[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 48 (Thursday, March 17, 2022)]
[House]
[Pages H3802-H3810]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




     SUSPENDING NORMAL TRADE RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA AND BELARUS ACT

  Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the 
bill (H.R. 7108) to suspend normal trade relations treatment for the 
Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus, and for other purposes.
  The Clerk read the title of the bill.
  The text of the bill is as follows:

                               H.R. 7108

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``Suspending Normal Trade 
     Relations with Russia and Belarus Act''.

     SEC. 2. FINDINGS.

       Congress finds the following:
       (1) The United States is a founding member of the World 
     Trade Organization (WTO) and is committed to ensuring that 
     the WTO remains an effective forum for peaceful economic 
     engagement.
       (2) Ukraine is a sovereign nation-state that is entitled to 
     enter into agreements with other sovereign states and to full 
     respect of its territorial integrity.
       (3) The United States will be unwavering in its support for 
     a secure, democratic, and sovereign Ukraine, free to choose 
     its own leaders and future.
       (4) Ukraine acceded to the Marrakesh Agreement Establishing 
     the World Trade Organization (WTO Agreement) and has been a 
     WTO member since 2008.
       (5) Ukraine's participation in the WTO Agreement creates 
     both rights and obligations vis-a-vis other WTO members.
       (6) The Russian Federation acceded to the WTO on August 22, 
     2012, becoming the 156th WTO member, and the Republic of 
     Belarus has applied to accede to the WTO.
       (7) From the date of its accession, the Russian Federation 
     committed to apply fully all provisions of the WTO.
       (8) The United States Congress authorized permanent normal 
     trade relations for the Russian Federation through the Russia 
     and Moldova Jackson-Vanik Repeal and Sergei Magnitsky Rule of 
     Law Accountability Act of 2012 (Public Law 112-208).
       (9) Ukraine communicated to the WTO General Council on 
     March 2, 2022, urging that all WTO members take action 
     against the Russian Federation and ``consider further steps 
     with the view to suspending the Russian Federation's 
     participation in the WTO for its violation of the purpose and 
     principles of this Organization''.
       (10) Vladimir Putin, a ruthless dictator, has led the 
     Russian Federation into a war of aggression against Ukraine, 
     which--
       (A) denies Ukraine and its people their collective rights 
     to independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity;
       (B) constitutes an emergency in international relations, 
     because it is a situation of armed conflict that threatens 
     the peace and security of all countries, including the United 
     States; and
       (C) denies Ukraine its rightful ability to participate in 
     international organizations, including the WTO.
       (11) The Republic of Belarus, also led by a ruthless 
     dictator, Aleksander Lukashenka, is providing important 
     material support to the Russian Federation's aggression.
       (12) The Russian Federation's exportation of goods in the 
     energy sector is central to its ability to wage its war of 
     aggression on Ukraine.
       (13) The United States, along with its allies and partners, 
     has responded to recent aggression by the Russian Federation 
     in Ukraine by imposing sweeping financial sanctions and 
     stringent export controls.
       (14) The United States cannot allow the consequences of the 
     Russian Federation's actions to go unaddressed, and must lead 
     fellow countries, in all fora, including the WTO, to impose 
     appropriate consequences for the Russian Federation's 
     aggression.

     SEC. 3. SUSPENSION OF NORMAL TRADE RELATIONS WITH THE RUSSIAN 
                   FEDERATION AND THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS.

       (a) Nondiscriminatory Tariff Treatment.--Notwithstanding 
     any other provision of law, beginning on the day after the 
     date of the enactment of this Act, the rates of duty set 
     forth in column 2 of the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the 
     United States shall apply to all products of the Russian 
     Federation and of the Republic of Belarus.
       (b) Authority to Proclaim Increased Column 2 Rates.--
       (1) In general.--The President may proclaim increases in 
     the rates of duty applicable to products of the Russian 
     Federation or the Republic of Belarus, above the rates set 
     forth in column 2 of the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the 
     United States.
       (2) Prior consultation.--The President shall, not later 
     than 5 calendar days before issuing any proclamation under 
     paragraph (1), consult with the Committee on Ways and Means 
     of the House of Representatives and the Committee on Finance 
     of the Senate regarding the basis for and anticipated impact 
     of the proposed increases to rates of duty described in 
     paragraph (1).
       (3) Termination.--The authority to issue proclamations 
     under this subsection shall terminate on January 1, 2024.

     SEC. 4. RESUMPTION OF APPLICATION OF HTS COLUMN 1 RATES OF 
                   DUTY AND RESTORATION OF NORMAL TRADE RELATIONS 
                   TREATMENT FOR THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE 
                   REPUBLIC OF BELARUS.

       (a) Temporary Application of HTS Column 1 Rates of Duty.--
       (1) In general.--Notwithstanding any other provision of law 
     (including the application of column 2 rates of duty under 
     section 3), the President is authorized to temporarily 
     resume, for one or more periods not to exceed 1 year each, 
     the application of the rates of duty set forth in column 1 of 
     the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States to the 
     products of the Russian Federation, the Republic of Belarus, 
     or both, if the President submits to Congress with respect to 
     either or both such countries a certification under 
     subsection (c) for each such period. Such action shall take 
     effect beginning on the date that is 90 calendar days after 
     the date of submission of such certification for such period, 
     unless there is enacted into law during such 90-day period a 
     joint resolution of disapproval.
       (2) Consultation and report.--The President shall, not 
     later than 45 calendar days before submitting a certification 
     under paragraph (1)--
       (A) consult with the Committee on Ways and Means of the 
     House of Representatives and the Committee on Finance of the 
     Senate; and
       (B) submit to both such committees a report that explains 
     the basis for the determination of the President contained in 
     such certification.
       (b) Restoration of Normal Trade Relations Treatment.--
       (1) In general.--The President is authorized to resume the 
     application of the rates of duty set forth in column 1 of the 
     Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States to the 
     products of the Russian Federation, the Republic of Belarus, 
     or both, if the President submits to Congress with respect to 
     either or both such countries a certification under 
     subsection (c). Such action shall take effect beginning on 
     the date that is 90 calendar days after the date of 
     submission of such certification, unless there is enacted 
     into law during such 90-day period a joint resolution of 
     disapproval.
       (2) Consultation and report.--The President shall, not 
     later than 45 calendar days before submitting a certification 
     under paragraph (1)--
       (A) consult with the Committee on Ways and Means of the 
     House of Representatives and the Committee on Finance of the 
     Senate; and
       (B) submit to both such committees a report that explains 
     the basis for the determination of the President contained in 
     such certification.
       (3) Products of the russian federation.--If the President 
     submits pursuant to paragraph (1) a certification under 
     subsection (c) with respect to the Russian Federation and a 
     joint resolution of disapproval is not enacted during the 90-
     day period described in that paragraph, the President may 
     grant permanent nondiscriminatory tariff treatment (normal 
     trade relations) to the products of the Russian Federation.
       (4) Products of the republic of belarus.--If the President 
     submits pursuant to paragraph (1) a certification under 
     subsection (c) with respect to the Republic of Belarus and a 
     joint resolution of disapproval is not enacted during the 90-
     day period described in that paragraph, the President may, 
     subject to the provisions of chapter 1 of

[[Page H3803]]

     title IV of the Trade Act of 1974 (19 U.S.C. 2431 et seq.), 
     grant nondiscriminatory tariff treatment (normal trade 
     relations) to the products of the Republic of Belarus.
       (c) Certification.--A certification under this subsection 
     is a certification in writing that--
       (1) specifies the action proposed to be taken pursuant to 
     the certification and whether such action is pursuant to 
     subsection (a)(1) or (b)(1) of this section; and
       (2) contains a determination of the President that the 
     Russian Federation or the Republic of Belarus (or both)--
       (A) has reached an agreement relating to the respective 
     withdrawal of Russian or Belarusian forces (or both, if 
     applicable) and cessation of military hostilities that is 
     accepted by the free and independent government of Ukraine;
       (B) poses no immediate military threat of aggression to any 
     North Atlantic Treaty Organization member; and
       (C) recognizes the right of the people of Ukraine to 
     independently and freely choose their own government.
       (d) Joint Resolution of Disapproval.--
       (1) Definition.--For purposes of this section, the term 
     ``joint resolution of disapproval'' means only a joint 
     resolution--
       (A) which does not have a preamble;
       (B) the title of which is as follows: ``Joint resolution 
     disapproving the President's certification under section 4(c) 
     of the Suspending Normal Trade Relations with Russia and 
     Belarus Act.''; and
       (C) the matter after the resolving clause of which is as 
     follows: ``That Congress disapproves the certification of the 
     President under section 4(c) of the Suspending Normal Trade 
     Relations with Russia and Belarus Act, submitted to Congress 
     on ___'', the blank space being filled in with the 
     appropriate date.
       (2) Introduction in the house of representatives.--During a 
     period of 5 legislative days beginning on the date that a 
     certification under subsection (c) is submitted to Congress, 
     a joint resolution of disapproval may be introduced in the 
     House of Representatives by the majority leader or the 
     minority leader.
       (3) Introduction in the senate.--During a period of 5 days 
     on which the Senate is in session beginning on the date that 
     a certification under subsection (c) is submitted to 
     Congress, a joint resolution of disapproval may be introduced 
     in the Senate by the majority leader (or the majority 
     leader's designee) or the minority leader (or the minority 
     leader's designee).
       (4) Floor consideration in the house of representatives.--
       (A) Reporting and discharge.--If a committee of the House 
     to which a joint resolution of disapproval has been referred 
     has not reported such joint resolution within 10 legislative 
     days after the date of referral, that committee shall be 
     discharged from further consideration thereof.
       (B) Proceeding to consideration.--Beginning on the third 
     legislative day after each committee to which a joint 
     resolution of disapproval has been referred reports it to the 
     House or has been discharged from further consideration 
     thereof, it shall be in order to move to proceed to consider 
     the joint resolution in the House. All points of order 
     against the motion are waived. Such a motion shall not be in 
     order after the House has disposed of a motion to proceed on 
     a joint resolution with regard to the same certification. The 
     previous question shall be considered as ordered on the 
     motion to its adoption without intervening motion. The motion 
     shall not be debatable. A motion to reconsider the vote by 
     which the motion is disposed of shall not be in order.
       (C) Consideration.--The joint resolution shall be 
     considered as read. All points of order against the joint 
     resolution and against its consideration are waived. The 
     previous question shall be considered as ordered on the joint 
     resolution to final passage without intervening motion except 
     two hours of debate equally divided and controlled by the 
     sponsor of the joint resolution (or a designee) and an 
     opponent. A motion to reconsider the vote on passage of the 
     joint resolution shall not be in order.
       (5) Consideration in the senate.--
       (A) Committee referral.--A joint resolution of disapproval 
     introduced in the Senate shall be referred to the Committee 
     on Finance.
       (B) Reporting and discharge.--If the Committee on Finance 
     has not reported such joint resolution of disapproval within 
     10 days on which the Senate is in session after the date of 
     referral of such joint resolution, that committee shall be 
     discharged from further consideration of such joint 
     resolution and the joint resolution shall be placed on the 
     appropriate calendar.
       (C) Motion to proceed.--Notwithstanding Rule XXII of the 
     Standing Rules of the Senate, it is in order at any time 
     after the Committee on Finance reports the joint resolution 
     of disapproval to the Senate or has been discharged from its 
     consideration (even though a previous motion to the same 
     effect has been disagreed to) to move to proceed to the 
     consideration of the joint resolution, and all points of 
     order against the joint resolution (and against consideration 
     of the joint resolution) shall be waived. The motion to 
     proceed is not debatable. The motion is not subject to a 
     motion to postpone. A motion to reconsider the vote by which 
     the motion is agreed to or disagreed to shall not be in 
     order. If a motion to proceed to the consideration of the 
     joint resolution of disapproval is agreed to, the joint 
     resolution shall remain the unfinished business until 
     disposed of.
       (D) Debate.--Debate on the joint resolution of disapproval, 
     and on all debatable motions and appeals in connection 
     therewith, shall be limited to not more than 10 hours, which 
     shall be divided equally between the majority and minority 
     leaders or their designees. A motion to further limit debate 
     is in order and not debatable. An amendment to, or a motion 
     to postpone, or a motion to proceed to the consideration of 
     other business, or a motion to recommit the joint resolution 
     of disapproval is not in order.
       (E) Vote on passage.--The vote on passage shall occur 
     immediately following the conclusion of the debate on the 
     joint resolution of disapproval and a single quorum call at 
     the conclusion of the debate, if requested in accordance with 
     the rules of the Senate.
       (F) Rules of the chair on procedure.--Appeals from the 
     decisions of the Chair relating to the application of the 
     rules of the Senate, as the case may be, to the procedure 
     relating to the joint resolution of disapproval shall be 
     decided without debate.
       (G) Consideration of veto messages.--Debate in the Senate 
     of any veto message with respect to the joint resolution of 
     disapproval, including all debatable motions and appeals in 
     connection with such joint resolution, shall be limited to 10 
     hours, to be equally divided between, and controlled by, the 
     majority leader and the minority leader or their designees.
       (6) Procedures in the senate.--Except as otherwise provided 
     in this subsection, the following procedures shall apply in 
     the Senate to a joint resolution of disapproval to which this 
     subsection applies:
       (A) Except as provided in subparagraph (B), a joint 
     resolution of disapproval that has passed the House of 
     Representatives shall, when received in the Senate, be 
     referred to the Committee on Finance for consideration in 
     accordance with this subsection.
       (B) If a joint resolution of disapproval to which this 
     subsection applies was introduced in the Senate before 
     receipt of a joint resolution of disapproval that has passed 
     the House of Representatives, the joint resolution from the 
     House of Representatives shall, when received in the Senate, 
     be placed on the calendar. If this subparagraph applies, the 
     procedures in the Senate with respect to a joint resolution 
     of disapproval introduced in the Senate that contains the 
     identical matter as the joint resolution of disapproval that 
     passed the House of Representatives shall be the same as if 
     no joint resolution of disapproval had been received from the 
     House of Representatives, except that the vote on passage in 
     the Senate shall be on the joint resolution of disapproval 
     that passed the House of Representatives.
       (7) Rules of the house of representatives and senate.--This 
     subsection is enacted by Congress--
       (A) as an exercise of the rulemaking power of the Senate 
     and the House of Representatives, respectively, and as such 
     are deemed a part of the rules of each House, respectively, 
     but applicable only with respect to the procedure to be 
     followed in that House in the case of legislation described 
     in those sections, and supersede other rules only to the 
     extent that they are inconsistent with such rules; and
       (B) with full recognition of the constitutional right of 
     either House to change the rules (so far as relating to the 
     procedure of that House) at any time, in the same manner, and 
     to the same extent as in the case of any other rule of that 
     House.

     SEC. 5. COOPERATION AND ACCOUNTABILITY AT THE WORLD TRADE 
                   ORGANIZATION.

       The United States Trade Representative shall use the voice 
     and influence of the United States at the WTO to--
       (1) condemn the recent aggression in Ukraine;
       (2) encourage other WTO members to suspend trade 
     concessions to the Russian Federation and the Republic of 
     Belarus;
       (3) consider further steps with the view to suspend the 
     Russian Federation's participation in the WTO; and
       (4) seek to halt the accession process of the Republic of 
     Belarus at the WTO and cease accession-related work.

     SEC. 6. MODIFICATIONS TO AND REAUTHORIZATION OF SANCTIONS 
                   UNDER THE GLOBAL MAGNITSKY HUMAN RIGHTS 
                   ACCOUNTABILITY ACT WITH RESPECT TO HUMAN RIGHTS 
                   VIOLATIONS.

       (a) Definitions.--Section 1262 of the Global Magnitsky 
     Human Rights Accountability Act (subtitle F of title XII of 
     Public Law 114-328; 22 U.S.C. 2656 note) is amended by 
     striking paragraph (2).
       (b) Sense of Congress.--
       (1) In general.--The Global Magnitsky Human Rights 
     Accountability Act (subtitle F of title XII of Public Law 
     114-328; 22 U.S.C. 2656 note) is amended by inserting after 
     section 1262 (as amended by subsection (a)) the following new 
     section:

     ``SEC. 1262A. SENSE OF CONGRESS.

       ``It is the sense of Congress that the President should 
     establish and regularize information sharing and sanctions-
     related decisionmaking with like-minded governments 
     possessing human rights and anti-corruption sanctions 
     programs similar in nature to those authorized under this 
     subtitle.''.
       (2) Clerical amendment.--The table of contents in section 
     2(b) and in title XII of division A of the National Defense 
     Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2017 (Public Law 114-328) 
     are each amended by inserting after

[[Page H3804]]

     the items relating to section 1262 the following:

``Sec. 1262A. Sense of Congress.''.
       (c) Imposition of Sanctions.--
       (1) In general.--Subsection (a) of section 1263 of the 
     Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act (Subtitle F 
     of title XII of Public Law 114-328; 22 U.S.C. 2656 note) is 
     amended to read as follows:
       ``(a) In General.--The President may impose the sanctions 
     described in subsection (b) with respect to any foreign 
     person that the President determines, based on credible 
     information--
       ``(1) is responsible for or complicit in, or has directly 
     or indirectly engaged in, serious human rights abuse;
       ``(2) is a current or former government official, or a 
     person acting for or on behalf of such an official, who is 
     responsible for or complicit in, or has directly or 
     indirectly engaged in--
       ``(A) corruption, including--
       ``(i) the misappropriation of state assets;
       ``(ii) the expropriation of private assets for personal 
     gain;
       ``(iii) corruption related to government contracts or the 
     extraction of natural resources; or
       ``(iv) bribery; or
       ``(B) the transfer or facilitation of the transfer of the 
     proceeds of corruption;
       ``(3) is or has been a leader or official of--
       ``(A) an entity, including a government entity, that has 
     engaged in, or whose members have engaged in, any of the 
     activities described in paragraph (1) or (2) during the 
     tenure of the leader or official; or
       ``(B) an entity whose property and interests in property 
     are blocked pursuant to this section as a result of 
     activities during the tenure of the leader or official;
       ``(4) has materially assisted, sponsored, or provided 
     financial, material, or technological support for, or goods 
     or services to or in support of--
       ``(A) an activity described in paragraph (1) or (2) that is 
     conducted by a foreign person;
       ``(B) a person whose property and interests in property are 
     blocked pursuant to this section; or
       ``(C) an entity, including a government entity, that has 
     engaged in, or whose members have engaged in, an activity 
     described in paragraph (1) or (2) conducted by a foreign 
     person; or
       ``(5) is owned or controlled by, or has acted or been 
     purported to act for or on behalf of, directly or indirectly, 
     a person whose property and interests in property are blocked 
     pursuant to this section.''.
       (2) Consideration of certain information.--Subsection 
     (c)(2) of such section is amended by striking ``violations of 
     human rights'' and inserting ``corruption and human rights 
     abuses''.
       (3) Requests by congress.--Subsection (d)(2) of such 
     section is amended--
       (A) in subparagraph (A)--
       (i) in the subparagraph heading, by striking ``Human rights 
     violations'' and inserting ``Serious human rights abuse'';
       (ii) by striking ``described in paragraph (1) or (2) of 
     subsection (a)'' and inserting ``described in subsection (a) 
     relating to serious human rights abuse''; and
       (B) in subparagraph (B)--
       (i) in the matter preceding clause (i), by striking 
     ``described in paragraph (3) or (4) of subsection (a)'' and 
     inserting ``described in subsection (a) relating to 
     corruption or the transfer or facilitation of the transfer of 
     the proceeds of corruption''; and
       (ii) by striking ``ranking member of--'' and all that 
     follows through the period at the end and inserting ``ranking 
     member of one of the appropriate congressional committees.''.
       (d) Reports to Congress.--Section 1264(a) of the Global 
     Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act (subtitle F of 
     title XII of Public Law 114-328; 22 U.S.C. 2656 note) is 
     amended--
       (1) in paragraph (5), by striking ``; and'' and inserting a 
     semicolon;
       (2) in paragraph (6), by striking the period at the end and 
     inserting a semicolon; and
       (3) by adding at the end the following:
       ``(7) a description of additional steps taken by the 
     President through diplomacy, international engagement, and 
     assistance to foreign or security sectors to address 
     persistent underlying causes of serious human rights abuse 
     and corruption in each country in which foreign persons with 
     respect to which sanctions have been imposed under section 
     1263 are located; and
       ``(8) a description of additional steps taken by the 
     President to ensure the pursuit of judicial accountability in 
     appropriate jurisdictions with respect to those foreign 
     persons subject to sanctions under section 1263 for serious 
     human rights abuse and corruption.''.
       (e) Repeal of Sunset.--
       (1) In general.--Section 1265 of the Global Magnitsky Human 
     Rights Accountability Act (subtitle F of title XII of Public 
     Law 114-328; 22 U.S.C. 2656 note) is repealed.
       (2) Clerical amendment.--The table of contents in section 
     2(b) and in title XII of division A of the National Defense 
     Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2017 (Public Law 114-328) 
     are each amended by striking the items relating to section 
     1265.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mrs. Beatty). Pursuant to the rule, the 
gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal) and the gentleman from Texas 
(Mr. Brady) each will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Massachusetts.


                             General Leave

  Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may 
have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and 
include extraneous material on the bill under consideration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Massachusetts?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Madam Speaker, yesterday morning, Congress heard directly from 
Ukrainian President Zelenskyy. He showed us the absolute horrors that 
Russia is inflicting on the Ukrainian people in full view of the world, 
and he pleaded for us to do more.
  With the legislation that stands before us at this hour, we intend to 
answer his call. Ranking Member Brady and I have been united in our 
desire to end permanent normal trade relations with Russia. And I must 
say that Mr. Brady has been very consistent as we have discussed this 
legislation.
  With the House passage of H.R. 7108 today, we will take that 
impactful step and place even greater economic pressure on Putin and 
his brutal regime. We must do everything in our power to hold Russia 
accountable for the atrocities it is committing hourly in the nation of 
Ukraine.
  This is an unprovoked horror that the world is seeing. Our partners 
and allies are joining with us in this effort, taking similar steps to 
further isolate Putin and his regime from the rest of the civilized 
world.
  I urge every single one of our colleagues today to support the 
Ukrainian people, punish Russia for its ruthless aggression, and vote 
to advance this measure.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Madam Speaker, yesterday, President Zelenskyy made a passionate plea 
to the United States and all free nations to stand with the brave 
people of Ukraine against Putin's deadly ambitions and heartbreaking 
genocide.
  After showing gut-wrenching footage of Ukrainian cities torn apart by 
missiles and machine guns, he said to be the leader of the world means 
to be the leader of peace.
  Today, Madam Speaker, we have the opportunity to lead, and I thank 
Chairman Neal for his great leadership and work on this bipartisan 
provision.
  After bipartisan public pressure from lawmakers in Congress in both 
parties, President Biden announced his support for suspending Russia's 
special trade status. We are taking that action with today's bill.
  I was proud to have helped lead this bipartisan effort in the House 
Ways and Means Committee and the Senate Finance Committee. Both parties 
in Congress came together quickly, working in good faith on a 
bipartisan and bicameral agreement to immediately ban purchases of 
Russian energy and suspend our trading relationship with Russia and 
Belarus.
  We don't take these steps lightly, but Russia's aggression requires 
this approach.
  Russia will no longer enjoy the same special trade status with 
America as the country it is invading, so it will no longer be able to 
sell made-in-Russia products in the United States at lower tariffs.
  Combined with the energy import ban Congress passed last week, which 
targets 60 percent of what Russia sells us, this provision targets the 
remaining 40 percent, hurting Russia's economy and cutting off funding 
for its war effort.
  Said another way, American dollars will no longer fund Russia's war 
machine. This is another step in the right direction and includes 
further incentives for Russia to end its aggression.
  This bill includes tough conditions to be met for restoring Russia's 
trade status, including Russian action to end hostilities, protecting 
the freedom and sovereignty of Ukraine, and ensuring the end of 
Russia's aggression.
  The same tough conditions apply if the President seeks to end the 
energy import ban, and I plan to work with colleagues in the Senate to 
achieve that.
  Going forward, we must continue to work closely with our allies to 
increase

[[Page H3805]]

pressure on Russia and ensure this is an effective global effort. 
Neighboring Canada has also taken serious action to do both of these, 
and other nations have announced their intentions to do the same.
  Unfortunately, the administration's executive orders and the bill we 
are voting on today both fail to soften the impact of the oil ban by 
replacing Russian oil with made-in-America energy.
  We have seen the highest year-over-year increase in wholesale prices 
ever recorded. Nearly half the price increases in goods come from the 
rise in the price of gasoline over the past year.
  Nothing in this bill creates access to more American-made energy on- 
and offshore, nor does it approve American pipelines that could easily 
replace Russian oil with U.S. and Canadian energy, or accelerate 
approval for delayed permits for American export facilities to help the 
world wean themselves from the grip of dirty Russian energy.
  There is still yet more Congress can do. I would like to see Congress 
sanction Russian energy companies so they can't continue to profit and 
fuel the war machine.
  It is also time for Congress to unleash America's own ability to be 
energy independent, replace Russian oil with American sources, and use 
our energy strengths to wean the world from Russian energy.
  Finally, I want to make it clear to my colleagues: This bipartisan 
and bicameral agreement applies only to the suspension of normal trade 
relations with Russia. I do not support the inclusion of the Democrats' 
Foreign Affairs Committee's Global Magnitsky Act in this bill, which 
includes changes to the original statute that I believe are 
unnecessarily vague and could lead to future abuses.

  I understand this expanded language may have been included in a 
temporary executive order by the previous administration to address 
human rights, but I don't believe it is warranted in a permanent 
expansion of this law. I am confident there are Senators who share my 
concerns, and I strongly urge them to remove that provision for future 
vetting.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer), the chairman of the Trade Subcommittee who has 
been a real leader on this issue.
  Mr. BLUMENAUER. Madam Speaker, it is great to see the gentleman from 
Massachusetts (Mr. Neal) come together with the ranking member.
  Congressman Doggett and I introduced legislation 3 weeks ago. This 
completes what we had. I am sorry that we were unable to move forward, 
but I am pleased that the White House now feels comfortable moving 
forward with this legislation.
  It is important that we are moving in concert with our allies, but I 
think we need that sense of urgency, based on what we heard again 
yesterday from President Zelenskyy.
  What we have done in Congress with the administration has damaged the 
Russian economy for decades, watching what has happened in terms of the 
collapse of the ruble, the cratering of their stock market, raising the 
cost of living for ordinary Russians, not just chasing the yachts of 
the oligarchs.
  We have a quarter of the WTO that accounts for about 58 percent of 
the global domestic product. Moving to suspend this MFN standing means 
the Russian economy will face higher tariff rates, export bans, 
investment restrictions, export licensing requirements, customs 
hurdles, restrictions on cross-border services, and unequal treatment 
for intellectual property and rules of origin.
  All of these further cripple the Russian economy. This is another 
tightening of that noose, sending a signal.
  I hope there is more that we can do economically in terms of weapons, 
maybe even find a way to get MiGs to the Ukrainians without starting 
World War III.
  But in the meantime, it is critical to move forward, to finish the 
job we started 3 weeks ago. I am pleased to support it.
  Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I am proud to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from west Texas (Mr. Arrington).
  Mr. ARRINGTON. Madam Speaker, suspending Russia's normal trade 
relation status with the United States is the right and absolutely 
necessary thing to do.
  I have to note, Madam Speaker, that our President continues to take 
an incremental and piecemeal response to Vladimir Putin and this 
unprovoked attack on Ukraine. It is wholly inadequate. Not only will it 
not deter this tyrant, I fear it will embolden other adversaries to 
follow suit.
  Madam Speaker, we have to stop assaulting oil and gas. This has to be 
an early warning to the United States and lawmakers.
  We can steward the environment. We should. But we have to understand 
the geopolitical importance of energy independence. We can do both. 
This is America.
  Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues, all of my colleagues, 
Republicans and Democrats, to support this suspension. But I urge my 
President: Be more resolute. Act with a sense of urgency. Provide the 
war machines and weaponry that the Ukrainians need to fight for their 
freedom and independence.
  God bless America.
  Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Texas (Mr. Doggett), who has been a real leader on this issue as well.
  Mr. DOGGETT. Madam Speaker, the day after Russia invaded Ukraine, I 
introduced the centerpiece of today's legislation with Congressman 
Blumenauer. It denied Russia preferential trade treatment and would 
expel it from the World Trade Organization.
  At that time, 3 weeks ago, there was hope that economic sanctions 
like this might limit the extent of Putin's brutal aggression. Now we 
have seen that economic sanctions are having no immediate impact to 
limit the slaughter from Putin's war of annihilation against Ukraine.
  Uniting the world to isolate Russia has weakened the ruble, 
certainly, but it has not stopped Putin from reducing so much of 
Ukraine to rubble.
  While I favor excluding every possible Russian import, this bill will 
grant President Biden appropriate authority to raise tariffs 
significantly on any Russian import that is permitted, and the same for 
Belarus.
  This is largely the same bill on which I sought action last week 
until President Biden requested a delay.

                              {time}  1415

  Surprisingly, this bill does not include the ban on Russian energy 
imports that this House approved overwhelmingly last week on the bill 
that we considered then. I hope that ban will be restored in further 
work on the legislation.
  Though important to finally approve this bill as another way to 
isolate Russia, we should recognize there is no substitute for getting 
Ukrainians all of the weaponry that they have requested, including jet 
fighters, to stop the mass murder we observe daily.
  The financial pain imposed won't immediately ease the pain of 
Ukrainian families. They are paying in blood while we pay in dollars, 
but it is one way for us to hold Putin accountable and to act in 
solidarity with them.
  To those who ask that we adopt further sanctions or more weapons only 
if Russia does something more, I say what more barbaric butchery need 
we see before doing everything we possibly can, short of sending troops 
into Ukraine. The time to do everything is now, the time to provide for 
Ukrainian refugees to enter our country is now.
  Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Nebraska (Mr. Smith), the Republican leader of the Trade Subcommittee.
  Mr. SMITH of Nebraska. Madam Speaker, I rise today to support the 
long overdue legislation to hold Russia accountable for its invasion of 
Ukraine. It is unfortunate it took so long to get to this point, but I 
am glad we have finally reached a consensus.
  This bill, as you know, revokes permanent normal trade relations for 
Russia and normal trade relations for Belarus, putting them in the same 
trade category as North Korea and Cuba, and appropriately so.
  The U.S. must take the lead in showing the real economic consequences 
of violent acts against NATO members and partners, and this bill is a 
key element of that.
  We were all moved by President Zelenskyy's address earlier this week,

[[Page H3806]]

and I am glad we are finally answering his call for additional 
assistance. We can and should do more, especially when it comes to 
banning energy imports from Russia.
  As Republican leader of the Trade Subcommittee, I am glad this bill 
is finally seeing a vote on the House floor. I support this bill and 
certainly urge my colleagues to do the same so we can use the trade 
tools at our disposal to hold Vladimir Putin accountable.
  Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Illinois (Mr. Danny K. Davis), who has had a longstanding interest in 
human rights.
  Mr. DANNY K. DAVIS of Illinois. Madam Speaker, the Putin regime 
requires every strategy and every action that we can muster to put a 
stop to Russia and restore sanity to our world order.
  Russia's aggressive and brutal behavior, brutal actions towards 
Ukraine is beyond what I call the pale. We have no other choice but to 
step in and put a stop to it.
  Madam Speaker, I strongly support this resolution.
  Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Arkansas (Mr. Crawford).
  Mr. CRAWFORD. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 7108. 
Everyone here on the floor with me today can agree that Russia's 
aggression in Ukraine with Belarus in support is reprehensible and 
wrong.
  While I strongly believe that this next round of sanctions will 
continue to hold Russia and Belarus accountable, we also can't ignore 
soaring fertilizer costs already propelled by global supply chain 
issues. Russia and Belarus, unfortunately, are major exporters of 
fertilizer and these sanctions may drive costs even higher.
  But skyrocketing fertilizer costs won't affect my support for this 
bill. Peace must be achieved by all available measures. I will turn my 
focus now to solutions to drive fertilizer costs back down.
  From temporarily or completely eliminating barriers for fertilizer 
trade from other nations, to input subsidies for our producers to 
offset input costs, we must be willing to put all available solutions 
on the table.
  I have always argued that food security is national security, and I 
will continue to work with my colleagues to alleviate fertilizer costs 
to our farmers in order to grow food for our shelves.
  Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania (Mr. Brendan F. Boyle), a champion of human rights 
everywhere.
  Mr. BRENDAN F. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Madam Speaker, the world right 
now, not just Ukraine, but indeed the world, is engaged in a fight 
between democracy and autocracy. That is what is at stake on what is 
now the battlefields of Ukraine.
  I was in Brussels 3 weeks ago at NATO, and I am proud to say I have 
never seen the West and the transatlantic alliance this united. 
Certainly, not since the days of the Cold War.
  Madam Speaker, our trade policy must work in sync with our foreign 
policy. That is what we are doing here today by revoking this status on 
Russia as well as Belarus. I strongly support it. I am proud of the 
fact that the United States and other countries have acted so quickly, 
in just a matter of a few weeks, to put the strongest sanctions on 
Russia in American history.
  We must do this, and we must do even more.
  Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
Indiana (Mrs. Spartz), the first Ukrainian-born Member of the United 
States Congress.
  Mrs. SPARTZ. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of the Suspending 
Normal Trade Relations with Russia and Belarus Act. It is very 
important to highlight here that we are do include Belarus in this act. 
Unfortunately, under the leadership of President Lukashenko, Belarus 
allowed Russians to place ballistic rockets and shell fellow Slavs, 
orthodox Christians in Ukraine for weeks. The people of Belarus need to 
understand that their leader is part of what is happening in this 
genocide in Ukraine, and we cannot create a loophole where Putin is 
going to use Belarus to funnel moneys through them.

  This is very important legislation also to send a message to Putin 
and his allies that the West is serious. It is not a temporary thing. 
They cannot just go kill a bunch of people, destroy cities, kill women 
and children, and then go back and have business as usual.
  Congress is sending a very strong message. If they want to have 
peace, it better be soon, and they better get to the table and stop 
this insanity in killing of the Ukrainian people.
  I also want to share some of the concerns that the Congressman shared 
regarding the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act. I 
concur with him that these definitions have to be tightened and to 
broaden these definitions is giving too much power to the executive 
branch. It is not what Congress should do because every time we give 
too much power, we are not able to effectively have our oversight 
function.
  So I urge my colleagues to support this important legislation but 
also work with the Senate to make sure that we can fix our concerns. I 
am very appreciative that we are able to come on a bipartisan basis and 
send a very strong message.
  Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Pelosi), whose entire career has been consistently 
based on the advancement of human rights everywhere.
  Ms. PELOSI. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I 
congratulate him on his leadership. The connection between human rights 
and economics is a connection that many of us have seen for a while. 
When it comes to some countries, for example China, when I was trying 
to get an adjustment in trade with China based on human rights, I was 
told, Oh, blah, blah, blah. But I said then and I say now of Russia, if 
we do not speak out for human rights because of commercial interests, 
we lose all moral authority to speak out for human rights in any small 
country in the world if these big countries are left off the hook.
  Madam Speaker, as we convene today, war rages in Ukraine. Yesterday, 
the Congress had the great honor and privilege of receiving a virtual 
address by President Zelenskyy, whose heroic leadership has rallied his 
nation and inspired the world. Our Members were very moved by his 
powerful remarks as well as the heart-wrenching footage he shared 
showing the terror and brutality which Putin has unleashed in Ukraine, 
including committing war crimes against children.
  So it is with great respect for President Zelenskyy's leadership and 
with unwavering support for the people of Ukraine that the House today 
takes another strong step to punish Russia for its war crimes.
  It is my hope that this legislation receives strong bipartisan 
support, and I thank the chairman, Mr. Neal, and the ranking member, 
Mr. Brady, for working together to make that a reality because it is a 
recognition that is worthy of the valor and courage of the people of 
Ukraine.
  The unimaginable courage, resilience, and determination of the 
Ukrainian people has been on full display, as they fight to not only 
protect their homeland but to defend democracy itself. The assault that 
Putin is making on Ukraine is an assault on democracy writ large. He is 
so cowardly and so insecure; he can't stand to see a democracy across 
the way from Russia for fear that the Russian people will see a better 
way instead of his autocracy. And so the Ukrainians are fighting for 
democracy writ large.
  Yet, tragically, Putin has repeatedly responded by accelerating 
brutality, indiscriminately bombing major cities, attacking civilians 
attempting to evacuate the violence, and even murdering mothers and 
babies in a maternity hospital.
  Russia's cruel and unprovoked invasion has already forced nearly 3 
million Ukrainians to flee their homes, creating what the United 
Nations has called the fastest growing refugee crisis in Europe since 
World War II.
  Because Putin shows no sign of ceasing his horrible aggression, the 
Congress today will take another step, in lockstep with the Biden 
administration and many of our allies, to tighten our stranglehold on 
the Russian economy.
  The legislation the House will pass today represents an intense 
action to further isolate Russia and decimate its economy. Madam 
Speaker, I thank Mr. Brady and Mr. Neal for giving us this opportunity.

[[Page H3807]]

  With this bill, the United States will suspend permanent normal trade 
relations with Russia, which means they will no longer enjoy 
preferential tariff treatment, take steps to review Russia's access to 
the World Trade Organization, and reauthorize and strengthen the Global 
Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act, so that we can impose even 
further individual sanctions.
  In doing so, we will make it as difficult as possible for Russia to 
do business with the United States and our allies, and we will also 
suspend normal trade relations with Belarus for its shameful complicity 
in Russia's aggression.
  Congress and the country salute Ways and Means Chairman Richard Neal 
and Ranking Member Kevin Brady, who led the way to steer this 
legislation to the floor and garner strong bipartisan support for its 
passage. I would also like to thank Congressman Lloyd Doggett and 
Congressman Earl Blumenauer for their relentless leadership in showing 
that the House was ready with this legislation so we could act quickly 
and decisively and have the improving touches that Mr. Brady and Mr. 
Neal added to it.
  The legislation we pass today builds on swift, devastating sanctions 
already being imposed on Russia by America and our allies. We take this 
step with extraordinary unity not only within Congress on a bipartisan, 
bicameral basis, but also between the Congress and the administration.

                              {time}  1430

  And we do so with historic coordination with our neighbors abroad, as 
the members of the G7 and European Union have all agreed to revoke 
most-favored-nation status from Russia.
  On behalf of the Congress, I salute President Biden for unifying our 
allies so that we could move together with this crushing blow. And we 
will continue working together to make Putin accountable for his 
despicable crimes as he violates the sovereignty and territorial 
integrity of Ukraine.
  What Putin is doing in Ukraine, bombing civilians, targeting 
children, is outside, Madam Speaker, the circle of civilized human 
behavior. He is committing war crimes and he must be held accountable.
  Madam Speaker, I urge a strong, bipartisan ``aye'' vote.
  Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I am proud to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Estes).
  Mr. ESTES. Madam Speaker, the United States is the greatest market in 
the world to do business with. Our consumer spending is double that of 
the European Union, and more than triple that of China. Every country 
on Earth wants to do business with America.
  As we deal with the unjust invasion of Ukraine by Russia and continue 
to modernize our Nation's trade deals, like we did with the USMCA, we 
must keep in mind that the American marketplace is not something that 
is a right. It is a privilege for those that uphold international 
order.
  For far too long, many have overlooked repeated abuses by certain 
trading partners. For whatever reason, they decided it was okay for the 
United States to do business with those that lie, cheat, and steal in 
violation of international law.
  This has been a terrible mistake. Trade, when done right, is a 
critical boost to the economy and our families. When done poorly, it 
enriches our adversaries at the expense of those who do uphold the 
international system.
  It is clear that the unjust invasion of Ukraine by Russia cannot 
stand. Congress must make clear to the world that normal trade 
relations with the United States must be reserved for honest brokers 
that adhere to international order. This is the moment when 
irresponsible trade with the United States without consequence comes to 
an end.
  Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
Florida (Ms. Wasserman Schultz), who has had a long history as a 
champion of human rights.
  Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for 
yielding.
  I rise today to put the full force of the American people and this 
Congress behind dismantling the savage Kremlin war machine.
  This legislation shows President Zelenskyy, Ukrainians, and the world 
that America will boldly confront Russia's savage attacks on the 
Ukrainian people. This bill also holds Belarus to account for its 
complicity in Russia's murderous aggression.
  They each will learn what every tyrant must: If you invade another 
nation, normal trade within our global economy is over.
  While President Biden marshals the free world to fiscally cripple 
Putin and his oligarchs, this Congress will also move to crush Russia's 
militarized economic might.
  So this legislation also reviews Russia's and Belarus' access to the 
World Trade Organization, and it extends and strengthens the Global 
Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act, both of which will further 
clip Russia's economic wings.
  The grisly, heartbreaking images President Zelenskyy showed us 
yesterday made clear that Russia must be punished. And with this 
legislation, the people of Ukraine and every global democracy can count 
on America to help make that happen.
  Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I am proud to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Rice), the Republican leader of the 
Oversight Subcommittee.
  Mr. RICE of South Carolina. Madam Speaker, on February 8, President 
Biden said that if Russia invaded Ukraine, America would impose 
crippling sanctions.
  On February 24, President Putin kept to his word and invaded Ukraine. 
President Biden has since then slow-walked the sanctions that he 
promised, those crippling sanctions that he promised.
  Today, 3 weeks after the invasion, as we have watched on the news as 
Ukrainians have bravely fought, outmanned and outgunned, and yet they 
hold on tenaciously to their property at horrific costs. Their cities 
are being destroyed. Innocent civilians are being shot. Women and 
children are being attacked on the streets. And yet, the United States 
has been slow to move.
  Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of this long-overdue bill to 
suspend permanent normal trade relations with the Russian Federation 
and Belarus. I am a cosponsor of this legislation and would like to 
thank Chairman Neal and Ranking Member Brady for their hard work on 
this issue.
  Last week, the House took the much-needed step of blocking oil and 
gas imports from Russia. When we debated that bill last week, I said we 
should have gone much further and should not have taken that watered-
down approach.
  The United States must stop projecting weakness to Putin and his 
allies. President Biden must live up to his word.
  Today, we are finally taking a decisive step to punish Russia for 
their criminal aggression in Ukraine by ending their special treatment 
as a most-favored nation.
  Can you imagine that we have continued to recognize them as a most-
favored nation for three weeks, in light of the horrific war crimes 
that they are committing every day?
  This is an action that only Congress can take, and we held off last 
week at the request of the administration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.

  Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I yield the gentleman an additional 15 
seconds.
  Mr. RICE of South Carolina. Madam Speaker, passing this bill will 
place significant tariffs on most of Russia's exports to the United 
States, further defunding Putin's war machine.
  The bill also gives proclamation authority to the USTR to further 
raise tariffs on Russia's goods so that American purchasers will stop 
funding Putin's war crimes.
  Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee ) who has been a consistent champion of human 
rights.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I thank Chairman Neal and Congressmen 
Doggett and Blumenauer for this important statement.
  Slaughter is not a sufficient definition of what Putin and Putin's 
war is doing to the innocent Ukrainian people.
  I rise in strong support of totally removing from them normal trade 
relations, as just a few weeks ago I was on

[[Page H3808]]

the border of Lithuania and Belarus, where the 30 to 40,000 Russian 
troops were poised, poised, ready to move and to slaughter.
  How outrageous, when babies are killed, when hospitals with pregnant 
women, when a mother who lost her life because her pelvis was crushed, 
her baby and herself died because of Putin.
  They continue to slaughter. They continue to destroy historic places. 
They continue to destroy hospitals and government buildings, and they 
are not ceasing.
  So glory to Ukraine. We must stand with them and realize that their 
fight is our fight. As we in the civil rights movement experienced the 
idea of lack of justice, we know that this does not even equate to the 
violence that Russia is putting forth. I support this legislation.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of 
H.R. 7108, The Suspending Normal Trade Relations with Russia and 
Belarus Act. The Act takes decisive action to respond to Russia's 
continued unprovoked attacks on the people of Ukraine and holds Belarus 
accountable for its support for Russia's aggression. This legislation 
counters Russia's unconscionable actions and Belarus' complicity by 
suspending normal trade relations with Russia and Belarus.
  This legislation includes additional provisions to expand the United 
States' trade tools to stop Russia's unacceptable and unjust war on 
Ukraine and to hold Belarus accountable for its involvement. 
Specifically, the bill:
  Provides the President with time-limited authority to increase 
tariffs on products of Russia and Belarus, until January 1, 2024;
  Requires the U.S. Trade Representative to use the voice and influence 
of the United States to seek suspension of Russia's participation in 
the World Trade Organization (WTO) and to halt Belarus' WTO accession 
and accession-related work; and
  Provides the President with the authority to restore normal trade 
relations with Russia and Belarus if these countries have ceased their 
acts of aggression against Ukraine and other certain conditions are 
met. Congress has the authority to overrule such decision through a 
congressional disapproval process.
  Since Vladimir Putin began this war, the United States has had a 
relentless and devastating economic response in the form of sanctions.
  Even prior to this legislation, the United States has already carried 
out the following actions:
  The connection to the U.S. financial system for Russia's largest 
financial institution, Sberbank, including 25 subsidiaries, has been 
severed by imposing correspondent and payable-through account 
sanctions. This action restricts Sberbank's access to transactions made 
in the dollar. Sberbank is the largest bank in Russia, holds nearly 
one-third of the overall Russian banking sector's assets, is heavily 
connected to the global financial system, and is systemically critical 
to the Russian financial system.
  Russia's second largest financial institution, VTB Bank (VTB), 
including 20 subsidiaries, have been appropriately subject to full 
blocking sanctions. This action freezes all of VTB's assets touching 
the U.S financial system and prohibits U.S. persons from dealing with 
them. VTB holds nearly one-fifth of the overall Russian banking 
sector's assets, is heavily exposed to the U.S. and western financial 
systems and is systemically critical to the Russian financial system.
  Full blocking sanctions also extend to the three other major Russian 
financial institutions: Bank Otkritie, Sovcombank OJSC, and 
Novikombank- and 34 subsidiaries. These sanctions freeze any of these 
institutions' assets touching the U.S financial system and prohibit 
U.S. persons from dealing with them. These financial institutions play 
a significant role in the Russian economy.
  New debt and equity restrictions have been imposed on thirteen of the 
most critical major Russian enterprises and entities. This includes 
restrictions on all transactions in, provision of financing for, and 
other dealings in new debt of greater than 14 days maturity and new 
equity issued by thirteen Russian state-owned enterprises and entities: 
Sberbank, AlfaBank, Credit Bank of Moscow, Gazprombank, Russian 
Agricultural Bank, Gazprom, Gazprom Neft, Transneft, Rostelecom, 
RusHydro, Alrosa, Sovcomflot, and Russian Railways. These entities, 
including companies critical to the Russian economy with estimated 
assets of nearly $1.4 trillion, are no longer able to raise money 
through the U.S. market--a key source of capital and revenue 
generation, which limits the Kremlin's ability to raise money for its 
activity.
  There are additional full blocking sanctions on Russian elites and 
their family members: Sergei Ivanov (and his son, Sergei), Nikolai 
Patrushev (and his son Andrey), Igor Sechin (and his son Ivan), Andrey 
Puchkov, Yuriy Solviev (and two real estate companies he owns), Galina 
Ulyutina, and Alexander Vedyakhin. This action includes individuals who 
have enriched themselves at the expense of the Russian state, and have 
elevated their family members into some of the highest position of 
powers in the country. It also includes oligarchs who sit atop Russia's 
largest financial institutions and are responsible for providing the 
resources necessary to support Putin's invasion of Ukraine. This action 
follows up on yesterday's action targeting Russian elites and their 
family members and cuts them off from the U.S. financial system, 
freezes any assets they hold in the United States and blocks their 
travel to the United States.
  Costs on Belarus for supporting a further invasion of Ukraine by 
sanctioning 24 Belarusian individuals and entities, including targeting 
Belarus' military and financial capabilities by sanctioning two 
significant Belarusian state-owned banks, nine defense firms, and seven 
regime-connected official and elites have been enacted.
  Sweeping restrictions have been implemented on Russia's military to 
strike a blow to Putin's military and strategic ambitions. This 
includes measures against military end users, including the Russian 
Ministry of Defense. Exports of nearly all U.S. items and items 
produced in foreign countries using certain U.S.-origin software, 
technology, or equipment will be restricted to targeted military end 
users. These comprehensive restrictions apply to the Russian Ministry 
of Defense, including the Armed Forces of Russia, wherever located.
  Russia-wide restrictions to choke off Russia's import of 
technological goods critical to a diversified economy and Putin's 
ability to project power are also present. This includes Russia-wide 
denial of exports of sensitive technology, primarily targeting the 
Russian defense, aviation, and maritime sectors to cut off Russia's 
access to cutting-edge technology. In addition to sweeping restrictions 
on the Russian-defense sector, the United States government will impose 
Russia-wide restrictions on sensitive U.S. technologies produced in 
foreign countries using U.S.-origin software, technology, or equipment. 
This includes Russia-wide restrictions on semiconductors, 
telecommunication, encryption security, lasers, sensors, navigation, 
avionics and maritime technologies. These severe and sustained controls 
will cut off Russia's access to cutting edge technology.
  Historical multilateral cooperation serves as a force multiplier in 
restricting more than $50 billion in key inputs to Russia--impacting 
far more than that in Russia's production. As a result of this 
multilateral coordination, the United States has provided an exemption 
for other countries that adopt equally stringent measures. Countries 
that adopt substantially similar export restrictions are exempted from 
new U.S. licensing requirements for items produced in their countries. 
The European Union, Australia, Japan, Canada, New Zealand and the 
United Kingdom, have already communicated their plans for parallel 
actions. This unprecedented coordination significantly expands the 
scope of restrictions on Russia. Further engagement with Allies and 
partners will continue to maximize the impact on Russia's military 
capabilities.
  Madam Speaker, taking further action against both Russia and Belarus 
on the international stage is of the utmost necessity in showing our 
European allies that we are steadfast in our opposition to this bloody 
war. The Suspending Normal Trade Relations with Russia and Belarus Act 
does exactly that symbolically and literally, and I am confident it 
will play a role in ending this war.
  It is for that reason, Madam Speaker, that I rise in strong support 
of the Suspending Normal Trade Relations with Russia and Belarus Act 
and urge my colleagues support for the Act.
  Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Grothman).
  Mr. GROTHMAN. Suspending normal trade relations with Russia is 
important. It is my belief 20 years from now the part of this bill that 
will most be remembered is the change in the Magnitsky Act, which is 
normally used to sanction foreign elected officials.
  Right now, the Magnitsky Act can be used only for defined crimes, 
extrajudicial killings, torture, prolonged detention without trial. We 
are now opening up that act to unlimited human rights, however defined, 
including sanctioning people, for example, not following the LGBTQ 
agenda, or not being sufficiently pro-abortion.
  We have heard before this country weighing in on countries like the 
Dominican Republic, Hungary, African and Latin American countries, 
using our economic might to punish them when they don't adopt our view 
or I'd say the liberal view of Christianity.
  It is with great disappointment that people held out and risked 
whether this

[[Page H3809]]

bill would go ahead or not on changing the Magnitsky Act.
  Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Tennessee (Mr. Cohen) whose work on human rights is well known.
  Mr. COHEN. Madam Speaker, as a member, co-chairman of the Helsinki 
Commission, I want to compliment Mr. Cardin and Mr. Wicker and their 
work on this bill, bipartisan, from the Senate.
  What Russia has done with Ukraine is immoral. It is illegal. It is 
against the word, the acts, the intentions of every godly character 
ever. God would not have approved. WWJD?
  What Russia has done deserves the entire condemnation of the world; 
and everything we can do to condemn them and put them out of organized 
civilized society is appropriate because they are not acting as a 
civilized member of society.
  I support this bill. I think there is not too much we can do to 
Russia. There is not too much that they have done to Ukraine and 
continue to do in killing children, and disabled, and orphans. They 
deserve all of the might of the United States that we can put on them 
and take away from them. We need to punish them with all we have. I 
support the bill entirely.
  Glory to Ukraine.
  Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), our distinguished majority leader who, again, has 
been a consistent champion of human rights.
  Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts 
(Mr. Neal), the chairman of the Ways and Means Committee for yielding.
  I thank the gentleman from Texas for joining in this effort to ensure 
that America speaks with a strong and certain voice.
  Madam Speaker, yesterday, we heard from President Zelenskyy, an 
historic address that moved us all. He spoke in an hour of peril for 
democracy in his country and at a turning point for democracy around 
the world.
  We were, and remain, awed by the courage mirrored by that individual 
who leads Ukraine, and of the people he leads who, in light of an 
overwhelming force, said no, we will not yield. We will stand, and we 
will fight, and we will speak out for our country.
  Contrary to the premise of the war criminal who leads Russia saying 
that they would welcome the Russian troops with open arms. That was a 
lie, a lie to the Russian people, a lie to the Russian conscripts, and 
a lie to the world.
  Vladimir Putin's criminal and unprovoked invasion of the sovereign 
nation of Ukraine has only grown more brutal, Madam Speaker, through 
the days and weeks. We have seen his forces target civilian areas, bomb 
hospitals, and disappear Ukrainian elected officials in areas they 
occupy.
  This House is being asked today whether to repeal Russia's permanent, 
normal trade relations status. The question ought to be: Is Russia 
behaving like a normal, law-abiding nation? And of course, the 
resounding answer of the world has been no.
  Indeed, there is nothing normal about its behavior or about Putin's 
choices. He has violated every norm that has been in place since the 
end of the Second World War. He is testing the resolve of the 
democratic free world. And thankfully, we are meeting that test with 
unity, with resolve, and with strength.
  The revocation of Russia's normal trade status with the United 
States, as well as that of its ally, Belarus, is just the latest tool, 
Madam Speaker, being employed to isolate Russia economically and 
prevent the replenishment of its military assets being depleted in the 
invasion of Ukraine.
  Putin clearly should have envisioned the pain that his invasion would 
be bringing down on his own country. That is a shame, because it is 
clear that a large segment of the Russian people do not want this war 
and, in fact, thousands of them are in jail because they have publicly 
made that clear.
  They don't want to see their children being sent off to kill, maim, 
and terrorize the people of a friendly neighbor that caused them no 
threat; whose citizens maintain close people-to-people relations with 
the Russian people; and they do not want to lose access to the global 
marketplaces in which many Russian entrepreneurs and innovators have 
been participating and finding opportunities.
  But no, the murderer of Moscow determined that he wanted to see the 
Russian empire restored, not because he was threatened, not because 
Russia was threatened, but because it would serve his ego and concept 
of empire.

                              {time}  1445

  As Russia continues to grow more and more isolated, as the vise 
tightens around its media, as the last few flickers of freedom for its 
people are extinguished, its people need only look to the Kremlin for 
answers.
  Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes.'' Vote ``yes'' for 
the heroic people of Ukraine. Vote ``yes'' for a leader that has shown 
us courage and commitment to freedom and to democracy. Vote ``yes'' to 
tell Vladimir Putin that norms still matter, and we will not stand by 
as he seeks to break them.
  No, normal relations are not warranted.
  Vote ``yes.'' Vote for democracy. Vote for freedom. Vote for a 
courageous people. Vote for a free Ukraine.
  Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Madam Speaker, as the Bible tells us, to whom much is given, much is 
required. Every American hearing and watching President Zelenskyy 
yesterday had to understand so much more is required of us to end this 
war in Ukraine and to aid the Ukrainian people in their victory over 
Russia.
  This bill takes an important step to defund American revenue that 
would fund the Russian war machine. It takes an important bipartisan 
step forward to make sure that Russian products don't enter into the 
U.S. with the same treatment as the invaded country, as Ukraine's 
products come into the United States.
  Madam Speaker, I am proud to have worked with Chairman Neal, our 
Democrat colleagues, and the House and Senate on this measure. I know 
more must be done to provide lethal aid to Ukraine to continue to 
expand and strengthen economic sanctions; to bring our allies together; 
to make sure, in my view, that America takes the necessary steps to 
replace Russian oil with the cleanest made-in-America energy, oil, and 
gas here in the United States as well.
  But as Congresswoman Victoria Spartz, a Ukrainian-born Member of 
Congress, said, this step today is crucial in our defense of Ukraine, 
the Ukrainian people, and democracy in the world.
  Madam Speaker, I urge a ``yes'' vote on this bill, and I yield back 
the balance of my time.
  Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Madam Speaker, as I close, I thank Mr. Brady for his partnership in 
this effort to hold Putin accountable and for his support for the 
Ukrainian people.
  I also was moved by the gentlewoman from Indiana's testimony just a 
few minutes ago about Ukraine when she said this is not normal 
behavior. This is not the regularization, we hope, of normal behavior, 
a return to the old Soviet empire.
  Madam Speaker, I applaud the terrific work of the Committee on Ways 
and Means Trade Subcommittee staff, particularly Alexandra Whittaker, 
Katie White, and Sofia Ferber. Their expertise and dedication made this 
legislation possible, and I thank them for their contributions.
  Madam Speaker, I think in the many years that I have been in this 
House, one of the most moving moments occurred yesterday when we heard 
the President of Ukraine, Zelenskyy--duly elected, incidentally--talk 
about the pain and anguish but also the courage of the Ukrainian 
people. To witness the bombardment and the murder and killing of 
innocent children by this Russian dictator, I hope all the world, like 
this Congress today, will abhor that.
  Madam Speaker, it is not enough just to applaud and to talk about the 
challenges that Russia has presented to the civilized world. We have to 
do something about it.
  Coming on the heels of the oil embargo, I believe this will also 
receive broad bipartisan support today, and it will swiftly move from 
Congress to President Biden's desk. There is no time to waste.

[[Page H3810]]

  Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 7108, and I yield 
back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal) that the House suspend the 
rules and pass the bill, H.R. 7108.
  The question was taken.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds 
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
  Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution 
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 424, 
nays 8, not voting 1, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 78]

                               YEAS--424

     Adams
     Aderholt
     Aguilar
     Allen
     Allred
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bentz
     Bera
     Bergman
     Beyer
     Bice (OK)
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bost
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brady
     Brooks
     Brown (MD)
     Brown (OH)
     Brownley
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carey
     Carl
     Carson
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (LA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cherfilus-McCormick
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyburn
     Clyde
     Cohen
     Cole
     Comer
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Curtis
     Davids (KS)
     Davidson
     Davis, Danny K.
     Davis, Rodney
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Delgado
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     DesJarlais
     Deutch
     Diaz-Balart
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Donalds
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Ellzey
     Emmer
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Estes
     Evans
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fitzpatrick
     Fleischmann
     Fletcher
     Fortenberry
     Foster
     Foxx
     Frankel, Lois
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gallagher
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Golden
     Gomez
     Gonzales, Tony
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Gottheimer
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Green, Al (TX)
     Griffith
     Grijalva
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Harder (CA)
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hayes
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Higgins (NY)
     Hill
     Himes
     Hinson
     Hollingsworth
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Hudson
     Huffman
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jacobs (NY)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Katko
     Keating
     Keller
     Kelly (IL)
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (CA)
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kinzinger
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamb
     Lamborn
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Lesko
     Letlow
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lowenthal
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Luria
     Lynch
     Mace
     Malinowski
     Malliotakis
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Mann
     Manning
     Mast
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McHenry
     McKinley
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meijer
     Meng
     Meuser
     Mfume
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Mullin
     Murphy (FL)
     Murphy (NC)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Newman
     Norcross
     Norman
     O'Halleran
     Obernolte
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Pallone
     Palmer
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Pence
     Perlmutter
     Perry
     Peters
     Pfluger
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Posey
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Reed
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (NY)
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Ross
     Rouzer
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Rutherford
     Ryan
     Salazar
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scalise
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Schrier
     Schweikert
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, Austin
     Scott, David
     Sessions
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Simpson
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (WA)
     Smucker
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Spartz
     Speier
     Stansbury
     Stanton
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stevens
     Stewart
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Taylor
     Tenney
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Turner
     Underwood
     Upton
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Vela
     Velazquez
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Welch
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (FL)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Yarmuth
     Young

                                NAYS--8

     Biggs
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Gaetz
     Greene (GA)
     Grothman
     Massie
     Roy

                             NOT VOTING--1

       
     Zeldin
       

                              {time}  1529

  Messrs. ROY and BISHOP of North Carolina changed their vote from 
``yea'' to ``nay.''
  So (two-thirds being in the affirmative) the rules were suspended and 
the bill was passed.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.


    Members Recorded Pursuant to House Resolution 8, 117th Congress

     Bass (Takano)
     Bowman (Garcia (IL))
     Brown (OH) (Aguilar)
     Cardenas (Gomez)
     Carter (GA) (Cammack)
     Carter (TX) (Nehls)
     Connolly (Wexton)
     Crenshaw (Fallon)
     Crist (Wasserman Schultz)
     Cuellar (Correa)
     Curtis (Moore (UT))
     Dean (Scanlon)
     DeLauro (Courtney)
     DeSaulnier (Beyer)
     Fortenberry (Moolenaar)
     Frankel, Lois (Wexton)
     Fulcher (Johnson (OH))
     Garamendi (Correa)
     Garbarino (Jacobs (NY))
     Golden (Courtney)
     Harder (CA) (Beyer)
     Horsford (Evans)
     Jeffries (Kelly (IL))
     Johnson (TX) (Aguilar)
     Kahele (Mrvan)
     Kaptur (Lawrence)
     Kim (NJ) (Pallone)
     Kinzinger (Meijer)
     Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
     Lawson (FL) (Evans)
     Lesko (Miller (WV))
     Lofgren (Aguilar)
     Maloney, Carolyn B. (Wasserman Schultz)
     Neguse (Perlmutter)
     Norman (Donalds)
     Pascrell (Pallone)
     Payne (Pallone)
     Porter (Wexton)
     Rodgers (WA) (Bilirakis)
     Roybal-Allard (Escobar)
     Rush (Evans)
     Ryan (Lawrence)
     Salazar (Moore (UT))
     Schrier (Aguilar)
     Sires (Pallone)
     Steel (Obernolte)
     Suozzi (Beyer)
     Taylor (Fallon)
     Titus (Cicilline)
     Trone (Beyer)
     Upton (Katko)
     Wagner (McHenry)
     Walorski (Bucshon)
     Watson Coleman (Pallone)
     Welch (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL) (Cicilline)

                          ____________________