[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 77 (Monday, May 9, 2022)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2376-S2379]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Ukraine
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. President, I come to the floor today to talk again
about the illegal, totally unjustified, unprovoked, and brutal attack
on Ukraine by Russian forces.
This is the 11th week in a row I have come to the Chamber to talk
about this because I think it is really important that the American
people know what is going on over there and that we rally to the
defense of our allies in Ukraine.
This week is the 77th anniversary of what is called V-E Day. That is
the day the war in Europe ended--World War II--when the United States
finally led the allies to defeat the tyranny of Nazi Germany and
liberated millions of people. Then, in the Cold War, we led the world
again to defeat the encroachment of Soviet communism on Eastern Europe.
Again, millions of people were liberated, including Ukrainians.
We cannot forget this because, as we look at Ukraine, what do we see?
The same thing--people who yearn to be free. That is all they want is
to live in freedom in their own sovereign, independent country. Once
again, the United States and our allies in Europe are standing with
these Europeans in fighting to hold onto their freedom in the face of
this illegal, unprovoked, and brutal attack.
When Vladimir Putin spoke at ceremonies in Russia this week to
commemorate the same V-E Day, he used it to justify Russia's invasion,
saying:
The danger was growing day by day, [so] Russia [gave] a
preemptive response to an aggression.
Of course, nothing could be further from the truth. The Ukrainians
were never the aggressors. The Ukrainians just want to live in peace
with their neighbors, including with Russia.
Here is a map of Ukraine today, and this is what has been going on.
In the dark red, what you see here is what the Russians took in
2014--the year that Ukraine decided definitively they wanted to turn to
the West to be a free, democratic country. Russia responded with this:
taking over Crimea and taking over the Luhansk and Donetsk parts of the
Donbas.
The light red is what they have taken in this latest invasion, and
what they intend to take, according to their military generals who have
spoken, is a much bigger area here.
The blue, of course, is where the Ukrainians have pushed back, where
they have gone on the counteroffensive. They have actually pushed the
Russians out around Kyiv, around the northern part of the country and
other parts and, right now, as you can see, in various parts of the
Donbas region, including around this town of Kharkiv.
Now, Kharkiv is an interesting situation. It is actually a sister
city to Cincinnati, OH, my hometown, and I was on the Sister City
Committee decades ago when we developed that relationship. They have a
beautiful river running through the city. It was and will be, in the
future, a beautiful city; but now, as these Ukrainians are in the fight
of their lives just to keep their democracy, you see what is happening
in Kharkiv.
The Ukrainians are beginning to make progress both to the north of
Kharkiv and here to the south and to the east. It is possible that the
Ukrainians could actually push the Russians back far enough so that the
city itself would be out of artillery range of the Russians. That would
be great because, right now, the people of Kharkiv, like so many other
people in places like Mariupol, of course, are being attacked by the
Russians with artillery every night, every day. So, if they could get
the Russian forces pushed back beyond that period, they could get
relief services in to the civilians--food, water--that were previously
denied by the Russians.
I think it might also force the Russians to make a decision. They
would have to decide between addressing Ukraine's counteroffensive near
Kharkiv--that is here--and expanding their forces over here, which they
have said they want to do. I think if they do that--expand their
forces--they are going to be risking their communications and supply
lines here being cut off by the Ukrainians.
So we will see what happens, but this is a crucial time in the
battle. We are at a turning point. I guess that is really my point.
We are being asked to look at legislation that has been sent to us by
the administration--called the Ukraine Supplemental Funding bill--at a
time when there is a crucial battle going on and when there could be a
turning point in this broader war.
Last week, I spoke with the Ukrainian Ambassador to the United
States, Oksana Markarova. I will be speaking to her again tomorrow
morning. She made the point that the Presidential drawdown authority--
that is the funding they are currently using from the United States--is
just about depleted. It was about $3.3 billion in military aid that the
President had, with the authority given to him by Congress, to draw
down some of our resources to be able to provide to Ukraine. As of last
week, she told me that $3.3 billion is just about depleted; therefore,
a new authority is critically needed right now.
You don't want to have a gap--particularly with regard to munitions--
in being able to ensure that they have the more effective weaponry--the
heavy weaponry--that they are now using in places like this and here
and here and can continue to have the ammunition that is needed to be
able to continue the fight.
I also spoke late last week to Bridget Brink. She is the current
Ambassador to Slovakia and is a seasoned Foreign Service professional
whom the Biden administration has now nominated to be the U.S.
Ambassador here in Ukraine. We haven't had an Ambassador there for well
over a year, maybe
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2 years. I have been asking the Biden administration--pushing the
Biden administration--to send an Ambassador to Ukraine for over a year.
I did the same with the Trump administration when we didn't have an
Ambassador there for a while and even with the Obama administration to
try to ensure we had a representative.
Why? It is so important to have an Ambassador there. You need
somebody at the highest level to be able to have the Ukrainian
officials have someone they can work with directly who can answer
questions, make commitments, be someone who is authorized by the
President. It is also helpful to have that information on the ground
being relayed straight back to our teams here in Washington.
At least 17 other countries, by the way, have returned their
diplomatic personnel to the capital, Kyiv. We have not. We are,
apparently, going to do that soon. I hope so. I hope so. I know that
the Ambassador nominee would like to go back to Kyiv. I know that a lot
of members of the team would because I have met with them in Poland.
They are over here in Poland now, for the most part, and are going into
Lviv sometimes; but we need to get back to Kyiv.
In terms of what is going on in the battlefield, let's talk a little
more about that and of the importance of the weapons and the materiel
support that we have already provided and, therefore, what we must
continue to provide.
Since February 24, when this latest Russian invasion began, we have
now provided $13.6 billion in military, economic, and humanitarian aid
for Ukraine. This latest request for funding from the White House is
for $33 billion, so it is for even more. There were reports that this
latest supplemental would be tied to other things, particularly to the
COVID funding that the administration is also eager to get passed. I
was strongly against that because, when you tie it up with other
things, it inevitably slows it down, and this is absolutely urgent.
I was really pleased to see that about an hour and a half ago,
President Biden issued a statement saying he now supports separating
the Ukraine funding from the COVID funding. I commend him for that. It
is good news. Again, we have seen so many times around here when you
combine things, it slows everything down, and it creates a political
football that goes back and forth. This is desperately needed
assistance that is going to determine whether some Ukrainian civilians
and some of their military forces live or die, because this aid is so
critical to their success.
After Vladimir Putin's claim of success during this week's V-E
ceremony--as we talked about--in Moscow, it is very likely, in my view,
that he is now going to feel the need to call up an even fuller
mobilization of his military and engage in even more brutality--if that
is possible--against the innocent civilians in Ukraine. So it is all
the more reason for us to pass this latest spending request now and get
this military equipment to the Ukrainians who need it so desperately.
Some Americans may wonder if we can make a difference in protecting
freedom in Ukraine without directly engaging the American military or
engaging with Russia. I would say we can, and I would say we have made
a difference. The U.S. and our NATO allies and other allies around the
world have already made a positive contribution to Ukraine's success in
pushing back against the Russians--a much larger army with more weapons
of every kind.
Prior to the latest invasion on February 24, the United States and
some allies shipped these Javelin anti-tank weapons, Stinger anti-air
missiles, and other small arms and munitions to Ukraine to be able to
counter what we thought was going to happen and did, which was Russian
battalion tactical groups coming into the country. It was effective. It
was effective in Kyiv, and it was effective in other areas of Ukraine
to be able to push back as you can see. These Russian units were
essentially light-mechanized formations which contained armored anti-
infantry vehicles and medium to heavy tanks, along with infantry and
light artillery. The first 2 months of the war have proven that the
Russians were not very effective with their coordination of these
groups, and because of their tactical incompetence, they were largely
defeated up here by a more proficient and a more effective Ukrainian
military.
The mobility at the tactical level among the Ukrainian Armed Forces
is at the core of the NATO doctrine in something called ``combined arms
warfare''--essentially the coordinated employment of the tanks,
artillery, and infantry to defend or seize territory. Since 2014, when
Ukraine turned away from tyranny and toward the West and Russia
immediately invaded, the threat of a larger scale invasion was clear,
so Ukraine's forces began to train and learn alongside U.S. troops and
other NATO allies. Again, we worked with them to transition from a
Soviet-style military to one that emphasized the initiative of
noncommissioned officers and mission-style orders and better
coordination between these groups.
Thanks to an extensive effort by our military and that of our NATO
allies, the Ukrainians were able to build a military that was more
proficient and technically agile. It was able not only to withstand the
initial Russian onslaught but to defeat Russian forces, including
around Kyiv. In the past month, the Ukrainian Armed Forces have
repositioned to the east, taking with them that same tactic, that same
coordination, and have provided tactical reconnaissance through drones
and have used highly accurate artillery. In doing so, they have
thwarted Russian attempts to gain more ground here in the East.
Of course, nothing substitutes for the bravery and grit of the
Ukrainian people and particularly of the Ukrainian soldiers--
professional and civilian soldiers alike. They are defending their
homeland fiercely, and that is the single most important element to
their success. But we also owe a debt of gratitude to our troops who
trained Ukrainians, many of whom are National Guardsmen, perhaps from
your State, and also our British, Canadian, and other NATO partners who
helped the Ukrainian military become the effective battlefield force we
see today.
I say this because we need to know that the help that we are giving
does make a difference, not just in terms of the weapons but also the
training.
The training of Armed Forces and equipping them was done through what
is called the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative, USAI. It was
created back in 2016. I actually modified a McCain amendment to create
this new initiative. Since 2016, it has provided $1.6 billion for
training, equipment, advisory efforts, command and control functions,
cyber defense, and strategic communications. Most importantly, it
helped teach Ukraine mobility on the battlefield--again, a model of
warfare that was superior to what Russia had.
That first phase of our support included the Javelins and the
Stingers we talked about, then a heavy focus on organizing the transfer
of existing stocks of Soviet-era weaponry in Eastern Europe--places
like Poland or Slovakia--to Ukraine. But these Soviet-era weapons and
munitions were always finite, and the war has exhausted a lot of those
supplies coming from these other countries in the region. So this
Ukraine supplemental request from the White House is understandably a
larger amount because Ukraine now requires heavier weaponry and ones
that are NATO standard. So more funds are needed to be able to
transport these larger weapons at greater distances and to train
Ukrainian forces on these weapons and to continue to replenish them
with ammunition. So it is more of a traditional battlefield down here
requiring that heavier weapon, more expensive weaponry, and now, again,
NATO-standard weaponry.
While the United States and our allies are providing significant
resources to this cause, the costs imposed on Russia are much greater.
What do I mean by that?
Russia has now committed more than 70 percent of its total combat
power to Ukraine, and much of that has been degraded and continues to
be degraded. This raises an interesting point: Let's remember that
Russia directly threatened military intervention against a number of
our NATO allies, including the Baltics, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia,
including Poland, even the UK, and, more recently, two countries that
are not NATO but are our allies, Finland and Sweden.
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Other allies that they have threatened, we are legally obligated to
protect if they are in NATO, under NATO article 5. So downgrading
Russia's Army in Ukraine and supporting Ukraine's Armed Forces is a
pretty effective way to ensure that Russia does not have the ability to
attack NATO and instantly begin a direct U.S.-Russian confrontation--
something we have wanted to avoid.
And speaking of NATO, it is encouraging, again, that Sweden and
Finland are refusing to be intimidated by these Russian threats and are
looking to join the alliance instead. At the end of last week, Finland
already conducted military exercises with NATO military units from the
United States, the UK, Estonia, and Latvia. I am proud that we are
supporting this effort militarily. And Finland is now upgrading its air
force. That is good. The Senate should immediately confirm NATO
membership of both of these nations as soon as it comes before us.
It is important to note that it is not just the U.S. Government and
our allied governments that are supporting Ukraine in its hour of need.
Since this terrible conflict began, everyday Americans across the
country have stepped up to provide much needed assistance to Ukrainian
defenders, refugees, and first responders.
In March, Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine, sent out a request for surplus or
expired personal protective gear to provide to Ukrainian territorial
defense forces. They said they needed more protective gear, and we
responded. I am proud to say that Ohio answered that call. All
together, more than two dozen law enforcement agencies across my home
State have donated almost 2,000 pieces of personal protective gear, 71
vest carriers, 45 helmets, and over 1,800 pieces of body armor. With
the help of the Fund to Aid Ukraine--a nonprofit based in Parma, OH--
this badly needed equipment will soon make its way into the hands of
brave Ukrainian defenders who are fighting for their lives as they
endure Russia's brutal assault.
This organization has also given 24 pallets of supplies, over 7 tons
of medical supplies to Ukraine. I am grateful for everyone who stepped
forward, especially to those law enforcement agencies that have stepped
forward to help those Ukrainian law enforcement entities and first
responders and territorial defense troops who need better protection.
And this is happening all over America.
Additionally, there is a group in Cleveland called MedWish. They are
amazing. I got to go visit them last month. They are a very effective
nonprofit that has worked for years to provide medical supplies,
hospital supplies to countries that have suffered, say, from a natural
disaster but also in the case of Ukraine, of course, from the war. They
have partnered with a group called the United Ukrainian Organizations
of Ohio, headed by my friend Marta Liscynesky, to provide individual
first aid kits and other medical equipment to Ukrainian first
responders, defenders, and civilians. And Cleveland-based KOACORE is
delivering 17,000 individual first aid kits to the frontlines. This is
a company in Cleveland that is a safety management company so it is a
good role for them. They are doing it, again, as volunteers and
donating this.
When I was on the Polish-Ukrainian border in March, I saw Marta and
another Ohio friend Andy Futey, who is president of the Ukrainian World
Congress, in action, organizing some of this equipment that was coming
into Ukraine and particularly helping our refugees coming from Ukraine.
One of my own staffers, Josh Prest, recently volunteered to transport
some of this assistance to Europe. He checked an extra bag on his
flight so he could carry more individual first aid kits, and he
delivered them as well.
Again, there are thousands and thousands of Americans doing these
sorts of things.
As Russian forces intentionally target Ukrainian civilians to spread
fear and panic, this display of generosity from the people of Ohio will
reassure Ukrainians that America has their back. With this donation,
Ukrainian first responders running into the rubble of schools,
apartment buildings, and homes will be able to save more lives. I am
very proud of how the people of the great State of Ohio have given
their time and resources to help those in need.
Tonight in Cincinnati, OH--my hometown--we have organized a
fundraiser, under the leadership of Susie DeYoung, for what is called
World Central Kitchen. They do great work all around the globe,
including here in the United States, in response to natural disasters,
working with FEMA. But they are doing amazing things in Ukraine. The
funding for the fundraiser tonight is going to go to World Central
Kitchen and also to the Kharkiv sister city efforts I talked about
earlier.
I have seen the good work that DC Chef Jose Andres, and his
brainchild World Central Kitchen, is doing when I volunteered, along
with a few of my colleagues, at a World Central Kitchen location,
serving food to refugees--one of his 60 popup kitchens--in the border
areas between Ukraine and its neighbors.
Tonight, in Cincinnati, chefs from our entire Cincinnati region are
volunteering their skills and some great food for the people of
Ukraine. All of these donations are a reflection of how the American
people are united in support of Ukraine.
On the sanctions front, I hope we can focus more of our attention on
energy. I believe the top priority of all Ukraine's allies should be
cutting off the funding of Putin's war machine. The single largest
source of that funding is, of course, their energy exports from Russia.
Europe relies on these energy exports from Russia. They purchase
approximately $870 million of energy from Russia every single day. That
is one reason the ruble has regained some of its value--because these
energy receipts are coming in to fund Russia's government and fund the
war machine.
For Europe, it is about $22 million worth of coal every day, $415
million worth of oil, and $433 million in natural gas every day, again,
funding Russia's brutal assault on Ukraine.
I have talked about this on the floor before, but Putin has long used
energy as a weapon, and we have got to put an end to it.
I applaud those European nations that have recently taken steps to
find alternative sources of energy and transition away from Russia. For
example, recently, Italy, which relies on Russia for approximately 40
percent of its natural gas, is actively working to secure new natural
gas contracts with African nations.
And in the last month, Lithuania became the first European country to
halt the import of all Russian gas.
The EU took its first tangible step away from Russian fuels last
month when it finally agreed to ban coal imports from Russia. This is
expected to take effect in August.
As part of their efforts to mark V-E Day on Sunday, the G7, which
includes, France, Germany, Italy, Britain, Canada, and the United
States, pledged to ban Russian oil. Well, that is good. But let's be
sure that this pledge is converted into reality. We have seen
agreements before with the EU on this topic, and yet we need to be sure
we see actual action.
A total embargo on all energy--oil, gas, natural gas, coal--is
needed. The United States has the energy resources, especially
liquefied natural gas, to be able to substitute for what Russia has
been sending to Europe.
To be there for Europe, the United States must immediately expand our
oil and natural gas production here and build the associated energy
infrastructure that will allow our hydrocarbons to reach the global
market.
Reports are showing that last month in April, European LNG import
terminals--so bringing liquefied natural gas into Europe from the
United States but also from the Mideast--took in a record amount,
hitting their highest level since the start of the pandemic. We have
got to continue to build on that trajectory. We have already got a
general agreement in place with the EU to do that, but certain
countries have blocked its implementation.
More generally, we have got to support all of our domestic producers
here in the United States through a robust ``all of the above'' energy
policy that includes renewables, fossil fuels, carbon capture
technologies, nuclear power, hydropower, hydrogen, and energy
efficiency--all of the above.
Instead of making it more difficult for domestic energy production, I
urge the Biden administration to reject
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their proposed tax increase on energy production proposed in the
President's budget; stop restricting new leases on Federal lands and
waters for oil and gas production and help with the permitting of the
needed infrastructure instead of proposals like rewriting the
definitions of the waters of the United States, which would add
significant time and complexity to permitting new energy projects. This
is a time when we need to focus on how to help Europe get away from
their dependency on Russian energy in order to stop fueling the Putin
war machine.
I have mentioned sanctions over these past 11 weeks, from trading
sanctions and eliminating Russia's preferred tax status with the United
States to banking sanctions to crush President Putin's financial
services economy. But we should and must go further, especially when
Russia not only continues its onslaught on Ukrainians' defensive
combatants but on their noncombatants--on civilians. What they are
doing, in so many instances, is clearly war crimes.
I call on the International Criminal Court, again, which has
announced an investigation, to follow in Ukraine's footsteps and
immediately begin a War Crimes Tribunal. The evidence of war crimes is
now clear. There should be no delay.
Earlier, I spoke about the investment the United States has made
since 2015 in training Ukrainian troops and modernizing its military.
We now know that investment is paying off because Ukrainian troops have
outmaneuvered and pushed back on Russia's military.
Speaking to the current Russian invasion, one Ukrainian officer told
us:
The biggest mistake the Russians made was giving us eight
years to prepare for this.
Thank goodness we had that time. We could have used it even more
productively, but we were able to make great progress.
I close tonight on this because it shows why U.S. leadership around
the world is so important: Without the bipartisan action of Congress
and multiple administrations--including the Obama, Trump, and now Biden
administrations--what Ukraine is achieving would not have been
possible. That is why it is so important we take up this Ukrainian
supplemental immediately, this week, and pass it into law. We have made
a difference. We can continue to make a difference, but we are at a
crucial point in this war.
So much more needs to be done. But do you know what? I am hopeful. I
am hopeful because of what we have all seen. Over the past 2 months,
the resiliency and fortitude of the Ukrainian Armed Forces and the
Ukrainian people, it has shown the world what patriotism and bravery
truly is.
I yield back my time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Minnesota.
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