[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 77 (Monday, May 9, 2022)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2376-S2379]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                                Ukraine

  Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. President, I come to the floor today to talk again 
about the illegal, totally unjustified, unprovoked, and brutal attack 
on Ukraine by Russian forces.
  This is the 11th week in a row I have come to the Chamber to talk 
about this because I think it is really important that the American 
people know what is going on over there and that we rally to the 
defense of our allies in Ukraine.
  This week is the 77th anniversary of what is called V-E Day. That is 
the day the war in Europe ended--World War II--when the United States 
finally led the allies to defeat the tyranny of Nazi Germany and 
liberated millions of people. Then, in the Cold War, we led the world 
again to defeat the encroachment of Soviet communism on Eastern Europe. 
Again, millions of people were liberated, including Ukrainians.
  We cannot forget this because, as we look at Ukraine, what do we see? 
The same thing--people who yearn to be free. That is all they want is 
to live in freedom in their own sovereign, independent country. Once 
again, the United States and our allies in Europe are standing with 
these Europeans in fighting to hold onto their freedom in the face of 
this illegal, unprovoked, and brutal attack.
  When Vladimir Putin spoke at ceremonies in Russia this week to 
commemorate the same V-E Day, he used it to justify Russia's invasion, 
saying:

       The danger was growing day by day, [so] Russia [gave] a 
     preemptive response to an aggression.

  Of course, nothing could be further from the truth. The Ukrainians 
were never the aggressors. The Ukrainians just want to live in peace 
with their neighbors, including with Russia.
  Here is a map of Ukraine today, and this is what has been going on.
  In the dark red, what you see here is what the Russians took in 
2014--the year that Ukraine decided definitively they wanted to turn to 
the West to be a free, democratic country. Russia responded with this: 
taking over Crimea and taking over the Luhansk and Donetsk parts of the 
Donbas.
  The light red is what they have taken in this latest invasion, and 
what they intend to take, according to their military generals who have 
spoken, is a much bigger area here.
  The blue, of course, is where the Ukrainians have pushed back, where 
they have gone on the counteroffensive. They have actually pushed the 
Russians out around Kyiv, around the northern part of the country and 
other parts and, right now, as you can see, in various parts of the 
Donbas region, including around this town of Kharkiv.
  Now, Kharkiv is an interesting situation. It is actually a sister 
city to Cincinnati, OH, my hometown, and I was on the Sister City 
Committee decades ago when we developed that relationship. They have a 
beautiful river running through the city. It was and will be, in the 
future, a beautiful city; but now, as these Ukrainians are in the fight 
of their lives just to keep their democracy, you see what is happening 
in Kharkiv.
  The Ukrainians are beginning to make progress both to the north of 
Kharkiv and here to the south and to the east. It is possible that the 
Ukrainians could actually push the Russians back far enough so that the 
city itself would be out of artillery range of the Russians. That would 
be great because, right now, the people of Kharkiv, like so many other 
people in places like Mariupol, of course, are being attacked by the 
Russians with artillery every night, every day. So, if they could get 
the Russian forces pushed back beyond that period, they could get 
relief services in to the civilians--food, water--that were previously 
denied by the Russians.
  I think it might also force the Russians to make a decision. They 
would have to decide between addressing Ukraine's counteroffensive near 
Kharkiv--that is here--and expanding their forces over here, which they 
have said they want to do. I think if they do that--expand their 
forces--they are going to be risking their communications and supply 
lines here being cut off by the Ukrainians.
  So we will see what happens, but this is a crucial time in the 
battle. We are at a turning point. I guess that is really my point.
  We are being asked to look at legislation that has been sent to us by 
the administration--called the Ukraine Supplemental Funding bill--at a 
time when there is a crucial battle going on and when there could be a 
turning point in this broader war.
  Last week, I spoke with the Ukrainian Ambassador to the United 
States, Oksana Markarova. I will be speaking to her again tomorrow 
morning. She made the point that the Presidential drawdown authority--
that is the funding they are currently using from the United States--is 
just about depleted. It was about $3.3 billion in military aid that the 
President had, with the authority given to him by Congress, to draw 
down some of our resources to be able to provide to Ukraine. As of last 
week, she told me that $3.3 billion is just about depleted; therefore, 
a new authority is critically needed right now.
  You don't want to have a gap--particularly with regard to munitions--
in being able to ensure that they have the more effective weaponry--the 
heavy weaponry--that they are now using in places like this and here 
and here and can continue to have the ammunition that is needed to be 
able to continue the fight.
  I also spoke late last week to Bridget Brink. She is the current 
Ambassador to Slovakia and is a seasoned Foreign Service professional 
whom the Biden administration has now nominated to be the U.S. 
Ambassador here in Ukraine. We haven't had an Ambassador there for well 
over a year, maybe

[[Page S2377]]

2 years. I have been asking the Biden administration--pushing the 
Biden administration--to send an Ambassador to Ukraine for over a year. 
I did the same with the Trump administration when we didn't have an 
Ambassador there for a while and even with the Obama administration to 
try to ensure we had a representative.

  Why? It is so important to have an Ambassador there. You need 
somebody at the highest level to be able to have the Ukrainian 
officials have someone they can work with directly who can answer 
questions, make commitments, be someone who is authorized by the 
President. It is also helpful to have that information on the ground 
being relayed straight back to our teams here in Washington.
  At least 17 other countries, by the way, have returned their 
diplomatic personnel to the capital, Kyiv. We have not. We are, 
apparently, going to do that soon. I hope so. I hope so. I know that 
the Ambassador nominee would like to go back to Kyiv. I know that a lot 
of members of the team would because I have met with them in Poland. 
They are over here in Poland now, for the most part, and are going into 
Lviv sometimes; but we need to get back to Kyiv.
  In terms of what is going on in the battlefield, let's talk a little 
more about that and of the importance of the weapons and the materiel 
support that we have already provided and, therefore, what we must 
continue to provide.
  Since February 24, when this latest Russian invasion began, we have 
now provided $13.6 billion in military, economic, and humanitarian aid 
for Ukraine. This latest request for funding from the White House is 
for $33 billion, so it is for even more. There were reports that this 
latest supplemental would be tied to other things, particularly to the 
COVID funding that the administration is also eager to get passed. I 
was strongly against that because, when you tie it up with other 
things, it inevitably slows it down, and this is absolutely urgent.
  I was really pleased to see that about an hour and a half ago, 
President Biden issued a statement saying he now supports separating 
the Ukraine funding from the COVID funding. I commend him for that. It 
is good news. Again, we have seen so many times around here when you 
combine things, it slows everything down, and it creates a political 
football that goes back and forth. This is desperately needed 
assistance that is going to determine whether some Ukrainian civilians 
and some of their military forces live or die, because this aid is so 
critical to their success.
  After Vladimir Putin's claim of success during this week's V-E 
ceremony--as we talked about--in Moscow, it is very likely, in my view, 
that he is now going to feel the need to call up an even fuller 
mobilization of his military and engage in even more brutality--if that 
is possible--against the innocent civilians in Ukraine. So it is all 
the more reason for us to pass this latest spending request now and get 
this military equipment to the Ukrainians who need it so desperately.
  Some Americans may wonder if we can make a difference in protecting 
freedom in Ukraine without directly engaging the American military or 
engaging with Russia. I would say we can, and I would say we have made 
a difference. The U.S. and our NATO allies and other allies around the 
world have already made a positive contribution to Ukraine's success in 
pushing back against the Russians--a much larger army with more weapons 
of every kind.
  Prior to the latest invasion on February 24, the United States and 
some allies shipped these Javelin anti-tank weapons, Stinger anti-air 
missiles, and other small arms and munitions to Ukraine to be able to 
counter what we thought was going to happen and did, which was Russian 
battalion tactical groups coming into the country. It was effective. It 
was effective in Kyiv, and it was effective in other areas of Ukraine 
to be able to push back as you can see. These Russian units were 
essentially light-mechanized formations which contained armored anti-
infantry vehicles and medium to heavy tanks, along with infantry and 
light artillery. The first 2 months of the war have proven that the 
Russians were not very effective with their coordination of these 
groups, and because of their tactical incompetence, they were largely 
defeated up here by a more proficient and a more effective Ukrainian 
military.
  The mobility at the tactical level among the Ukrainian Armed Forces 
is at the core of the NATO doctrine in something called ``combined arms 
warfare''--essentially the coordinated employment of the tanks, 
artillery, and infantry to defend or seize territory. Since 2014, when 
Ukraine turned away from tyranny and toward the West and Russia 
immediately invaded, the threat of a larger scale invasion was clear, 
so Ukraine's forces began to train and learn alongside U.S. troops and 
other NATO allies. Again, we worked with them to transition from a 
Soviet-style military to one that emphasized the initiative of 
noncommissioned officers and mission-style orders and better 
coordination between these groups.
  Thanks to an extensive effort by our military and that of our NATO 
allies, the Ukrainians were able to build a military that was more 
proficient and technically agile. It was able not only to withstand the 
initial Russian onslaught but to defeat Russian forces, including 
around Kyiv. In the past month, the Ukrainian Armed Forces have 
repositioned to the east, taking with them that same tactic, that same 
coordination, and have provided tactical reconnaissance through drones 
and have used highly accurate artillery. In doing so, they have 
thwarted Russian attempts to gain more ground here in the East.
  Of course, nothing substitutes for the bravery and grit of the 
Ukrainian people and particularly of the Ukrainian soldiers--
professional and civilian soldiers alike. They are defending their 
homeland fiercely, and that is the single most important element to 
their success. But we also owe a debt of gratitude to our troops who 
trained Ukrainians, many of whom are National Guardsmen, perhaps from 
your State, and also our British, Canadian, and other NATO partners who 
helped the Ukrainian military become the effective battlefield force we 
see today.

  I say this because we need to know that the help that we are giving 
does make a difference, not just in terms of the weapons but also the 
training.
  The training of Armed Forces and equipping them was done through what 
is called the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative, USAI. It was 
created back in 2016. I actually modified a McCain amendment to create 
this new initiative. Since 2016, it has provided $1.6 billion for 
training, equipment, advisory efforts, command and control functions, 
cyber defense, and strategic communications. Most importantly, it 
helped teach Ukraine mobility on the battlefield--again, a model of 
warfare that was superior to what Russia had.
  That first phase of our support included the Javelins and the 
Stingers we talked about, then a heavy focus on organizing the transfer 
of existing stocks of Soviet-era weaponry in Eastern Europe--places 
like Poland or Slovakia--to Ukraine. But these Soviet-era weapons and 
munitions were always finite, and the war has exhausted a lot of those 
supplies coming from these other countries in the region. So this 
Ukraine supplemental request from the White House is understandably a 
larger amount because Ukraine now requires heavier weaponry and ones 
that are NATO standard. So more funds are needed to be able to 
transport these larger weapons at greater distances and to train 
Ukrainian forces on these weapons and to continue to replenish them 
with ammunition. So it is more of a traditional battlefield down here 
requiring that heavier weapon, more expensive weaponry, and now, again, 
NATO-standard weaponry.
  While the United States and our allies are providing significant 
resources to this cause, the costs imposed on Russia are much greater. 
What do I mean by that?
  Russia has now committed more than 70 percent of its total combat 
power to Ukraine, and much of that has been degraded and continues to 
be degraded. This raises an interesting point: Let's remember that 
Russia directly threatened military intervention against a number of 
our NATO allies, including the Baltics, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, 
including Poland, even the UK, and, more recently, two countries that 
are not NATO but are our allies, Finland and Sweden.

[[Page S2378]]

  Other allies that they have threatened, we are legally obligated to 
protect if they are in NATO, under NATO article 5. So downgrading 
Russia's Army in Ukraine and supporting Ukraine's Armed Forces is a 
pretty effective way to ensure that Russia does not have the ability to 
attack NATO and instantly begin a direct U.S.-Russian confrontation--
something we have wanted to avoid.
  And speaking of NATO, it is encouraging, again, that Sweden and 
Finland are refusing to be intimidated by these Russian threats and are 
looking to join the alliance instead. At the end of last week, Finland 
already conducted military exercises with NATO military units from the 
United States, the UK, Estonia, and Latvia. I am proud that we are 
supporting this effort militarily. And Finland is now upgrading its air 
force. That is good. The Senate should immediately confirm NATO 
membership of both of these nations as soon as it comes before us.
  It is important to note that it is not just the U.S. Government and 
our allied governments that are supporting Ukraine in its hour of need. 
Since this terrible conflict began, everyday Americans across the 
country have stepped up to provide much needed assistance to Ukrainian 
defenders, refugees, and first responders.
  In March, Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine, sent out a request for surplus or 
expired personal protective gear to provide to Ukrainian territorial 
defense forces. They said they needed more protective gear, and we 
responded. I am proud to say that Ohio answered that call. All 
together, more than two dozen law enforcement agencies across my home 
State have donated almost 2,000 pieces of personal protective gear, 71 
vest carriers, 45 helmets, and over 1,800 pieces of body armor. With 
the help of the Fund to Aid Ukraine--a nonprofit based in Parma, OH--
this badly needed equipment will soon make its way into the hands of 
brave Ukrainian defenders who are fighting for their lives as they 
endure Russia's brutal assault.

  This organization has also given 24 pallets of supplies, over 7 tons 
of medical supplies to Ukraine. I am grateful for everyone who stepped 
forward, especially to those law enforcement agencies that have stepped 
forward to help those Ukrainian law enforcement entities and first 
responders and territorial defense troops who need better protection. 
And this is happening all over America.
  Additionally, there is a group in Cleveland called MedWish. They are 
amazing. I got to go visit them last month. They are a very effective 
nonprofit that has worked for years to provide medical supplies, 
hospital supplies to countries that have suffered, say, from a natural 
disaster but also in the case of Ukraine, of course, from the war. They 
have partnered with a group called the United Ukrainian Organizations 
of Ohio, headed by my friend Marta Liscynesky, to provide individual 
first aid kits and other medical equipment to Ukrainian first 
responders, defenders, and civilians. And Cleveland-based KOACORE is 
delivering 17,000 individual first aid kits to the frontlines. This is 
a company in Cleveland that is a safety management company so it is a 
good role for them. They are doing it, again, as volunteers and 
donating this.
  When I was on the Polish-Ukrainian border in March, I saw Marta and 
another Ohio friend Andy Futey, who is president of the Ukrainian World 
Congress, in action, organizing some of this equipment that was coming 
into Ukraine and particularly helping our refugees coming from Ukraine.
  One of my own staffers, Josh Prest, recently volunteered to transport 
some of this assistance to Europe. He checked an extra bag on his 
flight so he could carry more individual first aid kits, and he 
delivered them as well.
  Again, there are thousands and thousands of Americans doing these 
sorts of things.
  As Russian forces intentionally target Ukrainian civilians to spread 
fear and panic, this display of generosity from the people of Ohio will 
reassure Ukrainians that America has their back. With this donation, 
Ukrainian first responders running into the rubble of schools, 
apartment buildings, and homes will be able to save more lives. I am 
very proud of how the people of the great State of Ohio have given 
their time and resources to help those in need.
  Tonight in Cincinnati, OH--my hometown--we have organized a 
fundraiser, under the leadership of Susie DeYoung, for what is called 
World Central Kitchen. They do great work all around the globe, 
including here in the United States, in response to natural disasters, 
working with FEMA. But they are doing amazing things in Ukraine. The 
funding for the fundraiser tonight is going to go to World Central 
Kitchen and also to the Kharkiv sister city efforts I talked about 
earlier.
  I have seen the good work that DC Chef Jose Andres, and his 
brainchild World Central Kitchen, is doing when I volunteered, along 
with a few of my colleagues, at a World Central Kitchen location, 
serving food to refugees--one of his 60 popup kitchens--in the border 
areas between Ukraine and its neighbors.
  Tonight, in Cincinnati, chefs from our entire Cincinnati region are 
volunteering their skills and some great food for the people of 
Ukraine. All of these donations are a reflection of how the American 
people are united in support of Ukraine.
  On the sanctions front, I hope we can focus more of our attention on 
energy. I believe the top priority of all Ukraine's allies should be 
cutting off the funding of Putin's war machine. The single largest 
source of that funding is, of course, their energy exports from Russia. 
Europe relies on these energy exports from Russia. They purchase 
approximately $870 million of energy from Russia every single day. That 
is one reason the ruble has regained some of its value--because these 
energy receipts are coming in to fund Russia's government and fund the 
war machine.
  For Europe, it is about $22 million worth of coal every day, $415 
million worth of oil, and $433 million in natural gas every day, again, 
funding Russia's brutal assault on Ukraine.
  I have talked about this on the floor before, but Putin has long used 
energy as a weapon, and we have got to put an end to it.
  I applaud those European nations that have recently taken steps to 
find alternative sources of energy and transition away from Russia. For 
example, recently, Italy, which relies on Russia for approximately 40 
percent of its natural gas, is actively working to secure new natural 
gas contracts with African nations.

  And in the last month, Lithuania became the first European country to 
halt the import of all Russian gas.
  The EU took its first tangible step away from Russian fuels last 
month when it finally agreed to ban coal imports from Russia. This is 
expected to take effect in August.
  As part of their efforts to mark V-E Day on Sunday, the G7, which 
includes, France, Germany, Italy, Britain, Canada, and the United 
States, pledged to ban Russian oil. Well, that is good. But let's be 
sure that this pledge is converted into reality. We have seen 
agreements before with the EU on this topic, and yet we need to be sure 
we see actual action.
  A total embargo on all energy--oil, gas, natural gas, coal--is 
needed. The United States has the energy resources, especially 
liquefied natural gas, to be able to substitute for what Russia has 
been sending to Europe.
  To be there for Europe, the United States must immediately expand our 
oil and natural gas production here and build the associated energy 
infrastructure that will allow our hydrocarbons to reach the global 
market.
  Reports are showing that last month in April, European LNG import 
terminals--so bringing liquefied natural gas into Europe from the 
United States but also from the Mideast--took in a record amount, 
hitting their highest level since the start of the pandemic. We have 
got to continue to build on that trajectory. We have already got a 
general agreement in place with the EU to do that, but certain 
countries have blocked its implementation.
  More generally, we have got to support all of our domestic producers 
here in the United States through a robust ``all of the above'' energy 
policy that includes renewables, fossil fuels, carbon capture 
technologies, nuclear power, hydropower, hydrogen, and energy 
efficiency--all of the above.
  Instead of making it more difficult for domestic energy production, I 
urge the Biden administration to reject

[[Page S2379]]

their proposed tax increase on energy production proposed in the 
President's budget; stop restricting new leases on Federal lands and 
waters for oil and gas production and help with the permitting of the 
needed infrastructure instead of proposals like rewriting the 
definitions of the waters of the United States, which would add 
significant time and complexity to permitting new energy projects. This 
is a time when we need to focus on how to help Europe get away from 
their dependency on Russian energy in order to stop fueling the Putin 
war machine.
  I have mentioned sanctions over these past 11 weeks, from trading 
sanctions and eliminating Russia's preferred tax status with the United 
States to banking sanctions to crush President Putin's financial 
services economy. But we should and must go further, especially when 
Russia not only continues its onslaught on Ukrainians' defensive 
combatants but on their noncombatants--on civilians. What they are 
doing, in so many instances, is clearly war crimes.
  I call on the International Criminal Court, again, which has 
announced an investigation, to follow in Ukraine's footsteps and 
immediately begin a War Crimes Tribunal. The evidence of war crimes is 
now clear. There should be no delay.
  Earlier, I spoke about the investment the United States has made 
since 2015 in training Ukrainian troops and modernizing its military. 
We now know that investment is paying off because Ukrainian troops have 
outmaneuvered and pushed back on Russia's military.
  Speaking to the current Russian invasion, one Ukrainian officer told 
us:

       The biggest mistake the Russians made was giving us eight 
     years to prepare for this.

  Thank goodness we had that time. We could have used it even more 
productively, but we were able to make great progress.
  I close tonight on this because it shows why U.S. leadership around 
the world is so important: Without the bipartisan action of Congress 
and multiple administrations--including the Obama, Trump, and now Biden 
administrations--what Ukraine is achieving would not have been 
possible. That is why it is so important we take up this Ukrainian 
supplemental immediately, this week, and pass it into law. We have made 
a difference. We can continue to make a difference, but we are at a 
crucial point in this war.
  So much more needs to be done. But do you know what? I am hopeful. I 
am hopeful because of what we have all seen. Over the past 2 months, 
the resiliency and fortitude of the Ukrainian Armed Forces and the 
Ukrainian people, it has shown the world what patriotism and bravery 
truly is.
  I yield back my time.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Minnesota.

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