[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 81 (Thursday, May 12, 2022)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2480-S2481]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Unanimous Consent Request--H.R. 7691
Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I am offering this unanimous consent on
behalf of myself and Leader McConnell. Let me explain the unanimous
consent.
As the war in Ukraine extends into its third month, we have a moral
obligation--a moral obligation--to stand with Ukraine in its fight
against Putin's immoral war.
Earlier this week, the House passed a Ukraine package with
overwhelming bipartisan support. It should be no different here in the
Senate. The package is ready to go. The vast majority of Senators on
both sides of the aisle wants it. There is now only one thing holding
us back. The junior Senator from Kentucky is preventing the swift
passage of Ukraine aid because he wants to add, at the last minute, his
own changes directly into the bill. His change is strongly opposed by
many Members from both parties. He is not even asking for an amendment;
he is simply saying: My way or the highway.
When you have a proposal to amend a bill, you can't just come to the
floor and demand it by fiat. You have to convince other Members to back
it first. That is how the Senate works. If every Member held every bill
in exchange for every last little demand, it would mean the total and
permanent paralysis of this Chamber. The junior Senator from Kentucky
knows that perfectly well. He knows that is not how this Chamber works.
Again, when you have a proposal to change a bill, you have to
convince Members to support it. The junior Senator from Kentucky has
not done that.
So right now, in conjunction with Leader McConnell, I am giving
Senator Paul an opportunity to do just that. I am offering to hold a
vote on his amendment, even though I disagree with it. Let the Chamber
speak its will. Let both sides of the aisle have input. And, for
Heaven's sake, let's get Ukraine funding done ASAP.
We must keep our promise to the people of Ukraine, and I hope the
junior Senator from Kentucky does not stand in the way of keeping that
promise. If Senator Paul persists in his reckless demand, we will not
allow him to insert his language into this bill without a vote, and all
he will accomplish is to singlehandedly delay desperately needed
Ukraine aid.
I yield to the Republican leader.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Republican leader.
Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, as I said earlier today, the Ukraine
people are fighting valiantly in a war they didn't ask for. Their brave
self-defense has literally shocked the skeptics and inspired freedom-
loving people all around the world.
Ukraine is not asking us to fight this war. They are only asking for
the resources they need to defend themselves against this deranged
invasion, and they need this help right now.
Sending lethal assistance to Ukraine is not just some kind of
philanthropy; this conflict has direct and major consequences for
America's national security and America's national interests.
[[Page S2481]]
Russia's aggression cannot--cannot--be allowed to continue cost-free.
I understand my friend and colleague from Kentucky would like changes
to the bill. Those changes are not acceptable to the Democratic
majority, as we have just heard. So I think there is a simple way to
solve this. We should vote on Senator Paul's amendment, and then we
should pass the supplemental, and we should do it today.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader.
Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, on behalf of myself and Leader
McConnell, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to
legislative session and proceed to the immediate consideration of
Calendar No. 366, S. 4190, Senator Kennedy's bill on Ukraine oversight;
that the bill be considered read a third time and the Senate vote on
passage of the bill; further, that upon disposition of the Kennedy
bill, the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of Calendar No.
368, H.R. 7691, a bill to provide aid to Ukraine; that the only
amendment in order be the Paul amendment, which is at the desk; that
the Senate vote on the Paul amendment with 60 affirmative votes
required for adoption; that the bill be read a third time and the
Senate vote on passage of the bill, as amended, if amended; and that
the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table,
all without intervening action or debate.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there an objection?
The Senator from Kentucky.
Mr. PAUL. Reserving the right to object, my oath of office is to the
U.S. Constitution, not to any foreign nation. And no matter how
sympathetic the cause, my oath of office is to the national security of
the United States of America.
We cannot save Ukraine by dooming the U.S. economy. In March,
inflation hit a 40-year high. Gasoline alone is up 48 percent, and
energy prices are up 32 percent over the last year. Food prices have
increased by nearly 9 percent. Used vehicle prices are up 35 percent
for the year, and new vehicle prices have increased 12 percent or more.
Yes, inflation doesn't just come out of nowhere; it comes from
deficit spending.
The United States spent nearly $5 trillion on COVID-19 bailouts,
leading to one of the highest and most sustained levels of inflation in
U.S. history.
Americans are feeling the pain, and Congress seems intent only on
adding to that pain by shoveling more money out the door as fast as
they can.
This bill under consideration would spend $40 billion. This is the
second spending bill for Ukraine in 2 months, and this bill is three
times larger than the first.
Our military aid to Ukraine is nothing new, though. Since 2014, the
United States has provided more than $6 billion in security assistance
to Ukraine. In addition to the $14 billion Congress authorized just a
month ago, if this bill passes, the United States will have authorized
roughly $60 billion in total spending for Ukraine.
For those who say this is not enough, for those of you in this
Chamber who say that our military spending is never enough, let's put
$60 billion into perspective.
According to Elias Yousef, a security assistance expert at the
Stimson Center, Kyiv would become the largest yearly recipient of U.S.
military aid of the past two decades.
Except for the top five countries, $60 billion is more than every
other country in the world spends on their entire military
expenditures.
If this gift to Ukraine passes, our total aid to Ukraine will almost
equal the entire military budget of Russia. And it is not as if we have
that money lying around. We will have to borrow that money from China
to send it to Ukraine.
The cost of this package we are voting on today is more than the
United States spent during the first year of the U.S. conflict in
Afghanistan. Congress authorized force, and the President sent troops
into the conflict. The same cannot be said of Ukraine.
This proposal towers over domestic priorities as well. The massive
package of $60 billion to Ukraine dwarfs the $6 million spent on cancer
research annually, and $60 billion is more than the amount the
government collects in gas taxes each year to build roads and bridges.
The $60 billion to Ukraine can fund substantial portions or entire
large Cabinet Departments. The $60 billion nearly equals the entire
State Department budget. The $60 billion exceeds the budget for the
Department of Homeland Security and for the Department of Energy. And
Congress just wants to keep on spending and spending.
Our allies and partners have sent aid to Ukraine. Some of them even
broke longstanding traditions by sending military assistance. Germany,
Poland, the United Kingdom, and others are stepping up to defend
Ukraine like never before.
In other words, it is not all about us. It isn't that we always have
to be the Uncle Sam, the policeman who saves the world, particularly
when it is on borrowed money. Yet the United States accounted for
nearly half of what has been spent so far.
With a $30 trillion debt, America can't afford to be the world's
policeman. The United States is trying to recover from the $1.6
trillion we spent on wars in the Middle East, not to mention the $5
trillion borrowed for COVID.
We should not forget that the Soviet Union collapsed, in large part,
not because it was defeated militarily but because it ran out of money.
In an attempt to save Ukraine, will we doom the United States to such a
future?
In the past 2 years, the United States has borrowed more money than
at any time in our history. We are already experiencing the greatest
rate of inflation in over four decades. The assault on monetary
discipline is untenable, and it cannot go on forever. Unless we put an
end to the fiscal insanity, a day of reckoning awaits us.
Congress should evaluate the cost of continuing down this path. The
biggest threat to the United States today is debt and inflation and the
destruction of the dollar. We cannot save Ukraine by killing our
economic strength.
So I ask to modify the bill to allow for a special inspector general.
This would be the inspector general who has been overseeing the waste
in Afghanistan and has done a great job.
Therefore, I ask the Senator to modify his request so that the Senate
proceed to the immediate consideration of Calendar No. 368, H.R. 7691;
furthermore, that the Paul amendment at the desk be considered and
agreed to; that the bill, as amended, be considered read a third time;
and that the Senate vote on passage of the bill, as amended, with a 60-
affirmative vote threshold for passage.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the leader so modify his request?
Mr. SCHUMER. Reserving the right to object, it is clear from the
junior Senator from Kentucky's remarks, he doesn't want to aid Ukraine.
That is not the case for the overwhelming majority here.
Again, all he will accomplish with his actions here today is to delay
that aid, not to stop it. It is aid that is desperately needed by a
valiant people fighting against authoritarianism and defending
democracy. So I will not modify it.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there an objection to the original request?
Mr. PAUL. I object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The objection is heard.
The Senator from Tennessee.