[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 75 (Thursday, May 5, 2022)]
[Senate]
[Page S2344]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                                Ukraine

  Mr. President, now on an entirely different matter, more than 2 
months into Russia's war on Ukraine, the free world has observed a few 
important dynamics.
  First, we saw the incredible resilience of the Ukrainian people and 
their resolve to win. Second, we saw how ill-prepared Putin's forces 
were to encounter serious resistance. But most recently, we have been 
reminded of what a wounded bear is able and willing to do.
  The terrible destruction of Mariupol, the constant barrages of 
contested towns in the east, and the continuing long-range missile 
attacks against cities far from the front are a stark reminder of the 
horrific costs of this conflict that may well continue for some time.
  Our brave friends in Ukraine are not out of the woods. And as I have 
said repeatedly, America and our allies must be willing to help them 
win. If the outcome of this conflict is an emboldened Russia or a 
fractured Ukraine, there is no question that the risks to the United 
States, to NATO, and to other American partners will grow.
  First and foremost, that means serious, ongoing commitments to 
deliver more of the sorts of lethal capabilities that have sustained 
their resistance thus far.
  The United States is rightly the leading supplier of military 
assistance to Ukraine's fighting forces, but to the administration's 
credit, they are also increasingly coordinating a growing international 
response.
  While the preponderance of our support should focus on ensuring 
Ukraine has the military capability to defend itself in the months 
ahead, we should also contribute to the multinational economic and 
humanitarian support Kyiv needs. We must also make new investments in 
U.S. capabilities, addressing munition shortfalls and defense 
industrial bottlenecks to ensure that we can more rapidly produce 
critical weapons systems that would prove essential for Ukraine, 
vulnerable eastern flank allies, or our own military in the months 
ahead.
  Obviously, there is broad bipartisan support for a robust aid 
package. But even a strong bipartisan vote will not mean much if we 
don't deliver on this promise soon.
  For this reason, we cannot allow this bill to be a vessel for 
extraneous matters. This isn't about battling climate change; this is 
about helping Ukraine defeat a military aggressor on the battleground.
  Urgent assistance for Ukraine's fight must move at the speed of 
relevance. Every day this aid spends tied down in unrelated business 
here in Washington is a day it is not helping Kyiv turn the tide. If 
the Senate is serious about helping Ukraine win, we need to show it by 
passing supplemental assistance--clean, no strings attached, and soon.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.