[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 84 (Tuesday, May 17, 2022)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2535-S2539]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                            ORDER FOR RECESS

  Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, if there is no further business to come 
before the Senate, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate stand in 
recess, under the previous order, following the remarks of Senator 
Portman.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The Senator from Ohio.


                                Ukraine

  Mr. PORTMAN. Madam President, I come to the floor today for the 12th 
consecutive week while the Senate has been in session to talk about the 
illegal, unprovoked, and brutal assault on Ukraine being carried out by 
Russia.
  We started these discussions before this latest invasion even 
occurred; and, unfortunately, every week, as I talk about it, there are 
more and more examples of brutality as the Russians continue to bomb 
innocent civilians in Ukraine. Also, we have been able to talk about 
some progress that we have made in helping Ukraine, and that has been 
very effective in helping Ukraine help itself.
  This is a classic fight for freedom. The importance of our 
humanitarian aid, our weapons, and our material support have all been 
in that cause, and the impact cannot be overstated. Since February 24, 
when the invasion began, we have provided $13.6 billion in U.S. 
taxpayer funds for military, humanitarian, and economic aid for 
Ukraine. By the way, it has made a huge difference in keeping Ukraine 
from being totally overrun by Russia. You will remember that the 
Russian objective here, in looking at this map, was to take over the 
entire country. In starting with Kyiv, remember that they surrounded 
Kyiv at one point. Now they have been pushed out altogether.
  The Russians have now been forced to just focus here, in the southern 
and

[[Page S2536]]

eastern parts of Ukraine, where there continues to be very fierce 
fighting. These darker red sections are sections that the Russians took 
back in 2014. The lighter red are the sections of Ukraine they are 
trying to take now. The blue, you can see here, is where the Ukrainians 
have made progress, including around Kharkiv, which is a major city 
here in Eastern Ukraine. You can see where there is quite a bit of 
blue--in fact, in one case, all the way to the Russian border where the 
Ukrainians have pushed back the Russians.

  So our support has made a difference. But that support--the $13.6 
billion in aid--has now been depleted, and it is necessary for us to 
re-up, including in just providing basic munitions so that the 
Ukrainians can continue the fight with ammunition but also in providing 
heavier weapons because, down in this area, that is what is required. 
As the Russians use more and more artillery and other heavy weapons to 
try to push back the Ukrainians' positions, the Ukrainians must respond 
in kind.
  Without the support that we have provided, Russia would have 
destroyed a lot more of Ukraine; they would have killed a lot more 
innocent civilians; and they would have achieved a victory. It would 
have been damaging, of course, to Ukraine and its people but also 
damaging to us and our national interest and a safer world because, had 
they been successful, there would have been a much more dangerous and 
volatile world in its thinking that an authoritarian country could just 
come into a peaceful, democratic neighbor and take over another 
country.
  Again, the fighting continues, but we, along with so many of our 
allies--over 40 countries--over 40 countries--have stepped up to say: 
We are with you, Ukraine. You are an independent, sovereign country. 
You are an ally, and we want to support you.
  They have never asked for us to do the fighting for them, by the way, 
but they have asked for us to help them have the tools to be able to 
survive and to be able to push back against the brutal Russian assault.
  The administration has now submitted what is called a supplemental 
request for funding. The House passed it last week 368 to 57--strong 
bipartisan support. Last night and earlier today, we had the first of 
two procedural votes on the Senate's action on this same supplemental 
spending bill. The votes were 81 to 11 last night and 88 to 11 earlier 
today--again, strong bipartisan support for this funding. This package 
includes $40 billion--nearly $40 billion--for munitions, for weapons, 
for training to stop Russia.
  It also provides funds for humanitarian aid. Remember, there have 
been millions of refugees both internally and who have left the 
country. There are about 5 or 6 million refugees still out of the 
country and at least 7 or 8 million refugees inside the country. So 
this has been an unprecedented level of humanitarian aid that has been 
needed but also economic support to a country that has been 
devastated--literally flattened--in many areas by this Russian assault.
  There are also funds to support our troops, who are in the countries 
neighboring Ukraine, joining other NATO forces. That funding is also in 
here. Some of these troops came from Germany, and some came from the 
United States, but it is an effort to be sure that we are supporting 
and bolstering these other countries in the region--Romania, Slovakia, 
Poland, and the Baltic countries of Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia--to 
be sure that they are not going to be subject to the same attacks. 
Those preventive measures have been put in place, and that is also 
costly. Forty billion dollars is a lot of money, and we have to be sure 
that it is spent wisely and is not wasted.
  I am glad to see we were able to get some changes in the 
administration's request to task the Department of Defense, the 
Department of State, and USAID inspectors general--from all three of 
those entities--with the oversight of the spending and provide them 
with sufficient resources to do that. So these inspectors general from 
those three entities are there to ensure the money is properly spent.
  Additionally, the funds in this bill for urgent budget support to 
Ukraine's government will be subject to especially stringent oversight 
mechanisms. These funds will be placed in a separate, auditable 
account, and their use will be governed by a memorandum of 
understanding with Ukraine. The MOU will describe strict guardrails for 
transparency and accountability that will ensure that these funds are 
not diverted to corrupt interests but, instead, are used to help the 
Government of Ukraine provide for its people in their hour of need. I 
am glad that language was included and added to the supplemental.
  The supplemental bill also mandates that the use of these funds will 
be notified to Congress. I think this is very important. Most of our 
foreign assistance to other countries is subject to strict notification 
requirements like these. It is only appropriate these funds have a 
similar mechanism in place. If Congress is going to appropriate these 
large amounts of taxpayer dollars to support Ukraine, I think it is 
essential that we have sufficient congressional oversight. We have 
strong bipartisan support for this funding in the House and in the 
Senate but also the assurance that we will have effective oversight of 
our assistance to Ukraine. By the way, effective oversight also will 
require us to have a diplomatic presence in Ukraine--a permanent one--
to help ensure that these funds are spent properly--the military funds, 
the humanitarian funds, and the economic aid.
  I have been calling for the administration to reopen our Embassy in 
Kyiv, which is here--the capital city--for the past several weeks. I 
hope we do that as soon as possible. My understanding is that the team 
in Kyiv, which has been mostly in Poland and sometimes goes to Lviv, 
wants to get back to the capital. There are, probably, a couple dozen 
countries--I heard Israel moved their Embassy back today--that have 
already moved back to Kyiv. It is time for us to do so as well. We 
understand it is dangerous, and we respect the service of those Foreign 
Service Officers, but we have got to be sure that they are there to 
provide a clear line of communication with the Ukrainians and ensure 
that this $40 billion in funding is properly spent but also ensure that 
we are able to have a go-between at a high level, which is one reason 
we need to get our Ambassador over there to Ukraine as soon as 
possible. The good news is we had a good hearing with that Ambassador 
just last week, and my hope is that we can get her moving even later 
this week.

  With regard to the funding--the $40 billion--in helping, again, to 
continue to push back so that Russia doesn't turn the tide, that 
funding, I hope, will be sent this week. What you just heard from the 
majority leader is that he has set up a vote for Thursday, which would 
be a cloture vote. Then, hopefully, we will have the final vote that 
day, too. Cloture is the next procedural vote. Let's not slow this 
thing down on either side of the aisle. Let's get this done. I wish we 
had gotten it done last week, and we should have. Every day that we 
delay means we are putting at risk more Ukrainian civilians and putting 
at risk more of the Ukrainian military because they don't have the 
munitions for existing weapons, because they don't have the heavy 
weapons they need to be able to counter the Russians. So this is not a 
time for us to play partisan politics. It is a time for us to get this 
assistance to the President's desk. Hopefully, he will sign it 
immediately and begin to re-up this commitment we have made to help 
Ukraine defend itself.
  As you probably know, it took the constant urging from this Congress, 
on a bipartisan basis, to get the administration to finally begin to 
provide the level of lethal support that the Ukrainians have needed to 
survive this war against Russia. Some of us were pushing for more 
before this latest invasion as well, but we cannot afford to backslide 
now. It is really important that we continue to help them to be able to 
defend themselves. Again, we are not alone in this. There are many 
countries around the world, including, obviously, the other NATO allies 
who are also helping out.
  I understand there is only enough existing Presidential drawdown 
authority--that is the authority they are using for the munitions and 
the weapons--to do one more partial transfer of arms. So this is urgent 
to get it done now. This supplemental will fix that problem. It raises 
the Presidential cap to $11 billion in the drawdown authority. It also 
provides $6 billion for the

[[Page S2537]]

Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative, which is a program that I co-
wrote back into law in 2015. This money will fund training, equipment, 
and advisory efforts to boost Ukraine's combat capacities; to 
professionalize its military further; and to bring it up to NATO 
standards.
  That was very important to have them as prepared as they are. Over 
the past 7 years, it has helped turn Ukraine's army into a powerful, 
professional fighting force that has proven to be at least Russia's 
equal on the battlefield. The bravery and determination of these troops 
is the single most important weapon they have, but the training and the 
equipment and the munitions and so on are essential for them to be able 
to take that bravery and that perseverance and that commitment and to 
be able to be such an effective fighting force.
  Additionally, the supplemental includes $4 billion in Foreign 
Military Financing to provide Ukraine with the American-made weapons 
and equipment that its troops need. It also has $3.9 billion to support 
enhanced U.S. troop deployments to Europe, such as the 82nd Airborne, 
which is here in Poland. I got to see them when I was over in the 
region recently. They are doing an amazing job in ensuring that there 
is protection for Poland against the possibility that Poland could be 
dragged into this conflict, but it is also to help ensure that the arms 
transfers are occurring from countries all over the world. All of this 
vital funding will ensure that we can continue to support Ukraine and 
our other Eastern European allies who are threatened by Russian 
aggression. We just can't allow any gap in this support.
  We must not adjourn this week until we are finished with this. So the 
vote is supposed to be on Thursday, and I hope it is; but until we have 
the final passage of this measure and it goes to the President's desk, 
we cannot leave this week. In my view, Congress must stay in session.
  At this time in this war, it is also time for us to take a breath and 
hold the administration accountable for giving us a long-term strategy 
so that we in Congress can be a bigger part of the conversation about 
how to move forward. I think that is not unreasonable, given where we 
are. And a number of us, on a bipartisan basis, are calling for that. 
Give us a long-term strategy so we know where we are.
  I know there have been concerns that we have been spending a lot of 
money on weapons and equipment from our military stockpiles to Ukraine 
without adequately refilling our own supplies. But this supplemental 
funding bill--and one reason it is a higher number--fixes that. It 
provides $9 billion to replenish our stocks with Javelins, Stingers, 
howitzers, rifles, vehicles, and other equipment needed to keep America 
safe. So part of the funds we are providing here are for Ukraine, but 
really they are for updating our own stockpiles. That is good for our 
own military.
  I am also aware of a concern that some of our manufacturers cannot 
make these weapons fast enough for both the stockpiling for our weapons 
and providing weapons to Ukraine. This supplemental bill addresses 
that, too, providing $600 million to ease chokepoints in our industrial 
supply chain. That will ensure that we have the capacity to produce 
enough missiles to simultaneously help keep Ukrainians in the fight and 
keep our stockpiles full.
  Last week, at a hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I 
asked the Assistant Secretary of State for Europe, Karen Donfried, what 
the administration's definition of ``victory'' was, and she said: Well, 
``that is for the Ukrainians to define.''
  Well, I guess that is fair, but the Ukrainians have already defined 
what victory looks like for them. They want all of their territory 
back. It is their sovereign territory that Russia has already taken--
the darker red--and wants to take now in the lighter red and wants to 
go even farther. That is what the Ukrainians say victory looks like.
  Last week, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Kuleba said that ``victory for 
us in this war will be the liberation of the rest of our territories.''
  On Saturday, the Foreign Ministers of the G7 countries--those are the 
biggest economies of the world except for China. Those are our allies 
in all of this. Our Secretary of State, Tony Blinken, was there, and he 
endorsed this view, saying in a statement that ``[w]e will never 
recognize borders that Russia has attempted to change by military 
aggression.''
  I appreciate the Secretary of State saying that, and I hope the rest 
of the administration adopts that position.
  During recent testimony, LTG Scott Barrier of the Defense 
Intelligence Agency called the war situation a ``stalemate.'' While 
this is not optimal, it is giving the Ukrainian forces time to regroup 
forces in this area and to be able to train on some of the new Western 
weapons we and our allies have donated. Soon, more of our 155-
millimeter ``M Triple 7'' howitzers, as an example, will be deployed to 
the frontlines. This will give the Ukrainians the capability to 
outrange the Russians, when they could sit back and use the artillery 
to push the Russians back without being in danger themselves. And when 
combined with surveillance, including surveillance drones, this will 
allow the Ukrainians to even the odds on the battlefield. That is all 
arriving now and beginning to come, and that is good news to report 
tonight. It is going to make a big difference.
  In fact, we have recently seen just how effective artillery can be in 
Ukraine. We just learned yesterday that last week, as a Russian 
battalion tactical group was attempting to cross a river in Ukraine, 
called the Siverskyi Donets River, Ukrainian artillerymen sighted them 
and opened fire. Over the next several minutes, under a Ukrainian 
bombardment, it is estimated that Russian forces suffered almost 500 
casualties--including killed, wounded, and missing in action--and also 
lost almost 80 vehicles, including infantry fighting vehicles and T-72 
main battle tanks.
  This map shows images of the actual bridge and what actually 
happened. Here is the attack. Here are some of those Russian tanks we 
talked about and other armored vehicles. Here is what is left of the 
bridge. Here are some more images of the road coming in and some of the 
vehicles that were destroyed.
  The pontoon bridge they had been using to cross the river right here, 
you can see, was totally destroyed, sending some vehicles plunging into 
the water below. This Russian advance was completely halted at immense 
cost.
  Again, it makes a difference if you have these weapons and you have 
the surveillance. You have the ability to do this. It was such a 
significant defeat for Russian forces that even the pro-Russian 
military bloggers--who have toed the Kremlin line for the war thus 
far--have now begun to publicly question the competency of the Russian 
military leadership on social media.
  This is precisely why we and other countries need to keep sending 
heavy weapons and ammunition, including artillery and better artillery, 
so the Ukrainians can continue to inflict defeats like this on the 
Russians and push them out of their territory.
  The Ukrainians are succeeding, first, because of their bravery, their 
tenacity, their skill but also because the United States and our allies 
are placing in their hands the tools they need to succeed.
  Let's not forget that President Putin said he launched this war 
because Ukraine had NATO aspirations and that a NATO country on their 
border was a threat. I think he thought that this would be intimidating 
to NATO and would split NATO. Now, because of the invasion, Finland and 
Sweden have applied for NATO membership. President Putin thought it 
would split NATO; instead, NATO is actually getting stronger.
  America and the world should recognize this is a major shift in the 
power structure of Europe. This is a big deal. Finland, Sweden--Sweden 
has been traditionally neutral--and other European countries now see 
clearly the threat posed by Vladimir Putin and his desire to recreate 
the Soviet Socialist Republic.
  Earlier in the conflict, Putin threatened both Finland and Sweden 
with ``grave consequences'' if they sought to join NATO. Does this 
sound familiar? It is the same thing he said about Ukraine.
  Remember, Finland shares a border with Russia, about 810 miles. To 
the Finns, the threat of Russian troops is

[[Page S2538]]

very real, and it is on their border. Finland is not dependent on 
Russia, as some other nations are. In fact, they barely get 5 percent 
of their energy from Russia, and they are working to even cut that 
amount down further. Good for them. They are not afraid of Russia. They 
would rather see the benefits of a defensive alliance based on common, 
shared democratic values. That is what NATO is about. It is not 
offensive; it is defensive. And that is what Finland and Sweden both 
see.
  We should be encouraged by Finland's increased military spending, 
which they just increased to about 2 percent of their GDP. That is the 
NATO target of 2 percent. I commend Finland for that. They need to set 
an example for other members of the alliance.
  They also just augmented their air force, and they are among Europe's 
most effective and largest Armed Forces per capita. They are able to 
mobilize an army of 280,000 troops and 600,000 reservists. Sweden also 
increased its military spending this year for the biggest increase in 
70 years.
  This is all positive because it puts actions behind the words and 
sends the message to Russia, to Vladimir Putin, that freedom-loving 
countries are not going to stand idly by while allies are invaded or 
intimidated. All we want to do is live in peace, but we are not going 
to stand by while this aggression occurs.
  The Senate has a role to play here because these two countries, 
Sweden and Finland, will be coming before the U.S. Senate to be 
confirmed as members of NATO. We should do so as soon as we possibly 
can.
  In addition, the administration should press other countries to 
approve this very quickly. I heard today that the Turks may have some 
concerns about it based on other issues. I hope no country stands in 
the way of this. This will make NATO a more effective fighting force. 
It would augment NATO's ability to be able to be an effective, again, 
peaceful, defensive alliance.
  In addition, the administration should press the world to approve 
NATO membership for Finland and Sweden, a move that would strengthen 
the security structure and posture for free nations, free nations 
around the globe.
  I have talked about a variety of sanctions in my remarks over these 
past 12 weeks, and I won't go over all those sanctions. There are 
trading sanctions. They are eliminating Russia's preferred tax status. 
There are banking sanctions and, of course, energy.
  Europe, unfortunately, is continuing to buy Russian gas and oil. They 
say they are going to stop buying Russian coal by August. I hope that 
is true. But they now send about $870 million a day to Russia. Think 
about that, $870 million a day to help fund the war machine. One reason 
Russia's economy hasn't totally collapsed is because of that--because 
it is still getting a lot of receipts for energy not just from China 
and India, which we all know about and we regret, but also from the EU 
countries that are way too dependent on Russia.
  We are not as dependent, so it is easy for us to cut off their oil 
and gas supplies, which we did, to our credit. But we need to back up 
those European nations now with some of our own. We have plenty of gas 
in this country; as an example, natural gas that can back up what 
Russia is providing now, and we have a loose agreement to do so. We had 
to tighten that agreement and ensure we are not sending these 
millions--hundreds of millions of dollars every day to Vladimir Putin 
to fund his war machine, especially when Russia not only continues its 
onslaught on Ukrainian defensive combatants but also on noncombatants. 
We need to act. What they are doing is committing war crimes. We have 
all seen them. We all know that.

  I have called on the International Criminal Court, which, by the way, 
has announced an investigation to follow in Ukraine's footsteps and 
take the next step to begin an actual war crimes tribunal. We know 
enough now. We continue to hear about this every day. And every day we 
don't act, the stories get worse. I think this could be a deterrent if 
we moved forward more aggressively.
  Six million Ukrainians have been forced out of their country. And 
according to UNICEF, thousands of innocent Ukrainians have been killed, 
including hundreds of children. Since February 24, Russian troops have 
engaged in rape and other forms of sexual violence across Ukraine. 
These victims--Ukrainian women and girls--have been cruelly targeted. 
We have a moral obligation to step up here. The whole world does.
  I was glad to hear that a court in Kyiv began hearings last Friday on 
a case against Sergeant Vadim Shishimarin, the first Russian soldier to 
go on trial for alleged war crimes. He is accused of shooting and 
killing a 62-year-old civilian man in the northeastern Ukrainian region 
of Sumy in late February, just a few yards from his home. Apparently, 
this has all been recorded.
  But this is just a drop in the bucket. Ukraine's prosecutor has said 
her office is currently investigating more than 10,000 alleged war 
crimes by Russian forces involving more than 600 suspects. It will take 
a vast amount of time and resources to hold these criminals to account, 
and the United States should help Ukraine in this regard.
  I am glad that the supplemental funding bill before the Senate right 
now includes funding to do just that: $400 million to investigate and 
document war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by Russian 
forces in Ukraine. My hope is that holding these Russians accountable 
will have this strong deterrent effect.
  To Russian commanders and to Kremlin officials who are backing this 
brutal and unjustified war, the message is very simple: The world is 
watching. They are watching you. The world is watching for war crimes, 
and they are being recorded. You have a choice: Say no to the orders to 
attack and kill your innocent neighbors in Ukraine, your neighbors who 
only want to live in peace.
  By the way, there is a special designation in U.S. law for countries 
that provide support for international terrorism. They are called state 
sponsors of terrorism. In my view, Russia has now earned that notorious 
designation. We should vote on that here in the U.S. Senate and further 
isolate Russia from the community of nations.
  The Republican leader, Mitch McConnell, along with three of our other 
colleagues, went to Kyiv over the weekend to meet with President 
Zelenskyy. In that meeting, he reports that the issue of Russia being 
designated as a state sponsor of terrorism came up. And he agreed, as 
the Republican leader here in the U.S. Senate, that we should move 
forward with that legislation.
  Speaker Pelosi has also been to Kyiv for the delegation. I am glad 
they both went, and I hope both of them will agree on that designation, 
which is something that President Zelenskyy has asked for, and also, 
again, to ensure that we not only provide this aid package as soon as 
possible this week but we continue to provide whatever help is 
necessary for our allies in Ukraine.
  I close tonight with a few thoughts on our leadership not abroad, but 
here at home, and not the leadership of the U.S. Government, but 
instead the leadership of the people of America because it is not just 
the U.S. Government that is supporting Ukraine in its hour of need.
  Since this terrible conflict began, everyday Americans across the 
country have stepped up to provide much needed assistance--humanitarian 
assistance, economic aid.
  The Ukrainian defenders, the refugees, and the first responders are 
deeply grateful. In March, in Ohio, Governor Mike DeWine sent out a 
request for surplus or expired personal protective gear to provide to 
Ukrainian territorial defense forces that had asked for them. I am 
proud to say that Ohio answered that call.
  Altogether, more than two dozen law enforcement agencies across Ohio 
have donated 2,000 pieces of personal protective gear, including 71 
vest carriers, 45 helmets, and 1,880 pieces of body armor. With the 
help of the Fund to Aid Ukraine, a nonprofit located in Parma, OH, this 
badly needed equipment will soon make its way into the hands of brave 
Ukrainian defenders who are fighting for their lives as they endure 
Russia's brutal onslaught.
  This organization has now given 24 pallets of supplies and over 7 
tons of

[[Page S2539]]

medical supplies to Ukraine as well. I am grateful to them and for all 
the law enforcement agencies that sacrificed their time and resources 
to organize this effort to provide personal protective gear.
  In addition, MedWish International in Cleveland, which is a highly 
effective nonprofit I met with last month, has partnered with United 
Ukrainian Organizations of Ohio, headed by Marta Liscynesky, to provide 
individual first aid kits and other medical equipment to Ukrainian 
first responders, defenders, and civilians. And Cleveland-based KOACORE 
has delivered 17,000 individual first aid kits to the frontlines. With 
this donation, Ukrainian first responders running into the rubble of 
schools, apartment buildings, and homes will be able to save more 
lives.
  When I was on the Polish-Ukrainian border in March, I saw Marta, who 
set up United Ukrainian Organizations of Ohio, and also another Ohio 
friend, Andy Futey, who is president of the Ukrainian World Congress; 
and I got to see them in action delivering these humanitarian supplies 
to refugees and helping to organize the effort.
  I saw how this affected refugees at the border. They came up to us 
with tears in their eyes, almost all women and children--the men had 
been left behind to fight--and they pleaded with us to continue the 
help. They pleaded with us to, as they said, ``close the skies,'' to 
stop these bombs--just constant bombardment of their families. They 
talked about how their homes had been destroyed, how members of their 
families had been killed or maimed, how the unspeakable crimes being 
committed by these Russian soldiers were something that many of these 
families had endured.
  We didn't have all the answers. We haven't closed the skies. But we 
did say, ``The American people are with you,'' and talked about some of 
these incredibly generous Americans who have stepped forward.
  As the Russian forces intentionally target these Ukrainian civilians 
to spread fear and panic, this display of generosity from the people of 
Ohio and the people of every State represented here in this body 
reassures these Ukrainians that we have their back, that America--not 
just our American Government but America, the people of America--care. 
I am proud of that. I am proud of how people have given their time and 
resources to help those in need.
  In Cincinnati, my hometown, we organized a fundraiser last week for 
what is called World Central Kitchen and the good work that they are 
doing all throughout Ukraine and in the border areas. This fundraiser 
went to support World Central Kitchen's work and the Kharkiv sister 
city efforts. Cincinnati and Kharkiv are sister cities. I was involved 
in that group a few decades ago, and I remember that, at the time, we 
were so proud to be a sister city to Kharkiv because it resembled 
Cincinnati in many ways--a beautiful city with a river running through 
it, like the Ohio River runs through Cincinnati.
  Today, Kharkiv has been nearly flattened. It has been nearly totally 
destroyed. But, as we talked about in this map, look at what is 
happening. They are pushing the Russians back from Kharkiv. And they 
will rebuild, and it will be beautiful again.
  I saw the good work that World Central Kitchen does when I was on the 
Ukrainian-Polish border. Chef Jose Andres, here from Washington, DC, 
and his brainchild, World Central Kitchen, is doing amazing work. I 
volunteered with a few colleagues, serving food to refugees at one of 
his 60 popup restaurants in the border regions. There are dozens more 
in Ukraine itself.
  There is much more to be done to help Ukraine get through this, to 
help them defend themselves, to help them push back the Russians, to 
help them deal with the humanitarian crisis, to help them rebuild, to 
help them survive this brutal Russian onslaught and rebuild their 
homeland, which they love so much.
  And we are inspired to do more, both because this is in our national 
security interest--Vladimir Putin's victory is our loss--and because we 
are inspired by the resiliency and fortitude of the Ukrainian Armed 
Forces and the Ukrainian people. They have truly shown the rest of the 
world what bravery and patriotism is all about.
  I yield the floor.

                          ____________________