[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 69 (Wednesday, April 27, 2022)]
[House]
[Pages H4532-H4536]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
GEORGIA SUPPORT ACT
Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the
bill (H.R. 923) to support the independence, sovereignty, and
territorial integrity of Georgia, and for other purposes, as amended.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The text of the bill is as follows:
H.R. 923
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE AND TABLE OF CONTENTS.
(a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Georgia
Support Act''.
(b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents for this Act
is as follows:
Sec. 1. Short title and table of contents.
Sec. 2. United States policy.
TITLE I--ASSISTANCE PROVISIONS
Sec. 101. United States-Georgia security assistance.
Sec. 102. Report on United States democracy and governance assistance
to Georgia.
Sec. 103. United States cybersecurity cooperation with Georgia.
Sec. 104. Enhanced assistance to combat Russian disinformation and
propaganda.
TITLE II--SANCTIONS PROVISIONS
Sec. 201. Imposition of sanctions on persons complicit in or
responsible for serious human rights abuses, including
right to life in Georgian regions of Abkhazia and
Tskhinvali Region/South Ossetia occupied by Russia.
TITLE III--DETERMINATION OF BUDGETARY EFFECTS
Sec. 301. Determination of budgetary effects.
SEC. 2. UNITED STATES POLICY.
It is the policy of the United States to--
(1) support continued development of democratic values in
the Republic of Georgia, including free and fair elections,
an independent and accountable judiciary, public sector
transparency and accountability, the rule of law, and
anticorruption efforts;
(2) support Georgia's sovereignty, independence, and
territorial integrity within its internationally recognized
borders;
(3) support Georgia's capacity to protect its sovereignty
and territorial integrity from further Russian aggression or
encroachment on Georgian territory in light of Russia's full-
scale invasion of Ukraine;
(4) support the right of the people of Georgia to freely
determine their future and make independent and sovereign
choices on foreign and security policy, including regarding
their country's relationship with other nations and
international organizations, without interference,
intimidation, or coercion by other countries;
(5) support Georgia's Euro-Atlantic and European
integration;
(6) not recognize territorial changes effected by force,
including the illegal invasions and occupations of Georgian
regions of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali Region/South Ossetia by
the Russian Federation;
(7) condemn ongoing detentions, kidnappings, and other
human rights violations committed in the Georgian regions of
Abkhazia and Tskhinvali Region/South Ossetia forcibly
occupied by the Russian Federation, including the recent
killings of Georgian citizens Archil Tatunashvili, Giga
Otkhozoria, Davit Basharuli, and others in the Georgian
regions of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali Region/South Ossetia; and
(8) support peaceful conflict resolution in Georgia,
including by urging the Russian Federation to fully implement
the European Union-mediated ceasefire agreement of August 12,
2008, and supporting the establishment of international
security mechanisms in the Georgian regions of Abkhazia and
Tskhinvali Region/South Ossetia and the safe and dignified
return of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees,
all of which are important for lasting peace and security on
the ground.
[[Page H4533]]
TITLE I--ASSISTANCE PROVISIONS
SEC. 101. UNITED STATES-GEORGIA SECURITY ASSISTANCE.
(a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
(1) In fiscal year 2021, the United States provided Georgia
with $2,200,000 in assistance under chapter 5 of part II of
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2347 et seq.;
relating to international military education and training)
and $35,000,000 in assistance under section 23 of the Arms
Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2763; relating to the Foreign
Military Financing Program) and in 2021 announced the Georgia
Defense and Deterrence Enhancement Initiative (GDDEI) to
enable further modernization of the Georgian Ministry of
Defense and the Georgian Defense Forces.
(2) Georgia has been a longstanding NATO-aspirant country.
(3) Georgia has contributed substantially to Euro-Atlantic
peace and security through participation in the International
Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and Resolute Support
Missions in Afghanistan as one of the largest troop
contributors.
(b) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that
United States assistance to the Republic of Georgia under
chapter 5 of part II of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961
and section 23 of the Arms Export Control Act should be
increased.
(c) Statement of Policy.--It shall be the policy of the
United States, in consultation with the Republic of Georgia,
to enhance Georgia's deterrence, resilience, and self-
defense, including through appropriate assistance to improve
the capabilities of Georgia's armed forces.
(d) Review of Security Assistance to Georgia.--
(1) In general.--Not later than 120 days after the date of
the enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State, in
consultation with the heads of other appropriate United
States departments and agencies, shall submit to the
Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives
and the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate a report
reviewing United States security assistance to the Republic
of Georgia.
(2) Components.--The report required under paragraph (1)
shall include the following:
(A) An assessment of needed security assistance to improve
Georgia's capacity to defend its sovereignty and territorial
integrity from further invasion of Georgian territory by
Russian forces, including an assessment of need for anti-
armor, anti-air, and anti-tank weapons, as well as
intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance capabilities.
(B) A detailed review of all United States security
assistance to Georgia from fiscal year 2008 to the date of
the submission of such report.
(C) An assessment of threats to Georgian independence,
sovereignty, and territorial integrity, including an
assessment of changes to the force posture or intent of
Russian forces occupying Georgian territory.
(D) An assessment of Georgia's capabilities to defend
itself, including a five-year strategy to enhance Georgia's
deterrence, resilience, and self-defense capabilities that
incorporates plans to address the capability gaps subject to
the assessment described in subparagraph (A).
(3) Form.--The report required under paragraph (1) shall be
submitted in unclassified form but may contain a classified
annex.
SEC. 102. REPORT ON UNITED STATES DEMOCRACY AND GOVERNANCE
ASSISTANCE TO GEORGIA.
(a) In General.--Not later than 180 days after the date of
the enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State, in
consultation with the heads of other appropriate Federal
departments and agencies as appropriate, shall submit to the
Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives
and the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate a report
on United States democracy and governance assistance to the
Republic of Georgia.
(b) Components.--The report required by subsection (a)
shall include the following:
(1) A description of goals for United States democracy and
governance assistance to Georgia and its democratic
institutions, including how such assistance is supporting
Georgia's stated goals for European integration.
(2) An assessment of the impact of United States democracy
and governance assistance to Georgia since fiscal year 2008,
including challenges to achieving the goals described in
paragraph (1).
(3) An assessment of Georgia's progress relating to freedom
of the press and support for independent media, including
steps to hold accountable those responsible for attacks on
independent media and on LGBTQ rights activists on July 5,
2021, in Tbilisi.
(4) An assessment of Georgia's progress on strengthening
its democratic institutions, including through electoral and
judicial reforms necessary to build public confidence.
(5) A description of barriers and challenges to United
States investment in the Georgian economy, as well as an
assessment of how support from the United States
International Development Finance Corporation in Georgia
could help create a better developed and more transparent
investment climate.
(c) Form.--The report required by subsection (a) shall be
submitted in unclassified form but may contain a classified
annex.
SEC. 103. UNITED STATES CYBERSECURITY COOPERATION WITH
GEORGIA.
(a) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that
the Secretary of State should take the following actions,
commensurate with United States interests, to assist the
Repubic of Georgia to improve its cybersecurity:
(1) Provide Georgia such support as may be necessary to
secure government computer networks from malicious cyber
intrusions, particularly such networks that defend the
critical infrastructure of Georgia.
(2) Provide Georgia support in reducing reliance on Russian
information and communications technology.
(3) Assist Georgia to build its capacity, expand
cybersecurity information sharing, and cooperate on
international cyberspace efforts.
(b) Report.--
(1) In general.--Not later than 180 days after the date of
the enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State shall
submit to the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of
Representatives and the Committee on Foreign Relations of the
Senate a report on United States cybersecurity cooperation
with the Republic of Georgia.
(2) Matters to be included.--The report required by
paragraph (1) shall include information relating to the
following:
(A) United States efforts to strengthen Georgia's ability
to prevent, mitigate, and respond to cyber incidents,
including through training, education, technical assistance,
capacity building, and cybersecurity risk management
strategies.
(B) The potential for new areas of collaboration and mutual
assistance between the United States and Georgia to address
shared cyber challenges, including cybercrime, critical
infrastructure protection, and resilience against automated,
distributed threats.
(C) NATO's efforts to help Georgia develop technical
capabilities to counter cyber threats.
SEC. 104. ENHANCED ASSISTANCE TO COMBAT RUSSIAN
DISINFORMATION AND PROPAGANDA.
(a) Statement of Policy.--It shall be the policy of the
United States to enhance the capabilities of the Republic of
Georgia to combat Russian disinformation and propaganda
campaigns intended to undermine the sovereignty and
democratic institutions of Georgia, while promoting the
freedom of the press.
(b) Required Strategy.--
(1) In general.--Not later than 180 days after the date of
the enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State, in
consultation with the heads of other appropriate United
States departments and agencies, shall submit to the
Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives
and the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate a report
outlining a strategy to implement the policy described in
subsection (a).
(2) Components.--The report required under paragraph (1)
shall include the following:
(A) A detailed assessment of Russian disinformation and
propaganda efforts across all media platforms targeting the
Republic of Georgia.
(B) An assessment of Georgia's capabilities to deter and
combat such Russian efforts and to support the freedom of the
press.
(C) A detailed strategy coordinated across all relevant
United States departments and agencies to enhance Georgia's
capabilities to deter and combat such Russian efforts.
(3) Form.--The report required by paragraph (1) shall be
submitted in unclassified form but may contain a classified
annex.
TITLE II--SANCTIONS PROVISIONS
SEC. 201. IMPOSITION OF SANCTIONS ON PERSONS COMPLICIT IN OR
RESPONSIBLE FOR SERIOUS HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES,
INCLUDING RIGHT TO LIFE IN GEORGIAN REGIONS OF
ABKHAZIA AND TSKHINVALI REGION/SOUTH OSSETIA
OCCUPIED BY RUSSIA.
(a) In General.--The President shall impose on a foreign
person the sanctions described in subsection (b) if the
President determines that such foreign person, on or after
the date of the enactment of this Act--
(1) is responsible for, complicit in, or responsible for
ordering, controlling, or otherwise directing the commission
of serious human rights abuses in the Georgian regions of
Abkhazia and Tskhinvali Region/South Ossetia forcibly
occupied by the Russian Federation;
(2) is materially assisting, sponsoring, or providing
significant financial, material, or technological support
for, or goods or services to, a foreign person described in
paragraph (1); or
(3) is owned or controlled by a foreign person, or is
acting on behalf of a foreign person, described in paragraph
(1).
(b) Sanctions Described.--The sanctions described in this
subsection are the following:
(1) Asset blocking.--The exercise of all powers granted to
the President by the International Emergency Economic Powers
Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.) to the extent necessary to block
and prohibit all transactions in all property and interests
in property of a person determined by the President to be a
person described in subsection (a) if such property and
interests in property are in the United States, come within
the United States, or are or come within the possession or
control of a United States person, including by taking any of
the actions described in paragraph (1) of section 203(a) of
such Act (50 U.S.C. 1702(a)).
[[Page H4534]]
(2) Inadmissibility of certain individuals.--
(A) Ineligibility for visas and admission to the united
states.--A person determined by the President to be a person
described in subsection (a) is--
(i) inadmissible to the United States;
(ii) ineligible to receive a visa or other documentation to
enter the United States; and
(iii) otherwise ineligible to be admitted or paroled into
the United States or to receive any other benefit under the
Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101 et seq.).
(B) Current visas revoked.--A person determined by the
President to be a person described in subsection (a) is
subject to the following:
(i) Revocation of any visa or other entry documentation
regardless of when the visa or other entry documentation is
or was issued.
(ii) A revocation under clause (i) shall--
(I) take effect immediately; and
(II) automatically cancel any other valid visa or entry
documentation that is in the foreign person's possession.
(C) Exception to comply with united nations headquarters
agreement and law enforcement objectives.--Sanctions under
subparagraph (A) shall not apply to an individual if
admitting such individual into the United States would
further important law enforcement objectives or is necessary
to permit the United States to comply with the Agreement
regarding the Headquarters of the United Nations, signed at
Lake Success June 26, 1947, and entered into force November
21, 1947, between the United Nations and the United States,
or other applicable international obligations of the United
States.
(c) Waiver.--The President may waive the application of
sanctions under subsection (b) with respect to a person if
the President determines that such a waiver is important to
the national interests of the United States.
(d) Implementation; Penalties.--
(1) Implementation.--The President may exercise all
authorities provided to the President under sections 203 and
205 of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50
U.S.C. 1702 and 1704) to carry out subsection (b)(1).
(2) Penalties.--A person that violates, attempts to
violate, conspires to violate, or causes a violation of
subsection (b)(1) or any regulation, license, or order issued
to carry out such subsection shall be subject to the
penalties specified in subsections (b) and (c) of section 206
of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C.
1705) to the same extent as a person that commits an unlawful
act described in subsection (a) of such section.
(e) Report Required.--Not later than 60 days after the date
of the enactment of this Act and at least once every 180 days
thereafter for a period not to exceed two years, the
President, in consultation with the Secretary of the
Treasury, shall transmit to Congress a detailed report with
respect to persons that have been determined to have engaged
in activities described in subsection (a).
(f) Exception Relating to Importation of Goods.--
(1) In general.--The authorities and requirements to impose
sanctions under this title shall not include the authority or
requirement to impose sanctions on the importation of goods.
(2) Good defined.--In this subsection, the term ``good''
means any article, natural or man-made substance, material,
supply or manufactured product, including inspection and test
equipment and excluding technical data.
TITLE III--DETERMINATION OF BUDGETARY EFFECTS
SEC. 301. DETERMINATION OF BUDGETARY EFFECTS.
The budgetary effects of this Act, for the purpose of
complying with the Statutory Pay-As-You-Go Act of 2010, shall
be determined by reference to the latest statement titled
``Budgetary Effects of PAYGO Legislation'' for this Act,
submitted for printing in the Congressional Record by the
Chairman of the House Budget Committee, provided that such
statement has been submitted prior to the vote on passage.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from
Virginia (Mr. Connolly) and the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr.
Meuser) each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Virginia.
General Leave
Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and
include extraneous material on H.R. 923, as amended.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Virginia?
There was no objection.
Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today as the author of the Georgia Support Act
and as co-chair of the Congressional Georgia Caucus to express my
support for this legislation, which we introduced with my Republican
colleague and Georgia Caucus co-chair, Mr. Adam Kinzinger of Illinois.
Mr. Speaker, this legislation has twice passed the House with broad
bipartisan support. This bipartisan effort enhances the U.S.-Georgia
relationship on several fronts by bolstering security assistance,
promoting democratic governance reforms, enhancing cooperation to fight
Russian disinformation, and strengthening economic ties.
Mr. Speaker, it is appropriate, as Russia continues its tragic and
horrific invasion of sovereign Ukrainian territory, that we reflect on
2008 and the invasion by Russia and continued occupation of sovereign
Georgian territory in Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
To this day, Russian troops committing abhorrent violations of human
rights, international humanitarian law, and war crimes in sovereign
Ukrainian territory are the same troops that have fomented unrest,
aided separatist movements, and committed clear and evident violations
of human rights for the past 14 years in the Russian-occupied parts of
Georgia.
This bill directs the United States Government to enforce targeted
sanctions on malign actors committing these violations in Russian-
occupied territory.
The Georgia Support Act also requires the administration to examine
how best we can utilize the $35 million or more of United States aid
that we provide Georgia in security assistance every year and
reinforces U.S. policy to never recognize Russian sovereignty over
Georgia territory.
As the number one per capita contributor of forces in Afghanistan,
Georgia has demonstrated its dedication to security cooperation with
the West. The United States must continue to reciprocate by helping
Georgia develop the capacity to defend itself against further incursion
of Russian forces.
Mr. Speaker, attacks on Georgian sovereignty have not been simply
through the occupation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, as bad as that
is. This bill directs the administration to enhance cooperation with
our Georgian partners to help them defend themselves from the various
cyberattacks and disinformation and propaganda campaigns Russia has
launched with the goal of undermining the sovereignty and democratic
institutions of the Country of Georgia.
Mr. Speaker, I traveled to Tbilisi numerous times, both with the NATO
Parliamentary Assembly, of which I am President, and with the House
Democracy Partnership to meet with government officials, civil society,
and the Georgian people.
I am pleased that this iteration of the Georgia Support Act seeks to
buttress Georgian democratic institutions through U.S. democracy and
governance programs that promote Georgian judicial independence,
electoral reforms, freedom of the press, and accountability for attacks
on independent media and Tbilisi Pride activists in 2021.
This legislation provides an opportunity for the United States to
express its robust, bipartisan support for Georgia's sovereignty,
continued democratic and economic development, and security against
renewed Russian aggression.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support the Georgia Support Act,
and I reserve the balance of my time.
House of Representatives,
Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, DC, April 21, 2022.
Hon. Gregory Meeks,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
House of Representatives, Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Meeks: This letter is to advise you that the
Committee on the Judiciary has now had an opportunity to
review the provisions in H.R. 923, the ``Georgia Support
Act,'' that fall within our Rule X jurisdiction. I appreciate
your consulting with us on those provisions. The Judiciary
Committee has no objection to your including them in the bill
for consideration on the House floor, and to expedite that
consideration is willing to forgo action on H.R. 923, with
the understanding that we do not thereby waive any future
jurisdictional claim over those provisions or their subject
matters.
In the event a House-Senate conference on this or similar
legislation is convened, the Judiciary Committee reserves the
right to request an appropriate number of conferees to
address any concerns with these or similar provisions that
may arise in conference.
Please place this letter into the Congressional Record
during consideration of the measure on the House floor. Thank
you for the cooperative spirit in which you have
[[Page H4535]]
worked regarding this matter and others between our
committees.
Sincerely,
Jerrold Nadler,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC, April 21, 2022.
Hon. Jerrold Nadler,
Committee on the Judiciary,
House of Representatives, Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Nadler: I am writing to you concerning H.R.
923, Georgia Support Act, as amended. I appreciate your
willingness to work cooperatively on this legislation.
I acknowledge that provisions of the bill fall within the
jurisdiction of the Committee on the Judiciary under House
Rule X, and that your Committee will forgo action on H.R. 923
to expedite floor consideration. I further acknowledge that
the inaction of your Committee with respect to the bill does
not waive any future jurisdictional claim over the matters
contained in the bill that fall within your jurisdiction. I
also acknowledge that your Committee will be appropriately
consulted and involved as this or similar legislation moves
forward, and will support the appointment of Committee on the
Judiciary conferees during any House-Senate conference
convened on this legislation.
Lastly, I will ensure that our exchange of letters is
included in the Congressional Record during floor
consideration of the bill. Thank you again for your
cooperation regarding the legislation. I look forward to
continuing to work with you as the measure moves through the
legislative process.
Sincerely,
Gregory W. Meeks,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC, April 22, 2022.
Hon. Richard Neal,
Committee on Ways and Means, House of Representatives,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Neal: I am writing to you concerning H.R.
923, Georgia Support Act, as amended. I appreciate your
willingness to work cooperatively on this legislation.
I acknowledge that provisions of the bill fall within the
jurisdiction of the Committee on Ways and Means under House
Rule X, and that your Committee will forgo action on H.R. 923
to expedite floor consideration. I further acknowledge that
the inaction of your Committee with respect to the bill does
not waive any future jurisdictional claim over the matters
contained in the bill that fall within your jurisdiction. I
also acknowledge that your Committee will be appropriately
consulted and involved as this or similar legislation moves
forward, and will support the appointment of Committee on
Ways and Means conferees during any House-Senate conference
convened on this legislation.
Lastly, I will ensure that our exchange of letters is
included in the Congressional Record during floor
consideration of the bill. Thank you again for your
cooperation regarding the legislation. I look forward to
continuing to work with you as the measure moves through the
legislative process.
Sincerely,
Gregory W. Meeks,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Ways and Means,
Washington, DC, April 25, 2022.
Hon. Gregory Meeks,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Meeks: In recognition of the desire to
expedite consideration of H.R. 923, Georgia Support Act, the
Committee on Ways and Means agrees to waive formal
consideration of the bill as to provisions that fall within
the rule X jurisdiction of the Committee on Ways and Means.
The Committee on Ways and Means takes this action with the
mutual understanding that we do not waive any jurisdiction
over the subject matter contained in this or similar
legislation, and the Committee will be appropriately
consulted and involved as the bill or similar legislation
moves forward so that we may address any remaining issues
within our jurisdiction. The Committee also reserves the
right to seek appointment of an appropriate number of
conferees to any House-Senate conference involving this or
similar legislation.
Finally, I would appreciate your response to this letter
confirming this understanding, and would ask that a copy of
our exchange of letter on this matter be included in the
Congressional Record during floor consideration of H.R. 923.
Sincerely,
Richard E. Neal,
Chairman.
Mr. MEUSER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support as well of H.R. 923, the Georgia
Support Act.
Since Russia invaded Georgia in 2008, Putin has illegally occupied 20
percent of Georgia's territory, embroiling Georgia in an existential
battle for its sovereignty.
The ongoing, flagrant invasion of Ukraine proves that Putin will stop
at nothing to accomplish his heinous goals. Our allies in Georgia need
strong U.S. support now more than ever. It must be made abundantly
clear to Putin that the American people stand with Georgia and will not
tolerate a further incursion into Georgia's territory.
This bill will reaffirm U.S. support for Georgia's independence,
sovereignty, and territorial integrity by authorizing a review of
security assistance to Georgia to determine key capability gaps, as
well as looking at U.S.-Georgia cybersecurity cooperation and
assistance to combat Russian disinformation.
{time} 1345
Russian meddling in Georgia's political processes and active
disinformation campaigns continue to threaten Georgia's democratic
trajectory.
But critically, the bill also addresses the need for Georgia to
maintain its focus on democracy and governance development in order to
stay on its Euro-Atlantic path.
Finally, this bill authorizes the President to impose sanctions on
individuals responsible for human rights abuses in Georgia's occupied
territories, Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
By erecting and constantly moving the border further into Georgia's
territory, restricting freedom of movement and conducting arbitrary
detentions, killings, and kidnappings, Putin has jeopardized the lives
of all Georgians on both sides of the boundary line with his occupied
territories.
Passing this bill is a timely opportunity to show support for an ally
that has been on the front line of Putin's belligerence for well over a
decade.
I urge my colleagues to support this legislation, and I reserve the
balance of my time.
Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. MEUSER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, we cannot allow Putin to believe he can turn to Georgia
next after his despicable invasion of Ukraine. Georgia, a longstanding
U.S. partner in a tough neighborhood, has for too long been on the
front line of Putin's unchecked aggression.
This bill passed in the House the last two Congresses by an
overwhelming bipartisan majority, and I urge my colleagues to support
our Georgian allies yet again.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I thank my friend for his support. And I think it is very important
that there be a clarion statement from this Congress, not only about
Ukraine, but about other nations that are threatened by Russian
aggression; Georgia and Moldova are two of the most prominent.
It is critical that the Congress speak with one voice to those
nations, to those peoples, and to Vladimir Putin and Russia, should he
have further designs on either of those two countries.
So I think this is an important piece of legislation. I urge its
passage, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I, for many, many decades, have
had a strong and very deep commitment to the people of the Republic of
Georgia. As a matter of fact, after Russia invaded South Ossetia and
Abkhazia in 2008, I traveled to Tbilisi, and spent a week there, with a
people at war.
As it turned out, there were three young people from my district who
were stuck behind enemy lines. One being held up in and very fearful in
Abkhazia, and two who were in South Ossetia. And when I went, several
Members of Congress gave me names of people that were also behind the
South Ossetia and Abkhazia Russia-dominated lines. It was very tense,
with Chechens walking around with guns, drunk and committing
atrocities. We were all concerned.
Within a week or so, we got all of the children out. We worked with
the OSCE mission there, we worked with the International Committee of
the Red Cross, and with the French, who had the chair in office that
year for the European Union. That ambassador actually traveled to the
place where the two children in South Ossetia were, put them in his
car, and brought them to safety.
So, Georgia and the importance of our strong friendship with the
Georgian people,
[[Page H4536]]
and their heroic resistance to Russia, has always been close to my
heart.
And also, I note that past is prologue.
The same justifications Putin used for invading Crimea--that they
were going in to liberate Russians--was the exact same pretext used in
Georgia. What a lie and deception that was and is. Putin simply seeks
to reconstitute the Soviet empire under himself.
So I'm very supportive of the intent behind the legislation.
I had offered an amendment at markup, which was voted down on
strictly partisan lines, which I believe would have made this
legislation more precise and also improved its chance for passage in
the Senate.
Simply put, I had offered an amendment that would have replaced the
vague and imprecise ``serious human rights abuses'' language with the
phrase ``Gross violations of internationally-recognized human rights,''
which has a long-standing, defined meeting in U.S. law, as codified in
the Foreign Assistance Act, 22 U.S.C. 2304(d)(1).
To wit, ``gross violations of internationally recognized human
rights'' includes ``torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or
punishment, prolonged detention without charges and trial, causing the
disappearance of persons by the abduction and clandestine detention of
those persons, and other flagrant denial of the right to life, liberty
or the security of the person.''
The reason this is relevant is because recently, our colleagues
across the aisle sought to import the imprecise ``serious human rights
abuses'' language into the Global Magnitsky Act, and again had rejected
offers to negotiate compromise language that would have tied such
abuses to specific treaties the United States had ratified, such as the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention
Against Torture.
As a result, that held up passage of the Global Magnitsky Act, which
otherwise had broad bipartisan support in the Senate, and caused a
stalemate until the parties agreed to revert to the previous,
precisely-defined ``gross violations of internationally-recognized
human rights'' language.
Similarly, this Georgia bill otherwise enjoys broad bipartisan
support, but for the vague and imprecise formulation, which now will
likely have to be fixed in the Senate.
I also note that I had tried to find a solution which could have kept
the ``serious human rights abuses'' language, but would have tied it to
abuses that were specified elsewhere in the legislation so as to avoid
vagueness, namely ``detentions, kidnappings, and other human rights
violations committed in the Georgian regions of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali
Region/South Ossetia forcibly occupied by the Russian Federation
including [] recent killings' and similar violations of human rights.''
My colleagues across the aisle, I anticipate will again say that we
have used ``serious human rights abuses'' in other country- and region-
specific legislation. Leaving aside the fact that that was before the
recent attempted Global Magnitsky partisan end run, I would also point
out that ``serious human rights abuses'' were tied to specific abuses
specified in the legislation at issue.
Thus in past legislation we called out ``serious abuse or violation
of human rights against persons associated with the protests in
Nicaragua that began on April 18, 2018,'' or ``serious human rights
abuses connected with forced labor'' in Xinjiang.
That was all that we were asking for here--either adopt a precise
statutory definition, ``gross violations of internationally-recognized
human rights,'' or tie ``serious human rights abuses'' to what is
specified in the legislation.
But instead, we got a party line vote and a raw exercise of power,
marring what should have been a unified statement of support of the
Republic of Georgia and opposition to the butcher Vladimir Putin.
I have been in Congress for over 40 years. I have been in the
minority, and I have been in the majority. On bills like this, we used
to try to find unity.
I am sad to say that the raw exercise of political power that we have
seen with regard to both the Global Magnitsky bill and this Georgia
Support Act, and the unwillingness to seek compromise in the face of
legitimate concerns that an ideologically-driven administration could
use vague language to pursue an agenda that is not shared by over half
the country, has disappointed me.
I am not going to oppose this bill, given the larger context of
support for the oppressed people of Georgia. Majorities come, and
majorities go. I wish that my colleagues across the aisle had been
willing to compromise and find common ground, but they did not.
With passage, it is on to the Senate.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Connolly) that the House suspend the rules
and pass the bill, H.R. 923, as amended.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
Mr. ROY. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further proceedings on this motion
are postponed.
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