocery stores, malls, and 
public transportation. Moreover, it imposes stronger regulations on 
those who can buy these weapons of war.
  Congress cannot be too late anymore. Enough is enough.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from Washington (Ms. DelBene).
  Ms. DelBENE. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of the Protecting 
Our Kids Act. I am a parent of two great kids. When they were young, my 
husband or I would drop them off at school, and we were confident that 
they were in a safe space. But for so many parents, that is no longer 
the case.
  I recently hosted a roundtable with some of the over 1,000 
constituents who have written or called into my office following the 
tragedies in Uvalde and Buffalo and the over 240 mass shootings in 
2022.
  It is heartbreaking to hear how parents have to explain to their kids 
what to do if there is an active shooter, as if it is inevitable.
  We know what we can do to help prevent future tragedies like Uvalde. 
We can pass commonsense gun safety policies like this legislation. 
Enough is enough. We have to end the senseless deaths of our children 
and our neighbors. Vote ``yes.''
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from 
Kentucky (Mr. Massie).
  Mr. MASSIE. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Ohio for 
yielding.
  The Democrats today say they don't want to take your guns away. Well, 
then why does the legislation do just that?
  What they should say today is: We don't want to take all of the guns 
away from all of the people just yet because we know we can't get away 
with that.
  The reality is the anti-Second Amendment lobby has vastly outspent 
all of the pro-Second Amendment groups put together in the last several 
elections.
  Who is in the pocket of whom?
  So the red flag laws take all of the guns from some of the people, 
and the bill that will pass tonight, if the Democrats are fortunate 
enough to do so, will take some of the guns from all of the people.
  Now, why are the gun owners who don't own so-called high-capacity 
magazines, for instance, concerned?
  Why are the gun owners who don't own, for instance, AR-15-style 
weapons concerned about this legislation?
  Because they know the legislation won't work, and the response to 
this unserious and unconstitutional legislation that will allow the 
school shootings to continue will be more gun control from the 
Democrats.
  Let me give you an example, Madam Speaker. They have a high-capacity 
magazine ban in here that bans any magazine that can accept over 15 
rounds.
  Well, guess what?
  At Virginia Tech, the shooter carried 17 magazines none of which held 
more than 15 rounds and most of which held 10 rounds. The shooter at 
Columbine carried 13 magazines, each of which held 10 rounds. This 
legislation would have done absolutely nothing.
  It is not about how many rounds a magazine holds. It is about the 
evil intent of the shooter and is there somebody there with the 
capacity to stop that shooter before they can get going.

                              {time}  1715

  Why is this legislation dead on arrival in the Senate?
  Why is it dead on arrival in the Supreme Court?
  One of my colleagues has already acknowledged they know this is 
unconstitutional, and they will pack the Court if they have to. They 
said it in the Judiciary Committee, to keep this legislation alive 
after it should long since die.
  But why is it dead? Because Americans don't support it.
  You have quoted statistics. Those statistics are fake. If they were 
true, this would breeze through the Senate. But they are not.
  And so I urge my colleagues to respect the Constitution; respect the 
will of the American people; to respect the safety of American citizens 
and, most of all, the safety of children. Let's do something to protect 
them instead of these fake virtue signals that will do nothing but to 
curtail the Second Amendment rights of Americans.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Danny K. Davis).
  Mr. DANNY K. DAVIS of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong 
support of H.R. 7910, Protecting Our Kids Act.

[[Page H5387]]

  You know, I am so tired of hearing about Chicago and other big 
cities. Local governments do what they can, do what they will. But this 
is not a local issue. This is a national issue. It is a national 
problem and it requires a national solution.
  And so I urge all of my colleagues, no matter where you are from, 
make sure that you vote to protect our kids. And the only way to do 
that is get rid of these assault weapons and seriously reduce the 
number of guns in our society.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my 
time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from Michigan (Mrs. Dingell).
  Mrs. DINGELL. Madam Speaker, as a child, I lived with a man, my 
father, who should not have had access to a gun. When his temper 
flared, we would hide in the closet, my brothers and sisters, praying 
we would see the morning. My baby sister never recovered from those 
fears and ultimately died by suicide, haunted by the memories.
  Too many children are living with those fears today, in classrooms, 
and in their homes. We cannot afford to look away, once again, and do 
nothing.
  Twenty-eight years ago, when the assault weapons ban was debated, my 
husband, then an NRA board member, and who, by the way, slept with a 
gun under his pillow until the day he died, made one of the toughest 
votes of his career. He supported the bill, though he didn't agree with 
everything in it.
  We all have a job to do for our country. I don't want to take the 
guns away from any responsible gun owner. But the clock is ticking.
  Who will be the next mass shooting? Who is the next target?
  What do we want our American story to be?
  We need to act now.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my 
time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from Nevada (Ms. Titus).
  Ms. TITUS. Madam Speaker, I had intended to stand up here and speak 
about my provision preventing bump stocks being added to guns but, 
after sitting here and listening for several hours, my colleagues 
across the aisle, they have been misrepresenting the Second Amendment. 
They have been pretending to care about children, and they have been 
blubbering about their need for big guns to protect themselves.
  I have just got to say one thing. America is listening, and it will 
remember who allowed this plague to continue to kill our loved ones and 
spread disaster around our country. They are listening, and they will 
remember who it was.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my 
time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time. I am 
prepared to close.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman 
from Florida (Mr. Gaetz).
  Mr. GAETZ. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Well, we have heard the plan from Democrats. This is not a modest, 
trimming around the edges of gun laws. It has been a full-throated 
assault on the Second Amendment; a desire to deprive people of the 
weapons that they choose at the age that they achieve majority.
  And we have heard countless examples of where the good guy with the 
gun has been the difference between more or less bloodshed.
  But this is particularly an aggrieved time to bring this legislation 
forward because we heard the Speaker of the House recently say that 
members of the Republican Party were members of a cult. So you now have 
House Democrats demeaning, defaming, calling extremists, tens of 
millions of Americans, while they try to disarm you and then 
subsequently defund the police.
  And so no good guys are coming when the woke mob ends up at your 
door. That is their plan for America.
  And gun control, unrestrained gun control is a key part of it. And 
just like they said, they will pack the Court; they will blow up the 
filibuster; they will abuse every mores of this place for the 
opportunity to take down the Second Amendment. That is what is at 
issue. That is what we are fighting for.
  And Republicans in the United States Senate should not sign up for 
this charade. They should stand with our fellow Americans for the 
Constitution and with American gun owners.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I could not sit idly by to hear the 
abuse of the Second Amendment that Judge Scalia would not recognize; 
and that is, that there are no restrictions.

  I believe Judge Scalia would look at these dead babies and realize 
that the Constitution and the Second Amendment that is protected, 
untouched, would ask you the question, is there no sense of 
responsibility to be able to provide restrictions to save lives?
  How dare you suggest that we cannot provide the kind of laws in 
Protecting Our Kids Act that provides the incentives and guidelines to 
save lives?
  Ask the mothers and fathers of these babies. The Second Amendment is 
not absolute. It does allow restrictions; just as President Reagan 
said: He sees no reason for an AK-47, at that time, to be used for 
sport or to be used for anything else.
  Support our babies and vote for this act. Where is your 
responsibility and courage?
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  Representative Massie was right on target when he said red flag laws 
take all guns from some people and they do so without due process. This 
bill takes some guns from all people. But Democrats say, don't worry. 
We are not out to get the Second Amendment. Really?
  Here is what Representative Cicilline said in committee last week: 
Spare me the B.S. about constitutional rights.
  Here is what Representative Jones said last week in committee: If the 
filibuster obstructs us, we will abolish it. If the Supreme Court 
objects, we will expand. We will not rest until we have taken weapons 
out of circulation in our communities. Each and every day, we will do 
whatever it takes; whatever it takes.
  They are out to get the Second Amendment.
  The right of the American people, the right of we, the people, to 
keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed. That is what bothers them. 
They don't trust we, the people. They are smarter than us. They are 
better than us. They don't trust law-abiding American citizens. They do 
not trust them.
  And that is what is so wrong with the direction we are going with 
this legislation and the legislation they are going to bring to the 
floor tomorrow.
  We have seen they don't trust Americans to exercise their First 
Amendment liberties. Now they are going after their Second Amendment 
liberties. And that red flag law they are going to bring up tomorrow 
goes after the Fifth Amendment due process rights that we enjoy as 
American citizens. That is why we should oppose this legislation and 
the legislation tomorrow.
  And I hope, as my friend from Florida said, I hope the United States 
Senate doesn't go down this red flag trail that they are now on and 
further take away liberties from law-abiding American people.
  Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Too many cities in this country have become a shorthand for mass 
shooting: Newtown, San Bernardino, Charleston, Las Vegas, Parkland, 
Santa Fe, El Paso, Buffalo, Uvalde. The list goes on.
  How many more communities must be visited by tragedy before we take 
action?
  How many more parents need to bury their own children because an 18-
year old with an AR-15 assault rifle stormed into their school?
  How many more children must grow up without a parent because a high-
capacity magazine allowed a shooter to spray dozens of bullets through 
a supermarket?
  Let today be the day that we begin to end this cycle of gun violence 
and we take meaningful action to protect our communities and, most of 
all, to protect our kids.
  You know, the Republicans tell us that we want to defund the police. 
We

[[Page H5388]]

don't want to defund the police. President Biden just said the other 
day we want to fund the police.
  They want to defund the police. They want to disarm the police. What 
chance does a policeman, with a regular service revolver, have against 
someone with an AR-15 assault rifle? None at all.
  They want to make sure that our police have no chance at all to 
resist the dishonest people who use weapons of war because weapons of 
war overwhelm whatever any policeman may have. That is the problem 
here.
  The problem here is that they want to defund--or I shouldn't say 
defund. They want to disarm our police, compared to the crooks and the 
murderers who have the weapons of war which can outweigh the service 
revolvers that any police officer will have.
  So we want to protect the police officers. We want them to not be 
outgunned by the murderers. That is where we are. That is what this 
bill does. That is perhaps why they are afraid of this bill.
  But we must pass this bill to save our police officers, to save our 
communities, to save our children.
  Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Ms. ROYBAL-ALLARD. Madam Speaker, we have a gun epidemic which is 
unique to America.
  As a mother and grandmother, like the rest of the nation, I am 
heartbroken by the horrifying killings of innocent Americans, 
especially our children.
  In 2021, homicides hit a 15 year high in Los Angeles. And this year, 
according to the Los Angeles Police Department, people are being killed 
at a faster pace than last year.
  According to the Centers for Disease Control (CDC), in 2020, 45,222 
people died from gun-related injuries. Of these, 19,384, died 
violently.
  These are not just numbers. They represent individuals whose lives 
were cut short as a result of gun violence. They were moms, dads, sons, 
and daughters. They belonged to a family, they were loved, and will 
forever be missed.
  They should be here today.
  Mass shootings must not be an acceptable norm.
  Changing our culture of gun violence will not happen overnight. We 
must start the process now. There is no excuse for failing to try.
  I urge my Republican colleagues to put partisan politics and special 
interests aside and join us in support of this commonsense legislation 
to help keep our children and fellow Americans safe.
   Our thoughts and prayers are not enough if we fail to act and 
continue to ignore the gun violence which forever shatters the hearts 
of families across our nation.
  Martin Luther King Jr., reminded us that ``the arc of the moral 
universe is long, but it bends toward justice.''
  To my Republican colleagues, you do not need more time. Americans 
need you to bend towards justice now and help us to prevent another 
Uvalde, another Buffalo, Tulsa, El Paso, Parkland, Sandy Hook, and 
Columbine.
  Enough is enough.
  We must pass this legislation and the Senate must get it to the 
President's desk, without delay.
  I urge my colleagues to make our children's lives a priority and 
support this commonsense legislation.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under House Resolution 1153, the previous 
question is ordered.
  Pursuant to section 3(a) of House Resolution 1153, the Chair will put 
the question on retaining each title of the bill, as amended.
  The Chair will put the question on retaining title I of the bill. The 
question is: Shall title I be retained?
  Pursuant to clause 9 of rule XX, this 15-minute vote on retaining 
title I of H.R. 7910 will be followed by 5-minute votes on:
  Retaining title II;
  Retaining title III;
  Retaining title IV;
  Retaining title V;
  Retaining title VI;
  Retaining title VII;
  The motion to recommit, if offered;
  Passage of the bill, if ordered; and
  Motions to suspend the rules and pass:
  H.R. 7352;
  H.R. 7334;
  H.R. 5879;
  H.R. 7622;
  H.R. 7664;
  H.R. 7670;
  H.R. 7694;
  H.R. 7776; and
  H.R. 7667.
  Pursuant to section 3(b) of House Resolution 1153, the yeas and nays 
are ordered. Members will record their votes by electronic device, and 
this will be a 15-minute vote.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 228, 
nays 199, not voting 1, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 237]

                               YEAS--228

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown (MD)
     Brown (OH)
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Carter (LA)
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Cherfilus-McCormick
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fitzpatrick
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Gomez
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Harder (CA)
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jacobs (NY)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Katko
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kinzinger
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Malliotakis
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan
     Salazar
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stansbury
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Turner
     Underwood
     Upton
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                               NAYS--199

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Bost
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carey
     Carl
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Curtis
     Davidson
     Davis, Rodney
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Donalds
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Ellzey
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fleischmann
     Foxx
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Golden
     Gonzales, Tony
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hinson
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Letlow
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mace
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Murphy (NC)
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Posey
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Roy
     Rutherford
     Scalise
     Schrader

[[Page H5389]]


     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Taylor
     Tenney
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Zeldin

                             NOT VOTING--1

       
     Hollingsworth
       

                              {time}  1805

  Mr. GRAVES of Missouri and Mrs. McClain changed their vote from 
``yea'' to ``nay.''
  Mses. LEE of California and ROYBAL-ALLARD changed their vote from 
``nay'' to ``yea.''
  So the question was decided in the affirmative, and title I of the 
bill was retained.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.


    members recorded pursuant to house resolution 8, 117th congress

     Barragan (Beyer)
     Bass (Blunt Rochester)
     Boebert (Gaetz)
     Brooks (Fleischmann)
     Brown (OH) (Beatty)
     Buchson (Gibbs)
     Cardenas (Correa)
     Cawthorn (Gaetz)
     Crist (Wasserman Schultz)
     DeFazio (Stanton)
     Evans (Beyer)
     Frankel, Lois (Wasserman Schultz)
     Gomez (Garcia (TX))
     Guest (Fleischmann)
     Johnson (SD) (LaHood)
     Johnson (TX) (Jeffries)
     Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
     Krishnamoorthi (Garcia (IL))
     Lamb (Blunt Rochester)
     Leger Fernandez (Neguse)
     Loudermilk (Fleischmann)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     Mace (Donalds)
     McEachin (Beyer)
     Moore (WI) (Beyer)
     Moulton (Neguse)
     Payne (Pallone)
     Price (NC) (Manning)
     Ruiz (Correa)
     Rush (Jeffries)
     Ryan (Beyer)
     Sanchez (Garcia (TX))
     Sewell (Beatty)
     Sherman (Beyer)
     Sires (Pallone)
     Spartz (Banks)
     Strickland (Takano)
     Suozzi (Beyer)
     Swalwell (Correa)
     Taylor (Fallon)
     Thompson (PA) (Keller)
     Torres (NY) (Blunt Rochester)
     Vargas (Takano)
     Walorski (Banks)
     Waters (Garcia (TX))
     Welch (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL) (Neguse)
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. DeGette). The Chair will now put the 
question on retaining title II of the bill.
  The question is, Shall title II be retained?
  Pursuant to section 3(b) of House Resolution 1153, the yeas and nays 
are ordered.
  This will be a 5-minute vote.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 226, 
nays 197, not voting 5, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 238]

                               YEAS--226

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown (MD)
     Brown (OH)
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Carter (LA)
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Cherfilus-McCormick
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fitzpatrick
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Gomez
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Harder (CA)
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jacobs (NY)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Katko
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kinzinger
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Malliotakis
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan
     Salazar
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stansbury
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Underwood
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                               NAYS--197

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Bost
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carey
     Carl
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Curtis
     Davidson
     Davis, Rodney
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Ellzey
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fleischmann
     Foxx
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Golden
     Gonzales, Tony
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hinson
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Letlow
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Murphy (NC)
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Posey
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Roy
     Rutherford
     Scalise
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Taylor
     Tenney
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Turner
     Upton
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack

                             NOT VOTING--5

     Donalds
     Hollingsworth
     Mace
     Rodgers (WA)
     Zeldin


                Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (during the vote). There are 2 minutes 
remaining.

                              {time}  1819

  So the question was decided in the affirmative, and title II of the 
bill was retained.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.


    Members Recorded Pursuant to House Resolution 8, 117th Congress

     Barragan (Beyer)
     Bass (Blunt Rochester)
     Boebert (Gaetz)
     Brooks (Fleischmann)
     Brown (OH) (Beatty)
     Bucshon (Gibbs)
     Cardenas (Correa)
     Crist (Wasserman Schultz)
     DeFazio (Stanton)
     Evans (Beyer)
     Frankel, Lois (Wasserman Schultz)
     Gomez (Garcia (TX))
     Guest (Fleischmann)
     Johnson (SD) (LaHood)
     Johnson (TX) (Jeffries)
     Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
     Krishnamoorthi (Garcia (IL))
     Lamb (Blunt Rochester)
     Leger Fernandez (Neguse)
     Loudermilk (Fleischmann)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     McEachin (Beyer)
     Moore (WI) (Beyer)
     Moulton (Neguse)
     Payne (Pallone)
     Price (NC) (Manning)
     Ruiz (Correa)
     Rush (Jeffries)
     Ryan (Beyer)
     Sanchez (Garcia (TX))
     Sewell (Beatty)
     Sherman (Beyer)
     Sires (Pallone)
     Spartz (Banks)
     Strickland (Takano)
     Suozzi (Beyer)
     Swalwell (Correa)
     Taylor (Fallon)
     Thompson (PA) (Keller)
     Torres (NY) (Blunt Rochester)
     Vargas (Takano)
     Walorski (Banks)
     Waters (Garcia (TX))
     Welch (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL) (Neguse)



 =========================== NOTE =========================== 

  
  June 8, 2022, on page H5389, in the third column, the following 
appeared: Johnson (TX) (Jeffries) Kirkpatrick (Pallone) Lamb 
(Blunt Rochester) Leger Fernandez (Neguse)
  
  The online version has been corrected to read: Johnson (TX) 
(Jeffries) Kirkpatrick (Pallone) Krishnamoorthi (Garcia (IL)) Lamb 
(Blunt Rochester) Leger Fernandez (Neguse)


 ========================= END NOTE ========================= 


  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will now put the question on 
retaining title III of the bill.
  The question is, Shall title III be retained?
  Pursuant to section 3(b) of House Resolution 1153, the yeas and nays 
are ordered.
  This will be a 5-minute vote.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 226, 
nays 194, not voting 8, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 239]

                               YEAS--226

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera

[[Page H5390]]


     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown (MD)
     Brown (OH)
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Carter (LA)
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Cherfilus-
     McCormick
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis,
     Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fitzpatrick
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Gomez
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Gonzalez,
     Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Harder (CA)
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jacobs (NY)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Katko
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kinzinger
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Malliotakis
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stansbury
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Underwood
     Upton
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                               NAYS--194

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Bost
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Calvert
     Carey
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Curtis
     Davidson
     Davis, Rodney
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Ellzey
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fleischmann
     Foxx
     Franklin, C.
     Scott
     Fulcher
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Golden
     Gonzales, Tony
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Granger
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hinson
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Letlow
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-
     Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Murphy (NC)
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Posey
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Roy
     Rutherford
     Salazar
     Scalise
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Taylor
     Tenney
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Turner
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Zeldin

                             NOT VOTING--8

     Cammack
     Carl
     Donalds
     Graves (LA)
     Hollingsworth
     Keating
     Mace
     Walberg


                Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (during the vote). There are 2 minutes 
remaining.

                              {time}  1826

  So the question was decided in the affirmative, and title III of the 
bill was retained.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  Stated against:
  Mrs. CAMMACK. Madam Speaker, I was unavoidably detained. Had I been 
present, I would have voted ``nay'' on rollcall No. 239.
  Mr. GRAVES of Louisiana. Madam Speaker, I was in a meeting during 
this vote. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay'' on rollcall 
No. 239.


    Members Recorded Pursuant to House Resolution 8, 117th Congress

     Barragan (Beyer)
     Bass (Blunt Rochester)
     Boebert (Gaetz)
     Brooks (Fleischmann)
     Brown (OH) (Beatty)
     Bucshon (Gibbs)
     Cardenas (Correa)
     Crist (Wasserman Schultz)
     DeFazio (Stanton)
     Evans (Beyer)
     Frankel, Lois (Wasserman Schultz)
     Gomez (Garcia (TX))
     Guest (Fleischmann)
     Johnson (SD) (LaHood)
     Johnson (TX) (Jeffries)
     Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
     Krishnamoorthi (Garcia (IL))
     Lamb (Blunt Rochester)
     Leger Fernandez (Neguse)
     Loudermilk (Fleischmann)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     McEachin (Beyer)
     Moore (WI) (Beyer)
     Moulton (Neguse)
     Payne (Pallone)
     Price (NC) (Manning)
     Ruiz (Correa)
     Rush (Jeffries)
     Ryan (Beyer)
     Sanchez (Garcia (TX))
     Sewell (Beatty)
     Sherman (Beyer)
     Sires (Pallone)
     Spartz (Banks)
     Strickland (Takano)
     Suozzi (Beyer)
     Swalwell (Correa)
     Taylor (Fallon)
     Thompson (PA) (Keller)
     Torres (NY) (Blunt Rochester)
     Vargas (Takano)
     Walorski (Banks)
     Waters (Garcia (TX))
     Welch (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL) (Neguse)

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will now put the question on 
retaining title IV of the bill.
  The question is, Shall title IV be retained?
  Pursuant to section 3(b) of House Resolution 1153, the yeas and nays 
are ordered.
  This is a 5-minute vote.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 220, 
nays 205, not voting 3, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 240]

                               YEAS--220

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown (MD)
     Brown (OH)
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Carter (LA)
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Cherfilus-McCormick
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fitzpatrick
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Gomez
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Harder (CA)
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jacobs (NY)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kinzinger
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stansbury
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Underwood
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

[[Page H5391]]


  


                               NAYS--205

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Bost
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carey
     Carl
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Curtis
     Davidson
     Davis, Rodney
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Donalds
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Ellzey
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fleischmann
     Foxx
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Golden
     Gonzales, Tony
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hinson
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Katko
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kind
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Letlow
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mace
     Malliotakis
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Murphy (NC)
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Posey
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Roy
     Rutherford
     Salazar
     Scalise
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Taylor
     Tenney
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Turner
     Upton
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Zeldin

                             NOT VOTING--3

     Ferguson
     Hollingsworth
     Schrader


                Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (during the vote). There are 2 minutes 
remaining.

                              {time}  1834

  So the question was decided in the affirmative, and title IV of the 
bill was retained.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.


    Members Recorded Pursuant to House Resolution 8, 117th Congress

     Barragan (Beyer)
     Bass (Blunt Rochester)
     Boebert (Gaetz)
     Brooks (Fleischmann)
     Brown (OH) (Beatty)
     Bucshon (Gibbs)
     Cardenas (Correa)
     Crist (Wasserman Schultz)
     DeFazio (Stanton)
     Evans (Beyer)
     Frankel, Lois (Wasserman Schultz)
     Gomez (Garcia (TX))
     Guest (Fleischmann)
     Johnson (SD) (LaHood)
     Johnson (TX) (Jeffries)
     Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
     Krishnamoorthi (Garcia (IL))
     Lamb (Blunt Rochester)
     Leger Fernandez (Neguse)
     Loudermilk (Fleischmann)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     Mace (Donalds)
     McEachin (Beyer)
     Moore (WI) (Beyer)
     Moulton (Neguse)
     Payne (Pallone)
     Price (NC) (Manning)
     Ruiz (Correa)
     Rush (Jeffries)
     Ryan (Beyer)
     Sanchez (Garcia (TX))
     Sewell (Beatty)
     Sherman (Beyer)
     Sires (Pallone)
     Spartz (Banks)
     Strickland (Takano)
     Suozzi (Beyer)
     Swalwell (Correa)
     Taylor (Fallon)
     Thompson (PA) (Keller)
     Torres (NY) (Blunt Rochester)
     Vargas (Takano)
     Walorski (Banks)
     Waters (Garcia (TX))
     Welch (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL) (Neguse)
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will now put the question on 
retaining title V of the bill.
  The question is, Shall title V be retained?
  Pursuant to section 3(b) of House Resolution 1153, the yeas and nays 
are ordered.
  This is a 5-minute vote.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 233, 
nays 194, not voting 1, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 241]

                               YEAS--233

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown (MD)
     Brown (OH)
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Calvert
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Carter (LA)
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Cherfilus-McCormick
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fitzpatrick
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Golden
     Gomez
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Harder (CA)
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jacobs (NY)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Joyce (OH)
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Katko
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kinzinger
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Malliotakis
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan
     Salazar
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stansbury
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Turner
     Underwood
     Upton
     Valadao
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                               NAYS--194

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Bost
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Cammack
     Carey
     Carl
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Curtis
     Davidson
     Davis, Rodney
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Donalds
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Ellzey
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fleischmann
     Foxx
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Gonzales, Tony
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hinson
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (PA)
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Letlow
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mace
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Murphy (NC)
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Posey
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Roy
     Rutherford
     Scalise
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Taylor
     Tenney
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Zeldin

                             NOT VOTING--1

       
     Hollingsworth
       


                Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (during the vote). There are 2 minutes 
remaining.

                              {time}  1843

  So the question was decided in the affirmative, and title V of the 
bill was retained.

[[Page H5392]]

  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.


    MEMBERS RECORDED PURSUANT TO HOUSE RESOLUTION 8, 117TH CONGRESS

     Barragan (Beyer)
     Bass (Blunt Rochester)
     Boebert (Gaetz)
     Brooks (Fleischmann)
     Brown (OH) (Beatty)
     Bucshon (Gibbs)
     Cardenas (Correa)
     Crist (Wasserman Schultz)
     DeFazio (Stanton)
     Evans (Beyer)
     Frankel, Lois (Wasserman Schultz)
     Gomez (Garcia (TX))
     Guest (Fleischmann)
     Johnson (SD) (LaHood)
     Johnson (TX) (Jeffries)
     Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
     Krishnamoorthi (Garcia (IL))
     Lamb (Blunt Rochester)
     Leger Fernandez (Neguse)
     Loudermilk (Fleischmann)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     Mace (Donalds)
     McEachin (Beyer)
     Moore (WI) (Beyer)
     Moulton (Neguse)
     Payne (Pallone)
     Price (NC) (Manning)
     Ruiz (Correa)
     Rush (Jeffries)
     Ryan (Beyer)
     Sanchez (Garcia (TX))
     Sewell (Beatty)
     Sherman (Beyer)
     Sires (Pallone)
     Spartz (Banks)
     Strickland (Takano)
     Suozzi (Beyer)
     Swalwell (Correa)
     Taylor (Fallon)
     Thompson (PA) (Keller)
     Torres (NY) (Blunt Rochester)
     Vargas (Takano)
     Walorski (Banks)
     Waters (Garcia (TX))
     Welch (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL) (Neguse)
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will now put the question on 
retaining title VI of the bill.
  The question is, Shall title VI be retained?
  Pursuant to section 3(b) of House Resolution 1153, the yeas and nays 
are ordered.
  This will be a 5-minute vote.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 220, 
nays 207, not voting 1, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 242]

                               YEAS--220

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown (MD)
     Brown (OH)
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Carter (LA)
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Cherfilus-McCormick
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crist
     Crow
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fitzpatrick
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Gomez
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Harder (CA)
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jacobs (NY)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kinzinger
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stansbury
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Underwood
     Upton
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                               NAYS--207

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Bost
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carey
     Carl
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Cuellar
     Curtis
     Davidson
     Davis, Rodney
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Donalds
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Ellzey
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fleischmann
     Foxx
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Golden
     Gonzales, Tony
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hinson
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Katko
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kind
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Letlow
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mace
     Malliotakis
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Murphy (NC)
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Posey
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Roy
     Rutherford
     Salazar
     Scalise
     Schrader
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Taylor
     Tenney
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Turner
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Zeldin

                             NOT VOTING--1

       
     Hollingsworth
       


                Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (during the vote). There are 2 minutes 
remaining.

                              {time}  1851

  So the question was decided in the affirmative.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.


    Members Recorded Pursuant to House Resolution 8, 117th Congress

     Barragan (Beyer)
     Bass (Blunt Rochester)
     Boebert (Gaetz)
     Brooks (Fleischmann)
     Brown (OH) (Beatty)
     Bucshon (Gibbs)
     Cardenas (Correa)
     Crist (Wasserman Schultz)
     DeFazio (Stanton)
     Evans (Beyer)
     Frankel, Lois (Wasserman Schultz)
     Gomez (Garcia (TX))
     Guest (Fleischmann)
     Johnson (SD) (LaHood)
     Johnson (TX) (Jeffries)
     Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
     Krishnamoorthi (Garcia (IL))
     Lamb (Blunt Rochester)
     Leger Fernandez (Neguse)
     Loudermilk (Fleischmann)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     Mace (Donalds)
     McEachin (Beyer)
     Moore (WI) (Beyer)
     Moulton (Neguse)
     Payne (Pallone)
     Price (NC) (Manning)
     Ruiz (Correa)
     Rush (Jeffries)
     Ryan (Beyer)
     Sanchez (Garcia (TX))
     Sewell (Beatty)
     Sherman (Beyer)
     Sires (Pallone)
     Spartz (Banks)
     Strickland (Takano)
     Suozzi (Beyer)
     Swalwell (Correa)
     Taylor (Fallon)
     Thompson (PA) (Keller)
     Torres (NY) (Blunt Rochester)
     Vargas (Takano)
     Walorski (Banks)
     Waters (Garcia (TX))
     Welch (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL) (Neguse)
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will now put the question on 
retaining title VII of the bill.
  The question is, Shall title VII be retained?
  Pursuant to section 3(b) of House Resolution 1153, the yeas and nays 
are ordered.
  This will be a 5-minute vote.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 380, 
nays 47, not voting 1, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 243]

                               YEAS--380

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allen
     Allred
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Barr
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bentz
     Bera
     Bergman
     Beyer
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (GA)
     Bishop (NC)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Boebert
     Bonamici
     Bost
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brooks
     Brown (MD)
     Brown (OH)
     Brownley
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carey
     Carl
     Carson
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (LA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cherfilus-McCormick
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Cloud
     Clyburn
     Clyde
     Cohen
     Cole
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Curtis
     Davids (KS)
     Davidson
     Davis, Danny K.
     Davis, Rodney
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Diaz-Balart
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Donalds
     Doyle, Michael F.

[[Page H5393]]


     Dunn
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fallon
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzpatrick
     Fleischmann
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Foxx
     Frankel, Lois
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Golden
     Gomez
     Gonzales, Tony
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gosar
     Gottheimer
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Green, Al (TX)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grijalva
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Harder (CA)
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hayes
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Higgins (NY)
     Hill
     Himes
     Hinson
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Hudson
     Huffman
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jacobs (NY)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Katko
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (CA)
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kinzinger
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamb
     Lamborn
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Lesko
     Letlow
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lowenthal
     Luetkemeyer
     Luria
     Lynch
     Mace
     Malinowski
     Malliotakis
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Massie
     Mast
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCarthy
     McClain
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McKinley
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meijer
     Meng
     Meuser
     Mfume
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Murphy (NC)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newhouse
     Newman
     Norcross
     Norman
     O'Halleran
     Obernolte
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Perlmutter
     Perry
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Posey
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (NY)
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rosendale
     Ross
     Rouzer
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Rutherford
     Ryan
     Salazar
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scalise
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Schrier
     Schweikert
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, Austin
     Scott, David
     Sessions
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Simpson
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (WA)
     Smucker
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Spartz
     Speier
     Stansbury
     Stanton
     Stauber
     Steel
     Steil
     Steube
     Stevens
     Stewart
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Taylor
     Tenney
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Turner
     Underwood
     Upton
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Velazquez
     Walberg
     Waltz
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Webster (FL)
     Welch
     Wenstrup
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Yarmuth
     Zeldin

                                NAYS--47

     Aderholt
     Arrington
     Babin
     Banks
     Brady
     Burgess
     Cline
     Comer
     DesJarlais
     Duncan
     Ellzey
     Emmer
     Estes
     Feenstra
     Fitzgerald
     Gohmert
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Hartzler
     Jackson
     Joyce (PA)
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kustoff
     Lucas
     Mann
     McCaul
     McClintock
     McHenry
     Moolenaar
     Mullin
     Nehls
     Palmer
     Pence
     Pfluger
     Rose
     Roy
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Stefanik
     Thompson (PA)
     Wagner
     Walorski
     Weber (TX)
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)

                             NOT VOTING--1

       
     Hollingsworth
       


                Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (during the vote). There are 2 minutes 
remaining.

                              {time}  1901

  Ms. STEFANIK, Messrs. KELLY of Mississippi, ELLZEY, and DUNCAN 
changed their vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
  Messrs. LaHOOD and VAN DREW changed their vote from ``nay'' to 
``yea.''
  So the question was decided in the affirmative, and title VII of the 
bill was retained.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.


    MEMBERS RECORDED PURSUANT TO HOUSE RESOLUTION 8, 117TH CONGRESS

     Barragan (Beyer)
     Bass (Blunt Rochester)
     Boebert (Gaetz)
     Brooks (Fleischmann)
     Brown (OH) (Beatty)
     Bucshon (Gibbs)
     Cardenas (Correa)
     Crist (Wasserman Schultz)
     DeFazio (Stanton)
     Evans (Beyer)
     Frankel, Lois (Wasserman Schultz)
     Gomez (Garcia (TX))
     Guest (Fleischmann)
     Johnson (SD) (LaHood)
     Johnson (TX) (Jeffries)
     Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
     Krishnamoorthi (Garcia (IL))
     Lamb (Blunt Rochester)
     Leger Fernandez (Neguse)
     Loudermilk (Fleischmann)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     Mace (Donalds)
     McEachin (Beyer)
     Moore (WI) (Beyer)
     Moulton (Neguse)
     Payne (Pallone)
     Price (NC) (Manning)
     Ruiz (Correa)
     Rush (Jeffries)
     Ryan (Beyer)
     Sanchez (Garcia (TX))
     Sewell (Beatty)
     Sherman (Beyer)
     Sires (Pallone)
     Spartz (Banks)
     Strickland (Takano)
     Suozzi (Beyer)
     Swalwell (Correa)
     Taylor (Fallon)
     Thompson (PA) (Keller)
     Torres (NY) (Blunt Rochester)
     Vargas (Takano)
     Walorski (Banks)
     Waters (Garcia (TX))
     Welch (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL) (Neguse)

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the engrossment and third 
reading of the bill.
  The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was 
read the third time.


                           Motion to Recommit

  Mr. HUDSON. Madam Speaker, I have a motion to recommit at the desk.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the motion to 
recommit.
  The Clerk read as follows:

         Mr. Hudson moves to recommit the bill H.R. 7910 to the 
     Committee on the Judiciary.

  The material previously referred to by Mr. Hudson is as follows:

       Strike the text of the bill and insert the following:

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``Secure Every School and 
     Protect Our Nation's Children Act'' or as the ``STOP II 
     Act''.

     SEC. 2. INCREASED AUTHORIZATION OF FUNDING FOR CERTAIN 
                   PROGRAMS.

       (a) Byrne-JAG.--For fiscal year 2023, there is authorized 
     to be appropriated to the Attorney General to carry out the 
     grant program under subpart 1 of part E of title I of the 
     Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968 (34 U.S.C. 
     10151 et seq.), in addition to any amounts made available for 
     such purpose, $500,000,000, to remain available until 
     expended: Provided, That such amounts shall be used for 
     additional personnel.
       (b) COPS.--For fiscal year 2023, there is authorized to be 
     appropriated to the Attorney General to carry out the grant 
     program under part Q of title I of the Omnibus Crime Control 
     and Safe Streets Act of 1968 (34 U.S.C. 10381 et seq.), in 
     addition to any amounts made available for such purpose, 
     $500,000,000, to remain available until expended: Provided, 
     That such amounts shall be used as provided under paragraphs 
     (1) and (2) of section 1701(b) of such Act (34 U.S.C. 
     10381(b)).
       (c) STOP School Violence.--Subsection (a) of section 2705 
     of title I of the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act 
     of 1968 (34 U.S.C. 10555) is amended to read as follows:
       ``(a) In General.--There are authorized to be appropriated 
     $833,000,000 for each of fiscal years 2023 through 2028, of 
     which--
       ``(1) $555,333,334 shall be made available to the BJA 
     Director to carry out this part; and
       ``(2) $277,666,666 shall be made available to the COPS 
     Director to carry out this part.''.
       (d) Grants for Mental Health Guidance Counselors.--Section 
     4112 of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 
     (20 U.S.C. 7122) is amended--
       (1) in subsection (a), by inserting ``, other than 
     subsection (c),'' after ``this subpart''; and
       (2) by adding at the end the following:
       ``(c) Mental Health Guidance Counselors.--There authorized 
     to be appropriated for the hiring of mental health guidance 
     counselors by State and local educational agencies 
     $1,000,000,000 for fiscal year 2023.''.
       (e) Offset.--Of the unobligated balances from amounts made 
     available under sections 602(a)(1) and 603(a) of the Social 
     Security Act (42 U.S.C. 802(a)(1), 803(a)) on the date of 
     enactment of this Act, $7,055,000,000 is rescinded as of such 
     date: Provided, That such rescission shall be applied first 
     on a pro rata basis to the unobligated balances of the 
     payment amounts allocated by the Secretary of the Treasury 
     pursuant to subsection (b)(3)(B) of section 602 of the Social 
     Security Act (42 U.S.C. 802): Provided further, That any 
     remaining amounts to be rescinded shall be applied next on a 
     pro rata basis to the unobligated balances of the payment 
     amounts allocated by the Secretary of the Treasury pursuant 
     to subsection (b)(1)(B) and (b)(2)(B) of section 602 of such 
     Act (42 U.S.C. 802): Provided further, That any remaining 
     amounts to be rescinded shall be applied on a pro rata basis 
     to the unobligated balances of the payment amounts allocated 
     by the Secretary of the Treasury for each of the entities 
     authorized to receive payments under section 603 of such Act 
     (42 U.S.C. 803).

     SEC. 3. ADDITIONAL AUTHORIZED USE OF STOP SCHOOL VIOLENCE 
                   GRANTS.

       Section 2701 of title I of the Omnibus Crime Control and 
     Safe Streets Act of 1968 (34 U.S.C. 10151) is amended--
       (1) in subsection (a)(1), by striking ``paragraphs (5) 
     through (9)'' and inserting ``paragraphs (5) through (10)''; 
     and
       (2) in subsection (b)--
       (A) by redesignating paragraph (9) as paragraph (10); and
       (B) by inserting after paragraph (8) the following:

[[Page H5394]]

       ``(9) Assessment of a school to find weaknesses in security 
     and identify any lack of coverage in mental health support 
     staff for students.''.

     SEC. 4. FEDERAL CLEARINGHOUSE ON SCHOOL SAFETY BEST 
                   PRACTICES.

       (a) In General.--Subtitle A of title XXII of the Homeland 
     Security Act of 2002 (6 U.S.C. 651 et seq.) is amended by 
     adding at the end the following new section:

     ``SEC. 2220D. FEDERAL CLEARINGHOUSE ON SCHOOL SAFETY BEST 
                   PRACTICES.

       ``(a) Establishment.--
       ``(1) In general.--The Secretary, in coordination with the 
     Secretary of Education, the Attorney General, and the 
     Secretary of Health and Human Services, shall establish in 
     the Department a Federal Clearinghouse on School Safety Best 
     Practices (in this section referred to as the 
     `Clearinghouse').
       ``(2) Purpose.--The Clearinghouse shall be the primary 
     resource of the Federal Government to identify and publish 
     online through SchoolSafety.gov, or any successor website, 
     best practices and recommendations relating to school safety 
     for use by State educational agencies and local educational 
     agencies, institutions of higher education, State and local 
     law enforcement agencies, health professionals, and the 
     general public.
       ``(3) Personnel.--
       ``(A) Assignments.--The Clearinghouse shall be assigned 
     such personnel and resources as the Secretary considers 
     appropriate to carry out this section.
       ``(B) Detailees.--The Secretary of Education, the Attorney 
     General, and the Secretary of Health and Human Services may 
     detail personnel to the Clearinghouse.
       ``(4) Exemptions.--
       ``(A) Paperwork reduction act.--Chapter 35 of title 44, 
     United States Code (commonly known as the `Paperwork 
     Reduction Act') shall not apply to any rulemaking or 
     information collection required under this section.
       ``(B) Federal advisory committee act.--The Federal Advisory 
     Committee Act (5 U.S.C. App.) shall not apply for the 
     purposes of carrying out this section.
       ``(b) Clearinghouse Contents.--
       ``(1) Consultation.--In identifying and publishing best 
     practices and recommendations pursuant to subsection (a)(2), 
     the Clearinghouse may consult with appropriate Federal, 
     State, local, Tribal, and private sector entities, and 
     nongovernmental organizations.
       ``(2) Criteria.--Best practices and recommendations of the 
     Clearinghouse identified and published pursuant to subsection 
     (a)(2) shall, at a minimum--
       ``(A) incorporate comprehensive school safety measures, 
     including threat prevention, preparedness, protection, 
     mitigation, incident response, and recovery to improve the 
     safety posture of a school, including relating to the health, 
     safety, and welfare of persons in school settings;
       ``(B) include any evidence or research rationale supporting 
     the determination of the Clearinghouse that the best practice 
     or recommendation at issue has been shown to have a 
     significant effect on improving the safety posture of a 
     school, including relating to the health, safety, and welfare 
     of persons in school settings, including--
       ``(i) relevant research that is evidence-based supporting 
     such best practice or recommendation;
       ``(ii) findings and data from previous Federal or State 
     commissions recommending improvements to the safety posture 
     of a school, including relating to the health, safety, and 
     welfare of persons in school settings; or
       ``(iii) other supportive evidence or findings relied upon 
     by the Clearinghouse in determining best practices and 
     recommendations to improve the safety posture of a school, 
     including relating to the health, safety, and welfare of 
     persons in school settings; and
       ``(C) include information on Federal grant programs for 
     which implementation of such best practices or 
     recommendations is an eligible use for any such program.
       ``(3) Other best practices and recommendations.--To the 
     greatest extent practicable, in identifying and publishing 
     best practices and recommendations pursuant to subsection 
     (a)(2), the Clearinghouse shall so identify and publish, as 
     appropriate, best practices and recommendations to improve 
     the safety posture of a school, including relating to the 
     health, safety, and welfare of persons in school settings, 
     adopted by a Federal, State, local, Tribal, or private sector 
     entity or nongovernmental organization.
       ``(c) Assistance and Training.--The Secretary, acting 
     through the Clearinghouse, may publish materials to assist 
     and train State educational agencies and local educational 
     agencies and State and local law enforcement agencies 
     regarding the implementation of best practices and 
     recommendations identified and published pursuant to 
     subsection (a)(2).
       ``(d) Continuous Improvement.--The Secretary shall--
       ``(1) collect for the purpose of continuous improvement of 
     the Clearinghouse--
       ``(A) data analytics;
       ``(B) user feedback on the implementation of best practices 
     and recommendations identified and published pursuant to 
     subsection (a)(2); and
       ``(C) any evaluations conducted on implementation of such 
     best practices and recommendations; and
       ``(2) in coordination with the Secretary of Education, the 
     Attorney General, and the Secretary of Health and Human 
     Services--
       ``(A) regularly assess best practices and recommendations 
     identified and published pursuant to subsection (a)(2) with 
     respect to which there are no resources available through 
     Federal Government programs for implementation; and
       ``(B) establish an external advisory board comprised of 
     appropriate State, local, Tribal, and private sector entities 
     and nongovernmental organizations, including organizations 
     representing parents of students attending elementary schools 
     or secondary schools, to--
       ``(i) provide feedback on the implementation of best 
     practices and recommendations identified and published 
     pursuant to subsection (a)(2); and
       ``(ii) propose additional recommendations for best 
     practices for inclusion in the Clearinghouse.
       ``(e) Parental Assistance.--The Clearinghouse shall produce 
     materials to assist parents of students with identifying 
     relevant Clearinghouse resources related to supporting the 
     implementation of Clearinghouse best practices and 
     recommendations identified and published pursuant to 
     subsection (a)(2).
       ``(f) Definitions.--In this section:
       ``(1) Elementary school.--The term `elementary school' has 
     the meaning given such term in section 8101 of the Elementary 
     and Secondary Education Act of 1965 (20 U.S.C. 7801).
       ``(2) Evidence-based.--The term `evidence-based' has the 
     meaning given such term in section 8101 of the Elementary and 
     Secondary Education Act of 1965 (20 U.S.C. 7801).
       ``(3) Institution of higher education.--The term 
     `institution of higher education' has the meaning given such 
     term in section 101 of the Higher Education Act of 1965 (20 
     U.S.C. 1001).
       ``(4) Local educational agency.--The term `local 
     educational agency' has the meaning given such term in 
     section 8101 of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 
     1965 (20 U.S.C. 7801).
       ``(5) Parent.--The term `parent' has the meaning given such 
     term in section 8101 of the Elementary and Secondary 
     Education Act of 1965 (20 U.S.C. 7801).
       ``(6) Secondary school.--The term `secondary school' has 
     the meaning given such term in section 8101 of the Elementary 
     and Secondary Education Act of 1965 (20 U.S.C. 7801).
       ``(7) State educational agency.--The term `State 
     educational agency' has the meaning given such term in 
     section 8101 of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 
     1965 (20 U.S.C. 7801).''.
       (b) Clerical Amendment.--The table of contents in section 
     1(b) of the Homeland Security Act of 2002 is amended by 
     inserting after the item relating to section 2220C the 
     following new item:

``Sec. 2220D. Federal Clearinghouse on School Safety Best Practices.''.

     SEC. 5. NOTIFICATION OF FEDERAL CLEARINGHOUSE ON SCHOOL 
                   SAFETY BEST PRACTICES.

       (a) Notification by the Secretary of Education.--The 
     Secretary of Education shall provide written notification of 
     the publication of the Federal Clearinghouse on School Safety 
     Best Practices (referred to in this section as the 
     ``Clearinghouse'') under section 2220D of the Homeland 
     Security Act of 2002, as added by section 4, to--
       (1) every State educational and local educational agency; 
     and
       (2) other Department of Education partners in the 
     implementation of the best practices and recommendations of 
     the Clearinghouse, as determined appropriate by the Secretary 
     of Education.
       (b) Notification by the Secretary of Homeland Security.--
     The Secretary of Homeland Security shall provide written 
     notification of the publication of the Clearinghouse under 
     section 2220D of the Homeland Security Act of 2002, as added 
     by section 4, to--
       (1) every State homeland security advisor;
       (2) every State department of homeland security; and
       (3) other Department of Homeland Security partners in the 
     implementation of the best practices and recommendations of 
     the Clearinghouse, as determined appropriate by the Secretary 
     of Homeland Security.
       (c) Notification by the Secretary of Health and Human 
     Services.--The Secretary of Health and Human Services shall 
     provide written notification of the publication of the 
     Clearinghouse under section 2220D of the Homeland Security 
     Act of 2002, as added by section 4, to--
       (1) every State department of public health; and
       (2) other Department of Health and Human Services partners 
     in the implementation of the best practices and 
     recommendations of the Clearinghouse, as determined 
     appropriate by the Secretary of Health and Human Services.
       (d) Notification by the Attorney General.--The Attorney 
     General shall provide written notification of the publication 
     of the Clearinghouse under section 2220D of the Homeland 
     Security Act of 2002, as added by section 4, to--
       (1) every State department of justice; and
       (2) other Department of Justice partners in the 
     implementation of the best practices and recommendations of 
     the Clearinghouse, as determined appropriate by the Attorney 
     General.

[[Page H5395]]

  


     SEC. 6. GRANT PROGRAM REVIEW.

       (a) Federal Grants and Resources.--The Secretary of 
     Education, the Secretary of Homeland Security, the Secretary 
     of Health and Human Services, and the Attorney General shall 
     each--
       (1) review grant programs administered by their respective 
     agency and identify any grant program that may be used to 
     implement best practices and recommendations of the Federal 
     Clearinghouse on School Safety Best Practices (referred to in 
     this section as the ``Clearinghouse'') under section 2220D of 
     the Homeland Security Act of 2002, as added by section 4;
       (2) identify any best practices and recommendations of the 
     Clearinghouse for which there is not a Federal grant program 
     that may be used for the purposes of implementing the best 
     practice or recommendation as applicable to the agency; and
       (3) periodically report any findings under paragraph (2) to 
     the appropriate committees of Congress.
       (b) State Grants and Resources.--The Clearinghouse shall, 
     to the extent practicable, identify, for each State--
       (1) each agency responsible for school safety in the State, 
     or any State that does not have such an agency designated;
       (2) any grant program that may be used for the purposes of 
     implementing best practices and recommendations of the 
     Clearinghouse; and
       (3) any resources other than grant programs that may be 
     used to assist in implementation of best practices and 
     recommendations of the Clearinghouse.

     SEC. 7. RULES OF CONSTRUCTION.

       (a) Waiver of Requirements.--Nothing in this Act or the 
     amendments made by this Act shall be construed to create, 
     satisfy, or waive any requirement under--
       (1) title II of the Americans With Disabilities Act of 1990 
     (42 U.S.C. 12131 et seq.);
       (2) the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 (29 U.S.C. 701 et seq.);
       (3) title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (42 U.S.C. 
     2000d et seq.);
       (4) title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 (20 U.S.C. 
     1681 et seq.); or
       (5) the Age Discrimination Act of 1975 (42 U.S.C. 6101 et 
     seq.).
       (b) Prohibition on Federally Developed, Mandated, or 
     Endorsed Curriculum.--Nothing in this Act or the amendments 
     made by this Act shall be construed to authorize any officer 
     or employee of the Federal Government to engage in an 
     activity otherwise prohibited under section 103(b) of the 
     Department of Education Organization Act (20 U.S.C. 3403(b)).

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule XIX, the 
previous question is ordered on the motion to recommit.
  The question is on the motion to recommit.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the noes appeared to have it.
  Mr. HUDSON. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution 
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
  Members will record their votes by electronic device, and this will 
be a 5-minute vote.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 198, 
nays 228, not voting 1, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 244]

                               YEAS--198

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Bost
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carey
     Carl
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Curtis
     Davidson
     Davis, Rodney
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Donalds
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Ellzey
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fitzpatrick
     Fleischmann
     Foxx
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gonzales, Tony
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hinson
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Jacobs (NY)
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Katko
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kinzinger
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Letlow
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mace
     Malliotakis
     Mann
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-
     Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Murphy (NC)
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Posey
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Rutherford
     Salazar
     Scalise
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Taylor
     Tenney
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Turner
     Upton
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Zeldin

                               NAYS--228

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Biggs
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Boebert
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown (MD)
     Brown (OH)
     Brownley
     Buck
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Carter (LA)
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Cherfilus-McCormick
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Gaetz
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Gohmert
     Golden
     Gomez
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gosar
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Harder (CA)
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Massie
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Ross
     Roy
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stansbury
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Underwood
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                             NOT VOTING--1

       
     Hollingsworth
       


                Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (during the vote). There are 2 minutes 
remaining.

                              {time}  1911

  Mr. GALLEGO changed his vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
  So the motion to recommit was rejected.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  



         Members Recorded Pursuant to House Resolution 8, 117th 
                                Congress

     Barragan
     (Beyer)
     Bass
     (Blunt Rochester)
     Boebert (Gaetz)
     Brooks
     (Fleischmann)
     Brown (OH)
     (Beatty)
     Bucshon (Gibbs)
     Cardenas
     (Correa)
     Crist
     (Wasserman Schultz)
     DeFazio (Stanton)
     Evans (Beyer)
     Frankel, Lois
     (Wasserman Schultz)
     Gomez
     (Garcia (TX))
     Guest
     (Fleischmann)
     Johnson (SD)
     (LaHood)
     Johnson (TX)
     (Jeffries)
     Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
     Krishnamoorthi
     (Garcia (IL))
     Lamb
     (Blunt Rochester)
     Leger Fernandez
     (Neguse)
     Loudermilk
     (Fleischmann)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     Mace (Donalds)
     McEachin (Beyer)
     Moore (WI) (Beyer)
     Moulton (Neguse)
     Payne (Pallone)
     Price (NC)
     (Manning)
     Ruiz (Correa)
     Rush (Jeffries)
     Ryan (Beyer)
     Sanchez
     (Garcia (TX))
     Sewell (Beatty)
     Sherman (Beyer)
     Sires (Pallone)
     Spartz (Banks)
     Strickland (Takano)
     Suozzi (Beyer)
     Swalwell (Correa)
     Taylor (Fallon)
     Thompson (PA)
     (Keller)
     Torres (NY)
     (Blunt Rochester)
     Vargas (Takano)
     Walorski (Banks)
     Waters
     (Garcia (TX))
     Welch
     (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL)
     (Neguse)
  


[[Page H5396]]

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the passage of the bill.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. JORDAN. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution 
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
  This will be a 5-minute vote.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 223, 
nays 204, not voting 1, as follows:
  


                             [Roll No. 245]

                                     

       
       
       

                               YEAS--223

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown (MD)
     Brown (OH)
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Carter (LA)
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Cherfilus-McCormick
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fitzpatrick
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Gomez
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Harder (CA)
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jacobs (NY)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kinzinger
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski

                                     

       
       
       
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stansbury
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko

                                     

       
       
       
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Underwood
     Upton
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                               NAYS--204

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Bost
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carey
     Carl
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Curtis
     Davidson

                                     

       
       
       
     Davis, Rodney
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Donalds
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Ellzey
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fleischmann
     Foxx
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Golden

                                     

       
       
       
     Gonzales, Tony
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell

                                     

       
       
       
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hinson
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Katko
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Letlow
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mace
     Malliotakis
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Murphy (NC)
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Posey

                                     

       
       
       
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Roy
     Rutherford
     Salazar
     Scalise
     Schrader
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Taylor
     Tenney

                                     

       
       
       
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Turner
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Zeldin

                             NOT VOTING--1

       
       
       
     Hollingsworth
       
       

                              {time}  1920

  So the bill was passed.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
  



         MEMBERS RECORDED PURSUANT TO HOUSE RESOLUTION 8, 117TH 
                                CONGRESS

     Barragan
     (Beyer)
     Bass
     (Blunt Rochester)
     Boebert (Gaetz)
     Brooks
     (Fleischmann)
     Brown (OH)
     (Beatty)
     Bucshon (Gibbs)
     Cardenas
     (Correa)
     Crist
     (Wasserman Schultz)
     DeFazio (Stanton)
     Evans (Beyer)
     Frankel, Lois
     (Wasserman Schultz)
     Gomez (Garcia (TX))
     Guest (Fleischmann)
     Johnson (SD) (LaHood)
     Johnson (TX) (Jeffries)
     Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
     Krishnamoorthi
     (Garcia (IL))
     Lamb
     (Blunt Rochester)
     Leger Fernandez (Neguse)
     Loudermilk
     (Fleischmann)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     Mace (Donalds)
     McEachin (Beyer)
     Moore (WI) (Beyer)
     Moulton (Neguse)
     Payne (Pallone)
     Price (NC) (Manning)
     Ruiz (Correa)
     Rush (Jeffries)
     Ryan (Beyer)
     Sanchez
     (Garcia (TX))
     Sewell (Beatty)
     Sherman (Beyer)
     Sires (Pallone)
     Spartz (Banks)
     Strickland (Takano)
     Suozzi (Beyer)
     Swalwell (Correa)
     Taylor (Fallon)
     Thompson (PA) (Keller)
     Torres (NY)
     (Blunt Rochester)
     Vargas (Takano)
     Walorski (Banks)
     Waters
     (Garcia (TX))
     Welch (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL)
     (Neguse)

                          ____________________