[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 42 (Wednesday, March 9, 2022)]
[House]
[Pages H1394-H1405]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




               SUSPENDING ENERGY IMPORTS FROM RUSSIA ACT

  Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 973, I call up 
the bill (H.R. 6968) to prohibit the importation of energy products of 
the Russian Federation, and for other purposes, and ask for its 
immediate consideration.
  The Clerk read the title of the bill.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 973, the bill 
is considered read.
  The text of the bill is as follows:

                               H.R. 6968

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``Suspending Energy Imports 
     from Russia Act''.

     SEC. 2. PROHIBITION ON IMPORTATION OF ENERGY PRODUCTS OF THE 
                   RUSSIAN FEDERATION.

       (a) In General.--
       (1) Prohibition of energy products.--Notwithstanding any 
     other provision of law, all products of the Russian 
     Federation classified under chapter 27 of the Harmonized 
     Tariff Schedule of the United States shall be banned from 
     importation into the United States, other than products 
     imported on or before 11:59 p.m. eastern daylight time on the 
     date that is 45 days after the date of the enactment of this 
     Act.
       (2) Authority to allow importation under contract.--
     Notwithstanding the prohibition under paragraph (1), the 
     President may allow certain products described in such 
     paragraph to be imported into the United States if the 
     importation of such products is pursuant to a written 
     contract or agreement that was entered into before the date 
     of the enactment of this Act.
       (b) National Interest Waiver.--
       (1) In general.--The President is authorized to waive the 
     prohibition under subsection (a) with respect to one or more 
     of the products of the Russian Federation described in the 
     matter preceding paragraph (1) of subsection (a) if the 
     President certifies that such waiver is in the national 
     interest of the

[[Page H1395]]

     United States and includes in such certification a 
     description of the product or products to which the waiver is 
     proposed to apply. Such waiver shall take effect beginning on 
     the date that is 90 calendar days after the date of 
     submission of such certification, unless there is enacted 
     into law during such 90-day period a joint resolution of 
     disapproval.
       (2) Congressional consultation.--
       (A) Prior justification.--The President shall, not later 
     than 15 calendar days before submitting a certification 
     described in paragraph (1), submit to the appropriate 
     congressional committees a justification for the waiver 
     proposed under such paragraph.
       (B) Appropriate congressional committees.--For purposes of 
     this paragraph, the term ``appropriate congressional 
     committees'' means--
       (i) the Committee on Ways and Means, the Committee on 
     Financial Services, and the Committee on Foreign Affairs of 
     the House of Representatives; and
       (ii) the Committee on Finance, the Committee on Banking, 
     Housing, and Urban Affairs, and the Committee on Foreign 
     Relations of the Senate.
       (c) Joint Resolution of Disapproval.--
       (1) Definition.--For purposes of this section, the term 
     ``joint resolution of disapproval'' means only a joint 
     resolution--
       (A) which does not have a preamble;
       (B) the title of which is as follows: ``Joint resolution 
     disapproving the President's proposed waiver under section 
     2(b)(1) of the Suspending Energy Imports from Russia Act.''; 
     and
       (C) the matter after the resolving clause of which is as 
     follows: ``That Congress disapproves the proposed waiver of 
     the President under section 2(b)(1) of the Suspending Energy 
     Imports from Russia Act, submitted to Congress on ___'', the 
     blank space being filled in with the appropriate date.
       (2) Introduction in the house of representatives.--During a 
     period of 5 legislative days beginning on the date that a 
     certification under subsection (b)(1) is submitted to 
     Congress, a joint resolution of disapproval may be introduced 
     in the House of Representatives by the majority leader or the 
     minority leader.
       (3) Introduction in the senate.--During a period of 5 days 
     on which the Senate is in session beginning on the date that 
     a certification under subsection (b)(1) is submitted to 
     Congress, a joint resolution of disapproval may be introduced 
     in the Senate by the majority leader (or the majority 
     leader's designee) or the minority leader (or the minority 
     leader's designee).
       (4) Floor consideration in the house of representatives.--
       (A) Reporting and discharge.--If a committee of the House 
     to which a joint resolution of disapproval has been referred 
     has not reported such joint resolution within 10 legislative 
     days after the date of referral, that committee shall be 
     discharged from further consideration thereof.
       (B) Proceeding to consideration.--Beginning on the third 
     legislative day after each committee to which a joint 
     resolution of disapproval has been referred reports it to the 
     House or has been discharged from further consideration 
     thereof, it shall be in order to move to proceed to consider 
     the joint resolution in the House. All points of order 
     against the motion are waived. Such a motion shall not be in 
     order after the House has disposed of a motion to proceed on 
     a joint resolution with regard to the same certification. The 
     previous question shall be considered as ordered on the 
     motion to its adoption without intervening motion. The motion 
     shall not be debatable. A motion to reconsider the vote by 
     which the motion is disposed of shall not be in order.
       (C) Consideration.--The joint resolution shall be 
     considered as read. All points of order against the joint 
     resolution and against its consideration are waived. The 
     previous question shall be considered as ordered on the joint 
     resolution to final passage without intervening motion except 
     two hours of debate equally divided and controlled by the 
     sponsor of the joint resolution (or a designee) and an 
     opponent. A motion to reconsider the vote on passage of the 
     joint resolution shall not be in order.
       (5) Consideration in the senate.--
       (A) Committee referral.--A joint resolution of disapproval 
     introduced in the Senate shall be referred to the Committee 
     on Finance.
       (B) Reporting and discharge.--If the Committee on Finance 
     has not reported such joint resolution of disapproval within 
     10 days on which the Senate is in session after the date of 
     referral of such joint resolution, that committee shall be 
     discharged from further consideration of such joint 
     resolution and the joint resolution shall be placed on the 
     appropriate calendar.
       (C) Motion to proceed.--Notwithstanding Rule XXII of the 
     Standing Rules of the Senate, it is in order at any time 
     after the Committee on Finance reports the joint resolution 
     of disapproval to the Senate or has been discharged from its 
     consideration (even though a previous motion to the same 
     effect has been disagreed to) to move to proceed to the 
     consideration of the joint resolution, and all points of 
     order against the joint resolution (and against consideration 
     of the joint resolution) shall be waived. The motion to 
     proceed is not debatable. The motion is not subject to a 
     motion to postpone. A motion to reconsider the vote by which 
     the motion is agreed to or disagreed to shall not be in 
     order. If a motion to proceed to the consideration of the 
     joint resolution of disapproval is agreed to, the joint 
     resolution shall remain the unfinished business until 
     disposed of.
       (D) Debate.--Debate on the joint resolution of disapproval, 
     and on all debatable motions and appeals in connection 
     therewith, shall be limited to not more than 10 hours, which 
     shall be divided equally between the majority and minority 
     leaders or their designees. A motion to further limit debate 
     is in order and not debatable. An amendment to, or a motion 
     to postpone, or a motion to proceed to the consideration of 
     other business, or a motion to recommit the joint resolution 
     of disapproval is not in order.
       (E) Vote on passage.--The vote on passage shall occur 
     immediately following the conclusion of the debate on the 
     joint resolution of disapproval and a single quorum call at 
     the conclusion of the debate, if requested in accordance with 
     the rules of the Senate.
       (F) Rules of the chair on procedure.--Appeals from the 
     decisions of the Chair relating to the application of the 
     rules of the Senate, as the case may be, to the procedure 
     relating to the joint resolution of disapproval shall be 
     decided without debate.
       (G) Consideration of veto messages.--Debate in the Senate 
     of any veto message with respect to the joint resolution of 
     disapproval, including all debatable motions and appeals in 
     connection with such joint resolution, shall be limited to 10 
     hours, to be equally divided between, and controlled by, the 
     majority leader and the minority leader or their designees.
       (6) Procedures in the senate.--Except as otherwise provided 
     in this subsection, the following procedures shall apply in 
     the Senate to a joint resolution of disapproval to which this 
     subsection applies:
       (A) Except as provided in subparagraph (B), a joint 
     resolution of disapproval that has passed the House of 
     Representatives shall, when received in the Senate, be 
     referred to the Committee on Finance for consideration in 
     accordance with this subsection.
       (B) If a joint resolution of disapproval to which this 
     section applies was introduced in the Senate before receipt 
     of a joint resolution of disapproval that has passed the 
     House of Representatives, the joint resolution from the House 
     of Representatives shall, when received in the Senate, be 
     placed on the calendar. If this subparagraph applies, the 
     procedures in the Senate with respect to a joint resolution 
     of disapproval introduced in the Senate that contains the 
     identical matter as the joint resolution of disapproval that 
     passed the House of Representatives shall be the same as if 
     no joint resolution of disapproval had been received from the 
     House of Representatives, except that the vote on passage in 
     the Senate shall be on the joint resolution of disapproval 
     that passed the House of Representatives.
       (7) Rules of the house of representatives and senate.--This 
     subsection is enacted by Congress--
       (A) as an exercise of the rulemaking power of the Senate 
     and the House of Representatives, respectively, and as such 
     are deemed a part of the rules of each House, respectively, 
     but applicable only with respect to the procedure to be 
     followed in that House in the case of legislation described 
     in those sections, and supersede other rules only to the 
     extent that they are inconsistent with such rules; and
       (B) with full recognition of the constitutional right of 
     either House to change the rules (so far as relating to the 
     procedure of that House) at any time, in the same manner, and 
     to the same extent as in the case of any other rule of that 
     House.

     SEC. 3. COOPERATION AND ACCOUNTABILITY AT THE WORLD TRADE 
                   ORGANIZATION.

       The United States Trade Representative shall use the voice 
     and influence of the United States at the WTO to--
       (1) condemn the recent aggression in Ukraine;
       (2) encourage other WTO members to suspend trade 
     concessions to the Russian Federation; and
       (3) consider further steps with the view to suspend the 
     Russian Federation's participation in the WTO.

     SEC. 4. MODIFICATIONS TO AND REAUTHORIZATION OF SANCTIONS 
                   UNDER THE GLOBAL MAGNITSKY HUMAN RIGHTS 
                   ACCOUNTABILITY ACT WITH RESPECT TO HUMAN RIGHTS 
                   VIOLATIONS.

       (a) Definitions.--Section 1262 of the Global Magnitsky 
     Human Rights Accountability Act (subtitle F of title XII of 
     Public Law 114-328; 22 U.S.C. 2656 note) is amended by 
     striking paragraph (2).
       (b) Sense of Congress.--
       (1) In general.--The Global Magnitsky Human Rights 
     Accountability Act (subtitle F of title XII of Public Law 
     114-328; 22 U.S.C. 2656 note) is amended by inserting after 
     section 1262 (as amended by subsection (a)) the following new 
     section:

     ``SEC. 1262A. SENSE OF CONGRESS.

       ``It is the sense of Congress that the President should 
     establish and regularize information sharing and sanctions-
     related decisionmaking with like-minded governments 
     possessing human rights and anti-corruption sanctions 
     programs similar in nature to those authorized under this 
     subtitle.''.
       (2) Clerical amendment.--The table of contents in section 
     2(b) and in title XII of division A of the National Defense 
     Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2017 (Public Law 114-328) 
     are each amended by inserting after

[[Page H1396]]

     the items relating to section 1262 the following:

``Sec. 1262A. Sense of Congress.''.
       (c) Imposition of Sanctions.--
       (1) In general.--Subsection (a) of section 1263 of the 
     Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act (Subtitle F 
     of title XII of Public Law 114-328; 22 U.S.C. 2656 note) is 
     amended to read as follows:
       ``(a) In General.--The President may impose the sanctions 
     described in subsection (b) with respect to any foreign 
     person that the President determines, based on credible 
     information--
       ``(1) is responsible for or complicit in, or has directly 
     or indirectly engaged in, serious human rights abuse;
       ``(2) is a current or former government official, or a 
     person acting for or on behalf of such an official, who is 
     responsible for or complicit in, or has directly or 
     indirectly engaged in--
       ``(A) corruption, including--
       ``(i) the misappropriation of state assets;
       ``(ii) the expropriation of private assets for personal 
     gain;
       ``(iii) corruption related to government contracts or the 
     extraction of natural resources; or
       ``(iv) bribery; or
       ``(B) the transfer or facilitation of the transfer of the 
     proceeds of corruption;
       ``(3) is or has been a leader or official of--
       ``(A) an entity, including a government entity, that has 
     engaged in, or whose members have engaged in, any of the 
     activities described in paragraph (1) or (2) during the 
     tenure of the leader or official; or
       ``(B) an entity whose property and interests in property 
     are blocked pursuant to this section as a result of 
     activities during the tenure of the leader or official;
       ``(4) has materially assisted, sponsored, or provided 
     financial, material, or technological support for, or goods 
     or services to or in support of--
       ``(A) an activity described in paragraph (1) or (2) that is 
     conducted by a foreign person;
       ``(B) a person whose property and interests in property are 
     blocked pursuant to this section; or
       ``(C) an entity, including a government entity, that has 
     engaged in, or whose members have engaged in, an activity 
     described in paragraph (1) or (2) conducted by a foreign 
     person; or
       ``(5) is owned or controlled by, or has acted or been 
     purported to act for or on behalf of, directly or indirectly, 
     a person whose property and interests in property are blocked 
     pursuant to this section.''.
       (2) Consideration of certain information.--Subsection 
     (c)(2) of such section is amended by striking ``violations of 
     human rights'' and inserting ``corruption and human rights 
     abuses''.
       (3) Requests by congress.--Subsection (d)(2) of such 
     section is amended--
       (A) in subparagraph (A)--
       (i) in the subparagraph heading, by striking ``Human rights 
     violations'' and inserting ``Serious human rights abuse''; 
     and
       (ii) by striking ``described in paragraph (1) or (2) of 
     subsection (a)'' and inserting ``described in subsection (a) 
     relating to serious human rights abuse''; and
       (B) in subparagraph (B)--
       (i) in the matter preceding clause (i), by striking 
     ``described in paragraph (3) or (4) of subsection (a)'' and 
     inserting ``described in subsection (a) relating to 
     corruption or the transfer or facilitation of the transfer of 
     the proceeds of corruption''; and
       (ii) by striking ``ranking member of--'' and all that 
     follows through the period at the end and inserting ``ranking 
     member of one of the appropriate congressional committees.''.
       (d) Reports to Congress.--Section 1264(a) of the Global 
     Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act (subtitle F of 
     title XII of Public Law 114-328; 22 U.S.C. 2656 note) is 
     amended--
       (1) in paragraph (5), by striking ``; and'' and inserting a 
     semicolon;
       (2) in paragraph (6), by striking the period at the end and 
     inserting a semicolon; and
       (3) by adding at the end the following:
       ``(7) a description of additional steps taken by the 
     President through diplomacy, international engagement, and 
     assistance to foreign or security sectors to address 
     persistent underlying causes of serious human rights abuse 
     and corruption in each country in which foreign persons with 
     respect to which sanctions have been imposed under section 
     1263 are located; and
       ``(8) a description of additional steps taken by the 
     President to ensure the pursuit of judicial accountability in 
     appropriate jurisdictions with respect to those foreign 
     persons subject to sanctions under section 1263 for serious 
     human rights abuse and corruption.''.
       (e) Repeal of Sunset.--
       (1) In general.--Section 1265 of the Global Magnitsky Human 
     Rights Accountability Act (subtitle F of title XII of Public 
     Law 114-328; 22 U.S.C. 2656 note) is repealed.
       (2) Clerical amendment.--The table of contents in section 
     2(b) and in title XII of division A of the National Defense 
     Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2017 (Public Law 114-328) 
     are each amended by striking the items relating to section 
     1265.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The bill shall be debatable for 1 hour 
equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority member 
of the Committee on Ways and Means or their respective designees.
  The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal) and the gentleman from 
Texas (Mr. Brady) each will control 30 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Massachusetts.


                             General Leave

  Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include 
extraneous material on the bill under consideration before us.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Massachusetts?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Madam Speaker, I stand here today in a moment of great sorrow as the 
Ukrainian people continue to endure the brutal and unprovoked assault 
by Russia upon their independence.
  We have all witnessed the heartbreaking footage of this war's 
innocent victims. We heard the harrowing stories of families who have 
been torn apart and forced to leave their country. We have watched with 
admiration as the Ukrainian people have courageously defended their 
homeland.
  Madam Speaker, tonight, we are all Ukrainians. This unprovoked, 
unjustified invasion is a horrific stain on humanity. This evening, we 
here in this Congress will firmly condemn Putin's aggression with the 
legislation that is before us. Inaction is not an option.
  I am very pleased, once again, that the Committee on Ways and Means, 
in a bipartisan manner, has led the development of this package that 
will take decisive action to exact economic pain on Putin and his 
regime.
  The Russian regime relies on energy sales to fund many of its 
offenses. This bill will cut off some of the revenue with a ban on the 
import of Russian oil and energy products into the United States. The 
more economic pain we inflict on Putin, the more pressure he will feel 
to finally end this brutal campaign of terror on the Ukrainian people. 
I don't think tonight the people of Ukraine think that Vladimir Putin 
is a genius.
  Madam Speaker, this legislation also takes steps to review Russia's 
participation in the World Trade Organization. This is an international 
organization comprised of 150 nations. Membership is a privilege that 
comes with responsibilities, and bad actors who destabilize global 
security should not enjoy the economic benefits of belonging to that 
body.
  Madam Speaker, I am committed to providing and punishing Russia at 
the WTO as we proceed. Broad bipartisan support exists in this Congress 
for these meaningful actions to hold Putin accountable and full support 
for the Ukrainian people. With this legislation, we reaffirm our 
commitment to peace and to democracy.
  Madam Speaker, I urge our colleagues to support this consequential 
moment and act accordingly, and I look forward to its swift passage 
into law.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Madam Speaker, while missiles and machine guns rain down death on 
innocent Ukrainians, President Zelensky is pleading with America and 
all free nations to stop buying Russian oil to fund this inhumane war.
  This weekend, America should know that both parties in Congress came 
together, worked together in agreement to immediately ban purchases of 
Russian energy. I was proud to have helped lead that bipartisan effort 
of the House Committee on Ways and Means and Senate Committee on 
Finance, and pleased that President Biden, who fought the Russian 
energy ban tooth and nail, finally relented and accepted the moral 
choice to stand with the people of Ukraine.
  The bill before us is certainly not as strong an energy ban as what 
Congress crafted, nor does it include Congress' crucial economic 
sanctions to revoke favorable trade relations with Russia and Belarus, 
which would have targeted all the products America buys from Russia. 
But President Biden insisted that these economic sanctions be dropped 
so that nearly half of all Russian imports to the U.S. will go 
untouched. For some reason, he is insisting we treat Russia, the 
invader, the same as Ukraine, the invaded.

[[Page H1397]]

  


                              {time}  1930

  It's puzzling why Russian diamonds and vodka deserve continued 
special treatment here in America. Those revenues all help strengthen 
Russia's economy to fund the war against Ukraine. President Biden 
insisted, regrettably, in this bill they remain protected. Our allies 
will certainly get a laugh.
  This bill directs our trade representative to urge other nations to 
revoke the special trading status for Russia, even though America 
refuses to do it at this time. That is not a profile in courage.
  I wish our President was as committed to crippling economic sanctions 
as neighboring Canada, which banned both Russian oil and revoked the 
special trading treatment for Russian products. To be clear, neither 
the President's executive ban nor this bill takes any action to replace 
Russian oil with Made-in-America energy.
  Nothing in this bill includes Republican-led proposals to extend 
secondary sanctions on Russian energy purchases in financing around the 
world--as we already impose on Iran and North Korea. Nothing in this 
bill creates access to more American-made energy on and offshore. Nor 
does it approve American pipelines that could easily replace Russian 
oil with U.S. and Canadian energy, or accelerate approval for delayed 
permits for American export facilities to help the rest of the world 
wean themselves from the grip of dirty Russian energy.
  Answer this question: Why is our country begging Venezuela and Iran, 
terrorist nations and thug regimes, to produce more dirty oil to send 
to America when America is fully capable of producing all the cleanest 
oil and gas in the world that we need right here at home?
  As expected, the President is blaming everyone and everything for 
high prices and inflation--including the war. Higher prices, as you 
know, have hammered Americans for a solid year, all starting with the 
President's $2 trillion unpaid-for COVID stimulus that ignited 
inflation, paid people not to work, and fueled the worst inflation in 
40 years.
  Thanks to the White House, America is in a dangerous wage-price 
spiral, and as a result of the President's failed economic leadership 
more and more experts are predicting a recession this year. No wonder 
most Americans believe our economy is already in a recession or 
depression and have lost faith in the President's ability to rebuild 
our economy.
  To close, I will tell you this. The ban on Russian oil alone is worth 
our support. Ukraine is waiting, as Chairman Neal points out. After 
this bill, I urge Congress to do more: to revoke Russia's special trade 
status and unleash America's own ability to be energy independent, to 
replace Russian oil with American sources, and use our energy strength 
to wean the world from Russian energy.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NEAL. Madam Speaker, I just want to reassure the gentleman that I 
remain committed to the position he has offered as it relates to the 
World Trade Organization and a suspension of Russia's partnership in 
WTO. Making sure that we do that in the right procedure I think is the 
challenge before us, but I agree with the point that the gentleman has 
made.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. 
Doggett).
  Mr. DOGGETT. Madam Speaker, in the face of death and destruction, 
President Zelensky and the Ukrainians are showing the world the true 
meaning of courage.
  While the most immediate need is for additional military equipment, 
we could respond tonight by taking another step to isolate Russia from 
the world economy and ensure that Americans are no longer contributing 
the revenue to fund his war machine. To take the energy out of Putin's 
brutal assault, we place energy on our sanctions list. It may cost more 
to fill your tank, but we must work to stop Putin's tanks from crushing 
families and freedom.
  Our legislation also calls for expelling Russia from the World Trade 
Organization. Russia should not be permitted to benefit from the world 
order and stability that it is destroying with each bomb dropped and 
each Ukrainian murdered. The financial pain we are imposing cannot ease 
the pain of Ukrainian families, but it is one way for us to demonstrate 
our solidarity with them.
  Putin and his apologists here in America and abroad must know that 
those who support democracy and combat aggression are united like never 
before. As the flow of Ukrainian dead and wounded grows, so must the 
economy of Russia shrink.
  This bill is both more and less than the original version which 
Representative Blumenauer and I introduced the week before last in 
immediate response to Russian aggression. It now omits the most-favored 
nation treatment provision.
  Throughout Putin's initial saber rattling and subsequent bomb 
dropping, the administration has wisely rejected the go-it-alone 
approach that lead America to disaster under previous administrations. 
The President has united our allies and is determined to keep them 
united. I believe as he continues to work with our allies we will be 
able to move forward, as Canada has, as our original bill proposed, and 
eliminate this most-favored nation status for Russia.
  I am very pleased that the bill adds to what we had initially, the 
extension and revitalization of the Global Magnitsky Act. This has done 
a tremendous job in reducing human rights abuses, and with its 
inclusion in this bill we reauthorize it remaining united against 
aggression.
  Mr. BRADY. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Nebraska (Mr. Smith), the Republican leader of the Trade Subcommittee.
  Mr. SMITH of Nebraska. Madam Speaker, I rise today to speak on H.R. 
6968, the Suspending Energy Imports from Russia Act.
  This bill Democrats have brought to the floor, although important, is 
not what it actually could be. It is actually a missed opportunity to 
address our trade relationships with Russia and Belarus, and it is a 
missed opportunity to bolster domestic American-produced energy in a 
serious fashion so that we can address energy prices here at home.
  Every Member of this body knows that we could and should be voting on 
the stronger bipartisan product that leaders on the Ways and Means and 
Senate Finance Committees agreed to merely days ago. It was bipartisan 
and bicameral. It revoked permanent normal trade relations for Russia 
and normal trade relationships for Belarus.
  It also included an energy import ban and instead of loopholes, 
provided an off-ramp should Russia reverse course in Ukraine and earn 
back our trust. The text we have before us today is obviously not that 
bill.
  The President demanded a lesser path and the House Democrats have 
chosen to support him in that effort. However, I do know that doing 
nothing is not an option.
  I will support this bill, and I urge my Democratic colleagues to join 
Republicans in our push to use the trade tools at our disposal to 
address Vladimir Putin's unacceptable tyrannical aggression against 
Ukraine.
  Mr. NEAL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Oregon 
(Mr. Blumenauer).
  Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the underlying 
bill, but I want to acknowledge the comments from my colleagues about 
the bipartisan approach that we originally advanced. It is, I think, 
unfortunate that we are not stripping away the most-favored trade 
status from the Russians. I am convinced that we will be able to get 
there with the expression that we have had on both sides of the aisle. 
I think it is important that we can remain committed to advancing this 
in terms of tightening the economic noose around Russia.
  Mr. Speaker, I am a little disappointed with the rhetoric that we 
have heard attacking the administration for not coming forth with 
fanciful efforts to increase domestic production. As has been 
documented on the floor repeatedly in the course of this debate, there 
are ample leases that are unused now, some 9,000 such leases.
  Everything that my friends on the other side of the aisle are talking 
about is not going to produce one additional gallon of oil next year or 
two years afterwards. These are longer-term issues that relate to the 
mechanics of production, the economics of the industry.

[[Page H1398]]

  Where our salvation is going to rise is taking advantage of the 
elements that the Democrats have advanced in terms of clean energy 
production. This is reliable, sustainable, and not subject to the whims 
of international global petrochemical arguments and disputes.
  In the meantime, I strongly urge support of the legislation and renew 
my commitment to work on a bipartisan basis to be able to strip away 
the most-favored nation status, working together to accomplish this in 
as expeditious a fashion as possible.
  Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the cooperation of the chairman of the 
committee being able to move and take advantage of the expressions of 
my friends on the other side of the aisle.
  Mr. BRADY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas 
(Mr. Arrington).
  Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, unfortunately President Biden continues 
to be inexcusably feckless in his response to global threats from our 
adversaries.
  Now, in the moment of truth, when America can send a clear and 
unequivocal message to dictators and democracies alike by banning 
Russian oil imports to the United States, the President has failed once 
again to rise to the occasion.
  This anemic response would remove the commonsense conditions for 
lifting the ban like Russia's full and immediate withdrawal from 
Ukraine and their ceasing to threaten other NATO countries.
  The most egregious aspect of this proposal is that the President and 
the Democrat leadership refused to revoke Russia's permanent normal 
trade relation status, which will continue to allow them low-tariff 
access to the United States market--a privilege only allies of freedom 
should receive.
  Consistent with Biden's timid response, I fear that these half-
measures will not only fail to deter Vladimir Putin, but will invite 
other tyrants around the world to follow suit.
  Mr. Speaker, we must unload the full arsenal, the full force of 
America's economic arsenal on the Russian Federation and their rogue 
leader.
  Mr. NEAL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Chu).
  Ms. CHU. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this bill to 
isolate and stop sending our money to Russia.
  Russia's unprovoked invasion of Ukraine has already caused countless 
deaths and injuries while forcing 1.5 million innocent refugees to flee 
their homes. There must be consequences for this belligerence.
  That is why I support cutting off Russia's oil and gas imports to the 
U.S., seeking to suspend their participation in the World Trade 
Organization, and extending our ability to implement further sanctions. 
Global trade, the wealth it helps generate and the needs it helps to 
meet, is a benefit of the very international order that Russia is 
trying to undermine.
  If Putin is declaring war on global peace and stability, then he 
should also not be able to benefit from global peace and stability.
  I believe that the promise of being able to once again profit from 
global trade is a powerful incentive for Putin to end his war of 
choice. I am proud to support using our economic influence for peace.
  Mr. BRADY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Georgia (Mr. Ferguson), the chief deputy whip for the Republican 
Conference.
  Mr. FERGUSON. Mr. Speaker, the war on American energy independence 
began on day one of President Biden's administration. That war has hit 
Americans hard in the pocketbook, and the cost at the pump, and for 
everything else they buy has gone up as a result of this 
administration's policies.
  All too often we look across the globe and see the cost of those 
policies, and we see that in Ukraine right now. Every single barrel of 
Russian oil that we buy has at least a quarter of Ukrainian blood in 
it. It is time to put an end to it.
  Now we have a bill that has been much watered-down, it doesn't have 
the teeth in it that it should because this administration does not 
seem willing to stand up to this dictator. Now that we are having a 
discussion about ending a relationship with one dictator, it seems that 
the administration is willing to trade one for three, buying oil from 
Venezuela, Iran, and now Saudi Arabia.
  This war on pricing has got to come to an end. The war on American 
energy independence has to come to an end. It is time for this 
administration to open up American energy independence.
  Mr. NEAL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Illinois (Mr. Danny K. Davis).
  Mr. DANNY K. DAVIS of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support 
of H.R. 6968, suspending energy imports in response to Russia's 
barbaric, inhumane, and unprovoked attacks on Ukraine and the Ukrainian 
people. These imports include crude oil, petroleum, coal, coal 
products, natural gas, and other products.
  On March 8, President Biden issued an executive order to prohibit 
energy imports from Russia, which I totally agree with. Mr. Speaker, I 
support and urge passive of H.R. 6968.
  Mr. BRADY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from South 
Carolina (Mr. Rice), the Republican leader of the Oversight and Reform 
Committee.
  Mr. RICE of South Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Brady, Mr. Neal, 
and Mr. Doggett for their leadership on this bill to sanction Russian 
energy exports, which I support, but I must express my frustration that 
this bill does not go far enough.

                              {time}  1945

  On February 7, President Biden stated that if Russia invaded Ukraine, 
the United States would impose crippling sanctions. Yet, here we are, 2 
weeks after Biden finally found the courage to call it an invasion, and 
the sanctions are still being rolled out piecemeal.
  Only last week, the administration was telling us that sanctioning 
Russian oil and gas imports was not on the table. In the face of 
inaction, Democrats and Republicans in Congress came together to impose 
the crippling sanctions the President had promised but not followed 
through on. The bipartisan bill would have banned Russian oil imports 
and enabled the imposition of tariffs on all remaining Russian imports 
to America. But the White House intervened, and my Democrat friends 
withdrew their support.
  Instead, this bill bans only oil. The remaining half of Russian trade 
remains. American purchases will keep funding Russia's cruel invasion, 
and Russia will keep its most-favored-nation status in the World Trade 
Organization.
  In this bill, we ask our allies to penalize Russian imports, but we 
refuse to do so ourselves. Now, that is not leadership. I cannot 
understand why America would maintain trade relations with a nation 
that only last night bombed a children's hospital in Mariupol, Ukraine.
  Mr. President, how many more innocent Ukrainians need to die before 
you do what you promised? Stop projecting weakness, and just do what 
you say.
  China is watching. The world is watching.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Himes). Members are reminded to direct 
their remarks to the Chair.
  Mr. NEAL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Panetta).
  Mr. PANETTA. Mr. Speaker, I support tonight's bills because we must 
fund the government, and of course, we must support Ukraine.
  As the American people get out of COVID, get back to work, and get on 
with our lives, they are yearning to help Ukrainian lives. Tonight's 
bills do that by providing aid and armaments so that the Ukrainians can 
continue to punch Putin right in the face.
  This bill, H.R. 6968, also punches Putin right in the gut by banning 
imports of Russian oil, by taking steps to remove Russia from the WTO, 
and by holding Putin accountable for his violating of rights with 
tougher sanctions.
  The last thing we want is war with Russia. However, in order to stop 
Putin's paranoid adventurism, we need to bolster our commitment to 
NATO, and we must bleed him of his resources to wage war by crumpling 
his ruble and collapsing his economy. This will affect us, and it will 
force all of us to play our part.
  But despite these costs, we must continue to be as united as we are 
inspired by this fledgling democracy that has flourished under fire. 
That is why we must play our part and pass this legislation to support 
the livelihoods of

[[Page H1399]]

Americans, to support the lives of Ukrainians, and to ensure that Putin 
pays his price for his attacks on a peaceful democracy.
  Mr. BRADY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania (Mr. Smucker), who is a member of the Ways and Means 
Committee.
  Mr. SMUCKER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the ranking member for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I would like to start my comments by saying that I 
really do believe that there is no daylight between our parties on our 
commitment to cripple Putin's ability to wage war in Ukraine. We stand 
with the people of Ukraine, Democrats and Republicans alike.
  I want to thank Chairman Neal and Ranking Member Brady for putting 
together a strong bill to stop financing Putin's aggression. This was a 
bill that was bipartisan and bicameral that would have stopped 
providing financial support to Russia and put an end to importing 
Russian oil. Unfortunately, that bill that they worked so hard on is 
not the bill that we are debating here tonight.
  Now, I plan to vote in support of this bill because I believe it is 
important that we stand with Ukraine. But I want to make it clear to 
the White House and to Democratic leadership: You know that we could 
have done better, yet for some reason, the White House intervened, and 
I don't understand.
  I would like someone to answer the question: Why are we running a 
product that replaced another product that would have put an end to 
favored-trade status for Russia and Belarus? Why are we voting on a 
product that will not be taken up by the Senate?
  We had a better deal.
  Mr. NEAL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from New 
York (Mrs. Carolyn B. Maloney).
  Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I thank the 
chairman for his leadership.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this legislation banning Russian 
oil and gas imports and imposing additional sanctions to punish Putin 
and his cronies for their war of aggression in Ukraine, which has 
caused more than 2 million Ukrainians to flee their country.
  President Biden has already imposed swift and severe consequences, 
including yesterday's executive action. However, it is the duty of 
Congress to join the President, enact a congressional ban on Russian 
oil and gas imports to the U.S., and send a strong message to the 
Kremlin that none of our money will be used to bankroll shelling of 
Ukrainian families.
  Yesterday, the Oversight and Reform Committee held a bipartisan 
briefing with U.S. and Ukrainian Government officials. The message was 
clear: Putin's regime must be denied these crucial oil revenues while 
we continue to provide urgently needed aid to Ukraine.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge support for this legislation for the good of the 
United States and the support of Ukraine.
  Mr. BRADY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/4\ minutes to the gentleman from 
North Carolina (Mr. Murphy).
  Mr. MURPHY of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, today is day 14 of Putin's 
ruthless, senseless war on Ukraine. Yet, with all eyes on the United 
States, President Biden has still failed to impose the necessary full 
economic penalties on the Russian economy.
  This week, Ways and Means Republicans and Democrats negotiated a 
strong bipartisan bill that added additional, much-needed economic 
punishments on Putin's war effort, a historic deal that stopped both 
U.S. imports of Russian oil and suspended normal trade relations with 
Belarus and Russia--that is, before the White House got involved.
  To be clear, the only reason the White House is doing anything is 
because it is being politically expedient. They stopped and stalled 
negotiations.
  The White House has subsequently watered down negotiations where now 
40 percent of nonenergy imports from Russia can still continue under 
this plan, fueling his war efforts.
  While banning U.S. imports of Russian oil is critical, this weakened 
legislation fails to go the distance and truly hold Putin accountable 
for his shameful war crimes.
  There is a special place in hell for evil despots who bomb children's 
hospitals. We must do everything at our disposal to support Ukraine and 
prove to the world that a strong America will not allow brutal 
dictators to reign on this Earth without swift and ferocious 
consequences.
  Mr. NEAL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Ohio 
(Ms. Kaptur), who represents 50,000 Ukrainian Americans.
  Ms. KAPTUR. Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairman Neal and Congressman Lloyd 
Doggett for allowing me this time tonight to rise in strong support of 
liberty by suspending energy imports from Russia to help crush Putin 
for his crimes against humanity.
  Putin is murdering innocent men, pregnant women, children, and the 
elderly. He is bombing them into pieces. The brutal savagery unleashed 
by Putin and allowed by his treacherous oligarchs requires crushing and 
unflinching retribution.
  The time has come to terminate the flow of Russia's blood-soaked oil 
into our land. We must also suspend Russia from the World Trade 
Organization. And let us sanction Putin and his enablers as far into 
the pits of hell as we possibly can.
  As the gold standard for freedom and democracy, the world is watching 
America right now. This is not the time for holdouts or cowards. Every 
Member of this body must rise up without delay and lead by example.
  Pass this legislation. Hit Putin and his enablers where it hurts. The 
just cause of liberty demands nothing less.
  Mr. BRADY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from 
New Jersey (Mr. Smith), who is a longtime leader on human rights.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, Russian oil and gas is 
absolutely financing Putin's horrific war of aggression. I am for this 
bill, but there are provisions in this one in particular that should 
not be in here.
  Mr. Speaker, I am the prime sponsor of the Global Magnitsky Human 
Rights Accountability Act which we added to the 2017 NDAA.
  Under the act, an actionable offense occurs only when there is a 
gross violation of internationally recognized human rights which has 
the meaning given to it in the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961.
  Specifically, the Foreign Assistance Act includes torture or cruel, 
inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment, prolonged detention 
without charges and trial, causing the disappearance of persons by the 
abduction and clandestine detention of those persons, and other 
flagrant denial of the right to life, liberty, or the security of 
person.
  H.R. 6968, however, radically strikes and replaces the current 
definition of what constitutes an actionable offense with language that 
is not defined--and this being done tonight without the benefit of 
hearings or due diligence.
  Under the new language, the President may impose sanctions on an 
individual if responsible for or complicit in or has directly or 
indirectly engaged in what they call serious human rights abuse.
  Exactly what does that mean?
  There is no definition.
  How is that phrase defined?
  How elastic is it, especially when it is not linked to any 
international treaty or covenant?
  What does directly engaged mean?
  How indirect?
  Guilt by association?
  The Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act got it right. It 
was bipartisan, and it links sanctions to internationally recognized 
human rights.
  I hope the Senate will take a look at this. This is an egregious 
mistake.
  Mr. NEAL. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BRADY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas 
(Mr. Cloud).
  Mr. CLOUD. Mr. Speaker, Putin's decision to bring this horrific 
tragedy upon the people of Ukraine is rightly to be condemned, and it 
is right at this moment in history that we do not fund this aggression 
by proxy through the purchase and importing of Russian oil.
  But it is also tragic that the Biden administration and Democrats in 
this Chamber would rather turn to dictatorial, terrorist-sponsoring 
regimes to fill the energy gap rather than the world-renowned work 
ethic and innovation of the American people.
  This administration should be doing everything it can to ramp up 
production and increase energy exports. Back home in Texas, we know 
that one of

[[Page H1400]]

the best ways this can be achieved is by investing in our ports, like 
the Port of Corpus Christi in my district.
  Increasing U.S. energy exports can provide relief and hope for the 
Ukrainian people. It can give Europe the assurance it needs to break 
away from Russian energy. And it can provide relief and economic 
opportunity for American families.
  It is past time to stop Biden's assault on American energy and 
restore America's energy dominance.
  Mr. NEAL. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BRADY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
California (Mrs. Kim).
  Mrs. KIM of California. Mr. Speaker, I share concerns that others 
have raised on the process of our getting here, but I rise today in 
favor of banning Russian energy imports. And I urge the Biden 
administration to work on an all-of-the-above domestic energy strategy.
  While I am glad that we are stopping the flow of U.S. capital to the 
Kremlin, I am concerned that prices will rise without a plan to support 
domestic energy production. Our national security will also continue to 
be at risk as the administration looks to countries like Iran and 
Venezuela to fuel our communities.
  The more we rely on authoritarian regimes, the more we hurt our 
economy, national security, and environment.
  Energy security is national security. We need responsible energy 
solutions to expand domestic energy supply chains and lower costs for 
consumers.
  Mr. NEAL. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BRADY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Georgia (Mr. Clyde).
  Mr. CLYDE. Mr. Speaker, the Suspending Energy Imports from Russia Act 
has a great name, but the bill doesn't live up to its name.
  Let me just read a little from the text because it is the text that 
matters.
  On page 2, ``Prohibition of Energy Products'': This bill bans nothing 
until 45 days after enactment. Ukraine doesn't have 45 days.
  Under section 2(a)(2), titled ``Authority to Allow Importation Under 
Contract'': Why are we even having this section when the idea was to 
ban Russian oil, not to allow importation?
  It states: ``The President may allow certain products . . . to be 
imported into the United States . . . pursuant to a written contract . 
. . that was entered into before the date of enactment of this act.''
  So the bold statement from paragraph 1, that all oil products from 
the Russian Federation shall be banned from importation, just got 
eviscerated and shot full of holes. It is leakier than a sieve because 
every barrel of oil coming into the United States is covered under a 
contract, so every barrel is exempted for the length of the contract.
  No business makes millions of dollars of purchases without a 
contract. This bill is smoke and mirrors intent on deceiving the 
American people that the Democrat majority and the Biden administration 
are doing something bold when, in reality, it is a false start and a 
penalty on the field.

                              {time}  2000

  Mr. NEAL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from 
Texas (Mr. Doggett).
  Mr. DOGGETT. Mr. Speaker, Putin thought he could divide us because 
our last President served Russian interests so very well--fawning over 
Putin, unrelenting criticism of our allies, undermining NATO, 
preferring Putin's word over American patriots, repeatedly pitting one 
American against another.
  Recently, as Putin amassed tanks on the Ukrainian border, President 
Biden was not the one who hailed Putin's action as ``genius.''
  As Putin ordered troops into Ukraine, it wasn't President Biden who 
called Putin's terror a ``peacekeeping mission'' and who then called 
Putin ``very savvy.''
  Last Friday, as Russian bombs were killing hundreds of Ukrainians, it 
was not Biden's trusted adviser who said Putin had been ``too gentle'' 
and called President Zelensky ``a puppet'' and blamed him for failing 
to appease Putin by declaring a ``neutral Ukraine.''
  As Biden has tried to unite, Trump and his cronies cannot stop 
licking Putin's boots, even as Putin was using those boots to kick 
Ukrainians in the teeth. Sadly, many of those who come to criticize our 
President and his efforts to bring us together have been sadly and 
totally mute, unable to voice a word of disapproval of those who would 
divide us, Putin's apologist-in-chief here in America.
  Let's unite and stand with Ukrainian patriots and approve this bill.
  Mr. BRADY. Mr. Speaker, I will just point out, all of that was 
nonsense. The truth of the matter is, it was Democrat President Clinton 
who forced Ukraine to turn over 1,800 nuclear weapons to Russia and 
President Obama who stood by when Putin took over parts of Ukraine. 
Now, under President Biden, we stand by while he looks to invade and 
take over a sovereign nation.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. 
Graves).
  Mr. GRAVES of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, it is very interesting where we 
find ourselves right now. Just a few years ago--in fact, within the 
last year--we have advocated for banning Russian oil. We have advocated 
for it. Guess who has opposed it, on the record, voting against banning 
Russian oil? It is a really interesting place where we find ourselves 
where, all of a sudden, things have turned and folks have realized, oh, 
my goodness, we have got to change our position, we have got to flip-
flop, and we now have to ban Russian oil.
  Mr. Speaker, look at the policies of this administration. Look at the 
policies of my friends on the other side of the aisle. We have seen 
record high prices, we have seen record increases in greenhouse gas 
emissions, and we have seen record energy insecurity as a result of 
these policies.
  We have letters from Democrat Members of Congress to the 
administration begging them to work with OPEC Plus nations to increase 
their oil and gas production. We have had a more than doubling of our 
importation of crude oil from Russia under this administration.
  The administration's failed policies have limited us to what they 
will tell you are two options and only two options. We can either buy 
Russian oil and fund the aggression of Putin into Ukraine, or we can 
pay higher prices in the United States.
  This bill fails to address the underlying problem and actually 
provide a solution.
  Mr. Speaker, you have seen these administration officials. Who are 
they talking to right now to backfill their production from Russia? Who 
are they talking to? They are talking to Venezuela. They are talking to 
Iran. They are talking to the Saudis. We are going to find ourselves 
right back in this situation.
  The good news is, we have a solution for you. We can actually do what 
the President said in this very Chamber last week. We can buy American. 
We can buy American energy. Let's buy American energy, not Saudi, not 
Venezuela, not Russian. Let's buy American energy, because we have 38 
billion barrels of oil we can produce here and trillions of cubic feet 
of natural gas.

  We can do it safer here. We can do it cleaner here. That is what the 
motion to recommit allows. It allows us to unleash American energy 
opportunities, to unleash jobs in America, to unleash opportunities for 
Americans to go back to work and unleash the economic activity 
associated with it.
  We can export liquefied natural gas from America to our allies in 
Europe and not have them 40 percent dependent upon energy from Russia, 
from Vladimir Putin continuing to this day to fund his activities 
attacking Ukraine and causing human rights violations all over that 
country.
  I want to remind you, Mr. Speaker, it was President Biden that lifted 
the sanctions that effectively facilitated the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, 
and it was President Biden who more than doubled the importation of 
crude oil from Russia.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge support of the motion to recommit.
  Mr. NEAL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  This evening's debate is about holding Putin accountable for his 
unprovoked attack on the Ukrainian people. What we are talking about 
here is responsible use of trade policy as a powerful tool not only to 
condemn

[[Page H1401]]

Putin's aggression and pursue peace but to act.
  I hope in this moment, when we are in such a dire state, we would not 
use the opportunity just for partisan argument but try to focus very 
hard on the real task at hand, which is holding Putin accountable.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BRADY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for 
the purpose of closing.
  Mr. Speaker, at the appropriate time, I will offer a motion to 
recommit this bill to the Committee on Ways and Means.
  I will also ask to have my amendment, that suspends permanent normal 
trade relations with Russia, included in the Record.
  While there is broad agreement to stop imports of Russian energy, to 
stand with Ukraine, Congress does need to do more. That is what this 
motion does.
  As we talked earlier, when we talked about amending the rule to offer 
American-made energy production, the idea of doing sanctions without 
American energy production is incomplete at best.
  But when it comes to trade with Russia, we also need to take stronger 
steps, stronger bipartisan steps. We had a good, bipartisan agreement 
that stopped oil imports from Russia but also removed preferential 
trade on other products from Russia.
  The bill we are voting on today allows about 40 percent of the total 
products we buy from Russia to receive preferential trade treatment. 
That is why we are so disappointed and puzzled about why this provision 
was removed from the bill, because I believe that there is sincerely 
broad, strong bipartisan support in Congress to remove and suspend 
that.
  I know that Chairman Neal is committed to working together toward 
that goal. By not revoking PNTR, Russia enjoys the same preferential 
trade status and lower tariffs as all of our American allies.
  Ironically, unless we change the bill, Russia will maintain the same 
trade status on nonenergy products, like Russian diamonds and vodka, as 
Ukraine, the country they invaded. That is not right by any measure. We 
need to be tougher together.
  Congress can lead by passing this motion to recommit, which simply 
substitutes the bipartisan agreement we reached that both shuts down 
Russian oil imports and removes the preferential trade status for all 
of the other products we import from Russia.
  America needs to lead, Congress needs to lead, to take this important 
bipartisan step and vote ``yes'' on the motion to recommit.
  I strongly believe the effort in this bill to immediately stop 
purchases from Russia has support and should have support from every 
American, but we need to do more.
  I urge my colleagues and I urge our President to stand with us with 
strong economic sanctions and more American-made energy to replace 
Russian oil.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. NEAL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  Mr. Speaker, our trade policy is a powerful tool, and this evening we 
will have an opportunity not only to condemn Putin's aggression, but 
just as importantly, to act upon it.
  This legislation to ban the import of Russian energy products and 
evaluate Russia's access to the WTO will help to hold this brutal 
dictator accountable. We can and will do more.
  I will continue to explore, as Mr. Brady noted, how we can utilize 
the full jurisdiction of the committee to stand up to Putin and to 
protect the Ukrainian people.
  Let me, however, take a moment to congratulate Joe Biden for the 
manner in which he has assembled a multilateral alliance across the 
globe to condemn and to combat this dictator. When you consider that 
not only have our traditional allies in NATO--which was condemned at 
one time--we now can understand why it has been so enduring.
  Just as importantly, beyond Western Europe and NATO, the Swiss, the 
Finns, the Swedes, the Japanese, the Kenyans, like most of the rest of 
the civilized world, have stood with us in this moment of challenge. 
Tonight, let us all stand with the Ukrainian people and support this 
legislation.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. THOMPSON of California. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of 
H.R. 6968 which will cut off oil and other energy imports from Russia 
which provide key support to Putin's war machine.
  This bill stands in solidarity with the proud Ukrainian people 
fighting for their homeland and builds on President Bidens executive 
actions to ban Russian energy imports.
  The crippling sanctions the Biden Administration has coordinated with 
our allies have isolated Russia to an unprecedented degree: are 
weakening Russia's ability to fund their illegal military offensive.
  I believe that we can and should do even more. Although our European 
allies have moved quickly to support punishing sanctions against Russia 
and its corrupt leaders, other countries are providing aid and comfort 
by actually stepping up trade with Russia.
  As we look to ratchet up the pressure on Russia to force them to stop 
the needless bloodshed, we need to ensure that every country is doing 
their part to help end this war and hold Russia accountable.
  Mr. Speaker, as an original cosponsor of this bill, I urge my 
colleagues to vote yes to send a strong unified message that we are 
committed to doing everything we can to fight Russian aggression, stand 
with the Ukrainian people, and provide the military assist Ukraine 
desperately needs to defend itself.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 
6968, the ``Suspending Energy Imports From Russia Act.''
  I support this legislation because it demonstrates the commitment of 
the United States in assembling and leading an international coalition 
of the world's leading nations to ensure that all nations refuse to 
recognize the illegal invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation and 
to ensure that the Russian Federation is held accountable and sustain 
maximum economic damage from the imposition of sanctions as a 
consequence of its utter disregard for international law and norms.
  Specifically, H.R. 6968 bans the importation into the United States 
of Russian crude oil and certain petroleum products, liquefied natural 
gas, and coal.
  Last year, the U.S. imported nearly 700,000 barrels per day of crude 
oil and refined petroleum products from Russia so this step will 
deprive Russia of billions of dollars in revenues from U.S. drivers and 
consumers annually.
  The bill also bans new U.S. investment in Russia's energy sector, 
which will ensure that American companies and American investors are 
not underwriting Vladimir Putin's efforts to expand energy production 
inside Russia.
  Finally, the bill bans Americans from financing or enabling foreign 
companies that are making investment to produce energy in Russia.
  The Russian ruble is now worth less than a penny and has hit an all-
time low after losing almost half of its value since Putin announced 
his further invasion of Ukraine.
  By isolating Russia's Central Bank and cutting off the largest 
Russian banks from the international financial system, Russia has been 
disarmed his war chest of foreign reserves and left Putin to soften the 
blow of our sanctions.
  U.S. and allied export controls are impacting industrial production 
in Russia, Russian commercial aviation, and other key sectors of the 
Russian economy.
  The United States and governments all over the world are going after 
Putin's cronies and their families by identifying and freezing the 
assets they hold in our respective jurisdictions--their yachts, luxury 
apartments, money, and other ill-gotten gains.
  The United States strongly supports efforts to assist Ukraine to 
defend its territory against military aggression by the Russian 
Federation and by separatist and paramilitary forces.
  Ukraine was the second-most populous and powerful of the fifteen 
republics of the former and disintegrated Union of Soviet Socialist 
Republics and the hub of the union's agricultural production, defense 
industries, and military arsenal.
  In the three decades since gaining its independence, Ukraine has 
sought to forge its own path as a sovereign state and sought closer 
economic, social, and political ties with the free market and 
democratic nations of the West.
  Since 2013, the Russian Federation has undertaken a campaign of 
political, economic, and military aggression against Ukraine, including 
the shooting down of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17, a civilian airliner, 
by Russian-backed Ukrainian separatists using a Russian-made missile 
taking the lives of all 298 innocent persons on board.
  In February 2014, the military of the Russia Federation, without 
merit or cause, invaded

[[Page H1402]]

the eastern part of the free and independent country of Ukraine, 
including the Crimean Peninsula, and backed a separatist insurgency in 
the Donbass region in eastern Ukraine, where fighting has killed over 
14,000 people.
  The United States, a strategic ally of Ukraine, reacted swiftly to 
the Russian invasion, condemning the military action in strong and 
bipartisan fashion, and providing military, humanitarian, and non-
military financial assistance to the determined but beleaguered nation 
of Ukraine, which since 2014 has totaled approximately $1.5 billion.
  On September 14, 2014, the House of Representatives adopted H. Res. 
726, a resolution supporting the right of the people of Ukraine to 
freely determine their future, including their country's relationship 
with other nations and international organizations, without 
interference, intimidation, or coercion by other countries, and 
committed itself to solidarity with the people of Ukraine.
  Interference and unprovoked aggressions by the Russia Federation 
ordered and led by Vladimir Putin continued unabated, including the 
mobilization and stationing of 150,000 Russian troops surrounding 
Ukraine and armed forces positioned in Belarus to attack Ukraine from 
the north, including war planes and offensive missile systems, and the 
movement of Russian naval vessels in the Black Sea to Ukraine's south, 
including amphibious assault ships, missile cruisers, and submarines, 
and the positioning of blood and medical equipment into position on 
their border.
  Vladimir Putin sought authorization from the Russian parliament to 
use military force outside of Russian territory by staging a fraudulent 
on-camera meeting of his Security Council to grandstand for the Russian 
public and by recognizing sovereign Ukrainian territory as so-called 
independent republics in clear violation, again, of international law, 
all of which was intended to set the stage for further pretexts and 
further provocations by Russia Federation to make further aggressions 
against Ukraine by military action.
  Vladimir Putin rejected every good-faith effort the United States and 
its allies and partners made to address mutual security concerns 
through dialogue to avoid needless conflict and avert human suffering.
  On February 23, 2022, the Russia Federation military, at the 
direction of Vladimir Putin, began a premeditated brutal assault on the 
people of Ukraine without provocation, without justification, without 
necessity, making outlandish, false, and baseless claims that Ukraine 
was about to invade and launch a war against Russia and that Ukraine 
was prepared to use chemical weapons, and that Ukraine had committed a 
genocide.
  These actions were taken by Vladimir Putin at the very moment that 
the United Nations Security Council was meeting to stand up for 
Ukraine's sovereignty to stave off invasion, culminating in missile 
strikes on historic cities across Ukraine, followed by air raids and 
the invasion of Russian tanks and troops.
  Mr. Speaker, through this legislation the United States strongly 
condemns and opposes the unprovoked invasion and egregious act of 
aggression against sovereign state of Ukraine by the Russian 
Federation, the most provocative and destabilizing act of foreign 
aggression since the 1938 invasion of the Sudetenland by the Third 
Reich led by Adolph Hitler.
  This legislation visits the costs of the unprovoked aggression and 
invasion ordered by Vladimir Putin, the authoritarian head of the 
Russian Federation against the sovereign nation of Ukraine on the 
Russian economy.
  The United States is strongly committed to the sovereignty, 
independence, and territorial integrity of Ukraine.
  I ask all members to join me in voting for H.R. 6968 to support the 
right of the people of Ukraine to freely determine their future, 
including their country's relationship with other nations and 
international organizations, without interference, intimidation, or 
coercion by other countries.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate has expired.
  Pursuant to House Resolution 973, the previous question is ordered on 
the bill.
  The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the bill.
  The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was 
read the third time.


                           Motion to Recommit

  Mr. BRADY. Mr. Speaker, I have a motion to recommit at the desk.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the motion to 
recommit.
  The Clerk read as follows:

         Mr. Brady moves to recommit the bill, H.R. 6968, to the 
     Committee on Ways and Means.

  The material previously referred to by Mr. Brady is as follows:

       Strike all after the enacting clause and insert the 
     following:

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be known as the ``Suspending Normal Trade 
     Relations with Russia and Belarus Act''.

     SEC. 2. FINDINGS.

       Congress finds the following:
       (1) The United States is a founding member of the World 
     Trade Organization (WTO) and is committed to ensuring that 
     the WTO remains an effective forum for peaceful economic 
     engagement.
       (2) Ukraine is a sovereign nation-state that is entitled to 
     enter into agreements with other sovereign states and to full 
     respect of its territorial integrity.
       (3) The United States will be unwavering in its support for 
     a secure, democratic, and sovereign Ukraine, free to choose 
     its own leaders and future.
       (4) Ukraine acceded to the Marrakesh Agreement Establishing 
     the World Trade Organization (WTO Agreement) and has been a 
     WTO member since 2008.
       (5) Ukraine's participation in the WTO Agreement creates 
     both rights and obligations vis-a-vis other WTO members.
       (6) The Russian Federation acceded to the WTO on August 22, 
     2012, becoming the 156th WTO member, and the Republic of 
     Belarus has applied to accede to the WTO.
       (7) From the date of its accession, the Russian Federation 
     committed to apply fully all provisions of the WTO.
       (8) The United States Congress authorized permanent normal 
     trade relations for the Russian Federation through the Russia 
     and Moldova Jackson-Vanik Repeal and Sergei Magnitsky Rule of 
     Law Accountability Act of 2012 (Public Law 112-208).
       (9) Ukraine communicated to the WTO General Council on 
     March 2, 2022, urging that all WTO members take action 
     against the Russian Federation and ``consider further steps 
     with the view to suspending the Russian Federation's 
     participation in the WTO for its violation of the purpose and 
     principles of this Organization''.
       (10) Vladimir Putin, a ruthless dictator, has led the 
     Russian Federation into a war of aggression against Ukraine, 
     which--
       (A) denies Ukraine and its people their collective rights 
     to independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity;
       (B) constitutes an emergency in international relations, 
     because it is a situation of armed conflict that threatens 
     the peace and security of all countries, including the United 
     States; and
       (C) denies Ukraine its rightful ability to participate in 
     international organizations, including the WTO.
       (11) The Republic of Belarus, also led by a ruthless 
     dictator, Aleksander Lukashenka, is providing important 
     material support to the Russian Federation's aggression.
       (12) The Russian Federation's exportation of goods in the 
     energy sector is central to its ability to wage its war of 
     aggression on Ukraine.
       (13) The United States, along with its allies and partners, 
     has responded to recent aggression by the Russian Federation 
     in Ukraine by imposing sweeping financial sanctions and 
     stringent export controls.
       (14) The United States cannot allow the consequences of the 
     Russian Federation's actions to go unaddressed, and must lead 
     fellow countries, in all fora, including the WTO, to impose 
     appropriate consequences for the Russian Federation's 
     aggression.

     SEC. 3. SUSPENSION OF NORMAL TRADE RELATIONS WITH THE RUSSIAN 
                   FEDERATION AND THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS.

       (a) Nondiscriminatory Tariff Treatment.--Notwithstanding 
     any other provision of law, beginning on the day after the 
     date of the enactment of this Act, the rates of duty set 
     forth in column 2 of the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the 
     United States shall apply to all products of the Russian 
     Federation and of the Republic of Belarus.
       (b) Authority to Proclaim Increased Column 2 Rates.--
       (1) In general.--The President may proclaim increases in 
     the rates of duty applicable to products of the Russian 
     Federation or the Republic of Belarus, above the rates set 
     forth in column 2 of the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the 
     United States.
       (2) Prior consultation.--The President shall, not later 
     than 5 calendar days before issuing any proclamation under 
     paragraph (1), consult with the Committee on Ways and Means 
     of the House of Representatives and the Committee on Finance 
     of the Senate regarding the basis for and anticipated impact 
     of the proposed increases to rates of duty described in 
     paragraph (1).
       (3) Termination.--The authority to issue proclamations 
     under this subsection shall terminate on January 1, 2024.

     SEC. 4. PROHIBITION ON IMPORTATION OF ENERGY PRODUCTS OF THE 
                   RUSSIAN FEDERATION.

       (a) In General.--Notwithstanding any other provision of 
     law, all products of the Russian Federation classified under 
     chapter 27 of the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United 
     States shall be banned from importation into the United 
     States, other than products imported on or before 11:59 p.m. 
     eastern daylight time on the date that is 45 days after the 
     date of the enactment of this Act.
       (b) Termination Upon Extension of Normal Trade Relations 
     With the Russian Federation.--The prohibition under 
     subsection (a) shall terminate on the date on which the 
     President grants permanent nondiscriminatory tariff treatment 
     (normal trade relations) to the products of the Russian 
     Federation pursuant to section 5(b)(3).

[[Page H1403]]

  


     SEC. 5. RESUMPTION OF APPLICATION OF HTS COLUMN 1 RATES OF 
                   DUTY AND RESTORATION OF NORMAL TRADE RELATIONS 
                   TREATMENT FOR THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE 
                   REPUBLIC OF BELARUS.

       (a) Temporary Application of HTS Column 1 Rates of Duty.--
       (1) In general.--Notwithstanding any other provision of law 
     (including the application of column 2 rates of duty under 
     section 3), the President is authorized to temporarily 
     resume, for one or more periods not to exceed 1 year each, 
     the application of the rates of duty set forth in column 1 of 
     the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States to the 
     products of the Russian Federation, the Republic of Belarus, 
     or both, if the President submits to Congress with respect to 
     either or both such countries a certification under 
     subsection (c) for each such period. Such action shall take 
     effect beginning on the date that is 90 calendar days after 
     the date of submission of such certification for such period, 
     unless there is enacted into law during such 90-day period a 
     joint resolution of disapproval.
       (2) Consultation and report.--The President shall, not 
     later than 45 calendar days before submitting a certification 
     under paragraph (1)--
       (A) consult with the Committee on Ways and Means of the 
     House of Representatives and the Committee on Finance of the 
     Senate; and
       (B) submit to both such committees a report that explains 
     the basis for the determination of the President contained in 
     such certification.
       (b) Restoration of Normal Trade Relations Treatment.--
       (1) In general.--The President is authorized to resume the 
     application of the rates of duty set forth in column 1 of the 
     Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States to the 
     products of the Russian Federation, the Republic of Belarus, 
     or both, if the President submits to Congress with respect to 
     either or both such countries a certification under 
     subsection (c). Such action shall take effect beginning on 
     the date that is 90 calendar days after the date of 
     submission of such certification, unless there is enacted 
     into law during such 90-day period a joint resolution of 
     disapproval.
       (2) Consultation and report.--The President shall, not 
     later than 45 calendar days before submitting a certification 
     under paragraph (1)--
       (A) consult with the Committee on Ways and Means of the 
     House of Representatives and the Committee on Finance of the 
     Senate; and
       (B) submit to both such committees a report that explains 
     the basis for the determination of the President contained in 
     such certification.
       (3) Products of the russian federation.--If the President 
     submits pursuant to paragraph (1) a certification under 
     subsection (c) with respect to the Russian Federation and a 
     joint resolution of disapproval is not enacted during the 90-
     day period described in that paragraph, the President may 
     grant permanent nondiscriminatory tariff treatment (normal 
     trade relations) to the products of the Russian Federation.
       (4) Products of the republic of belarus.--If the President 
     submits pursuant to paragraph (1) a certification under 
     subsection (c) with respect to the Republic of Belarus and a 
     joint resolution of disapproval is not enacted during the 90-
     day period described in that paragraph, the President may, 
     subject to the provisions of chapter 1 of title IV of the 
     Trade Act of 1974 (19 U.S.C. 2431 et seq.), grant 
     nondiscriminatory tariff treatment (normal trade relations) 
     to the products of the Republic of Belarus.
       (c) Certification.--A certification under this subsection 
     is a certification in writing that--
       (1) specifies the action proposed to be taken pursuant to 
     the certification and whether such action is pursuant to 
     subsection (a)(1) or (b)(1) of this section; and
       (2) contains a determination of the President that the 
     Russian Federation or the Republic of Belarus (or both)--
       (A) has withdrawn its forces and ceased all acts of 
     aggression against Ukraine;
       (B) poses no immediate threat of aggression to any North 
     Atlantic Treaty Organization ally or partner; and
       (C) recognizes a free and independent Ukraine, including 
     with respect to the ability of its people to choose their own 
     government.
       (d) Joint Resolution of Disapproval.--
       (1) Definition.--For purposes of this section, the term 
     ``joint resolution of disapproval'' means only a joint 
     resolution--
       (A) which does not have a preamble;
       (B) the title of which is as follows: ``Joint resolution 
     disapproving the President's certification under section 5(c) 
     of the Suspending Normal Trade Relations with Russia and 
     Belarus Act.''; and
       (C) the matter after the resolving clause of which is as 
     follows: ``That Congress disapproves the certification of the 
     President under section 5(c) of the Suspending Normal Trade 
     Relations with Russia and Belarus Act, submitted to Congress 
     on ___'', the blank space being filled in with the 
     appropriate date.
       (2) Introduction in the house of representatives.--During a 
     period of 5 legislative days beginning on the date that a 
     certification under section 5(c) is submitted to Congress, a 
     joint resolution of disapproval may be introduced in the 
     House of Representatives by the majority leader or the 
     minority leader.
       (3) Introduction in the senate.--During a period of 5 days 
     on which the Senate is in session beginning on the date that 
     a certification under section 5(c) is submitted to Congress, 
     a joint resolution of disapproval may be introduced in the 
     Senate by the majority leader (or the majority leader's 
     designee) or the minority leader (or the minority leader's 
     designee).
       (4) Floor consideration in the house of representatives.--
       (A) Reporting and discharge.--If a committee of the House 
     to which a joint resolution of disapproval has been referred 
     has not reported such joint resolution within 10 legislative 
     days after the date of referral, that committee shall be 
     discharged from further consideration thereof.
       (B) Proceeding to consideration.--Beginning on the third 
     legislative day after each committee to which a joint 
     resolution of disapproval has been referred reports it to the 
     House or has been discharged from further consideration 
     thereof, it shall be in order to move to proceed to consider 
     the joint resolution in the House. All points of order 
     against the motion are waived. Such a motion shall not be in 
     order after the House has disposed of a motion to proceed on 
     a joint resolution with regard to the same certification. The 
     previous question shall be considered as ordered on the 
     motion to its adoption without intervening motion. The motion 
     shall not be debatable. A motion to reconsider the vote by 
     which the motion is disposed of shall not be in order.
       (C) Consideration.--The joint resolution shall be 
     considered as read. All points of order against the joint 
     resolution and against its consideration are waived. The 
     previous question shall be considered as ordered on the joint 
     resolution to final passage without intervening motion except 
     two hours of debate equally divided and controlled by the 
     sponsor of the joint resolution (or a designee) and an 
     opponent. A motion to reconsider the vote on passage of the 
     joint resolution shall not be in order.
       (5) Consideration in the senate.--
       (A) Committee referral.--A joint resolution of disapproval 
     introduced in the Senate shall be referred to the Committee 
     on Finance.
       (B) Reporting and discharge.--If the Committee on Finance 
     has not reported such joint resolution of disapproval within 
     10 days on which the Senate is in session after the date of 
     referral of such joint resolution, that committee shall be 
     discharged from further consideration of such joint 
     resolution and the joint resolution shall be placed on the 
     appropriate calendar.
       (C) Motion to proceed.--Notwithstanding Rule XXII of the 
     Standing Rules of the Senate, it is in order at any time 
     after the Committee on Finance reports the joint resolution 
     of disapproval to the Senate or has been discharged from its 
     consideration (even though a previous motion to the same 
     effect has been disagreed to) to move to proceed to the 
     consideration of the joint resolution, and all points of 
     order against the joint resolution (and against consideration 
     of the joint resolution) shall be waived. The motion to 
     proceed is not debatable. The motion is not subject to a 
     motion to postpone. A motion to reconsider the vote by which 
     the motion is agreed to or disagreed to shall not be in 
     order. If a motion to proceed to the consideration of the 
     joint resolution of disapproval is agreed to, the joint 
     resolution shall remain the unfinished business until 
     disposed of.
       (D) Debate.--Debate on the joint resolution of disapproval, 
     and on all debatable motions and appeals in connection 
     therewith, shall be limited to not more than 10 hours, which 
     shall be divided equally between the majority and minority 
     leaders or their designees. A motion to further limit debate 
     is in order and not debatable. An amendment to, or a motion 
     to postpone, or a motion to proceed to the consideration of 
     other business, or a motion to recommit the joint resolution 
     of disapproval is not in order.
       (E) Vote on passage.--The vote on passage shall occur 
     immediately following the conclusion of the debate on the 
     joint resolution of disapproval and a single quorum call at 
     the conclusion of the debate, if requested in accordance with 
     the rules of the Senate.
       (F) Rules of the chair on procedure.--Appeals from the 
     decisions of the Chair relating to the application of the 
     rules of the Senate, as the case may be, to the procedure 
     relating to the joint resolution of disapproval shall be 
     decided without debate.
       (G) Consideration of veto messages.--Debate in the Senate 
     of any veto message with respect to the joint resolution of 
     disapproval, including all debatable motions and appeals in 
     connection with such joint resolution, shall be limited to 10 
     hours, to be equally divided between, and controlled by, the 
     majority leader and the minority leader or their designees.
       (6) Procedures in the senate.--Except as otherwise provided 
     in this subsection, the following procedures shall apply in 
     the Senate to a joint resolution of disapproval to which this 
     subsection applies:
       (A) Except as provided in subparagraph (B), a joint 
     resolution of disapproval that has passed the House of 
     Representatives shall, when received in the Senate, be 
     referred to the Committee on Finance for consideration in 
     accordance with this subsection.
       (B) If a joint resolution of disapproval to which this 
     section applies was introduced in the Senate before receipt 
     of a joint resolution of disapproval that has passed the 
     House of Representatives, the joint resolution from

[[Page H1404]]

     the House of Representatives shall, when received in the 
     Senate, be placed on the calendar. If this subparagraph 
     applies, the procedures in the Senate with respect to a joint 
     resolution of disapproval introduced in the Senate that 
     contains the identical matter as the joint resolution of 
     disapproval that passed the House of Representatives shall be 
     the same as if no joint resolution of disapproval had been 
     received from the House of Representatives, except that the 
     vote on passage in the Senate shall be on the joint 
     resolution of disapproval that passed the House of 
     Representatives.
       (7) Rules of the house of representatives and senate.--This 
     subsection is enacted by Congress--
       (A) as an exercise of the rulemaking power of the Senate 
     and the House of Representatives, respectively, and as such 
     are deemed a part of the rules of each House, respectively, 
     but applicable only with respect to the procedure to be 
     followed in that House in the case of legislation described 
     in those sections, and supersede other rules only to the 
     extent that they are inconsistent with such rules; and
       (B) with full recognition of the constitutional right of 
     either House to change the rules (so far as relating to the 
     procedure of that House) at any time, in the same manner, and 
     to the same extent as in the case of any other rule of that 
     House.

     SEC. 6. COOPERATION AND ACCOUNTABILITY AT THE WORLD TRADE 
                   ORGANIZATION.

       The United States Trade Representative shall use the voice 
     and influence of the United States at the WTO to--
       (1) condemn the recent aggression in Ukraine;
       (2) encourage other WTO members to suspend trade 
     concessions to the Russian Federation and the Republic of 
     Belarus;
       (3) consider further steps with the view to suspend the 
     Russian Federation's participation in the WTO; and
       (4) seek to halt the accession process of the Republic of 
     Belarus at the WTO and cease accession-related work.

     SEC. 7. REAUTHORIZATION OF GLOBAL MAGNITSKY HUMAN RIGHTS 
                   ACCOUNTABILITY ACT.

       Section 1265(a) of the Global Magnitsky Human Rights 
     Accountability Act (subtitle F of title XII of Public Law 
     114-328; 22 U.S.C. 2656 note) is amended by striking ``6 
     years'' and inserting ``12 years''.

     SEC. 8. ENERGY SECURITY PLAN.

       The Natural Gas Act is amended by inserting after section 
     3A (15 U.S.C. 717b-1) the following:


                         ``energy security plan

       ``Sec. 3B.  Not later than 30 days after the date of 
     enactment of this section, and biennially thereafter, the 
     President shall transmit to Congress an energy security plan 
     which shall include--
       ``(1) an evaluation of United States crude oil, petroleum 
     product, and natural gas imports and exports;
       ``(2) an energy security risk assessment, by country of 
     origin, of importing crude oil, petroleum products, and 
     natural gas to the United States; and
       ``(3) strategies, including changes to Federal policies and 
     regulations, to encourage increased domestic production of 
     crude oil, petroleum products, and natural gas in order to 
     offset any amounts of crude oil, petroleum products, and 
     natural gas imported to the United States from Russia.''.

     SEC. 9. KEYSTONE XL AUTHORIZATION.

       (a) Authorization.--TransCanada Keystone Pipeline, L.P., 
     may construct, connect, operate, and maintain the pipeline 
     facilities at the international border of the United States 
     and Canada at Phillips County, Montana, for the import of oil 
     from Canada to the United States described in the 
     Presidential Permit of March 29, 2019 (84 Fed. Reg. 13101).
       (b) No Presidential Permit Required.--No Presidential 
     permit (or similar permit) under Executive Order 13867 (3 
     U.S.C. 301 note; relating to the issuance of permits with 
     respect to facilities and land transportation crossings at 
     the international boundaries of the United States), Executive 
     Order 12038 (42 U.S.C. 7151 note; relating to the transfer of 
     certain functions to the Secretary of Energy), Executive 
     Order 10485 (15 U.S.C. 717b note; relating to the performance 
     of functions respecting electric power and natural gas 
     facilities located on United States borders), or any other 
     Executive order shall be required for the construction, 
     connection, operation, or maintenance of the pipeline 
     facilities described in subsection (a).

     SEC. 10. ADVANCING UNITED STATES GLOBAL LEADERSHIP.

       Section 3 of the Natural Gas Act (15 U.S.C. 717b) is 
     amended--
       (1) by striking subsections (a) through (c);
       (2) by redesignating subsections (e) and (f) as subsections 
     (a) and (b), respectively;
       (3) by redesignating subsection (d) as subsection (c), and 
     moving such subsection after subsection (b), as so 
     redesignated;
       (4) in subsection (a), as so redesignated, by amending 
     paragraph (1) to read as follows: ``(1) The Commission shall 
     have the exclusive authority to approve or deny an 
     application for the siting, construction, expansion, or 
     operation of a facility to export natural gas from the United 
     States to a foreign country or import natural gas from a 
     foreign country, including an LNG terminal. Except as 
     specifically provided in this Act, nothing in this Act is 
     intended to affect otherwise applicable law related to any 
     Federal agency's authorities or responsibilities related to 
     facilities to import or export natural gas, including LNG 
     terminals.''; and
       (5) by adding at the end the following new subsection:
       ``(d)(1) Nothing in this Act limits the authority of the 
     President under the Constitution, the International Emergency 
     Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.), the National 
     Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1601 et seq.), part B of title II 
     of the Energy Policy and Conservation Act (42 U.S.C. 6271 et 
     seq.), the Trading With the Enemy Act (50 U.S.C. 4301 et 
     seq.), or any other provision of law that imposes sanctions 
     on a foreign person or foreign government (including any 
     provision of law that prohibits or restricts United States 
     persons from engaging in a transaction with a sanctioned 
     person or government), including a country that is designated 
     as a state sponsor of terrorism, to prohibit imports or 
     exports.
       ``(2) In this subsection, the term `state sponsor of 
     terrorism' means a country the government of which the 
     Secretary of State determines has repeatedly provided support 
     for international terrorism pursuant to--
       ``(A) section 1754(c)(1)(A) of the Export Control Reform 
     Act of 2018 (50 U.S.C. 4318(c)(1)(A));
       ``(B) section 620A of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 
     (22 U.S.C. 2371);
       ``(C) section 40 of the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 
     2780); or
       ``(D) any other provision of law.''.

     SEC. 11. PROHIBITION ON MORATORIA OF NEW ENERGY LEASES ON 
                   CERTAIN FEDERAL LAND AND ON WITHDRAWAL OF 
                   FEDERAL LAND FROM ENERGY DEVELOPMENT.

       (a) Definitions.--In this section:
       (1) Critical mineral.--The term ``critical mineral'' means 
     any mineral included on the list of critical minerals 
     published in the notice of the Secretary of the Interior 
     entitled ``Final List of Critical Minerals 2018'' (83 Fed. 
     Reg. 23295 (May 18, 2018)).
       (2) Federal land.--
       (A) In general.--The term ``Federal land'' means--
       (i) National Forest System land;
       (ii) public lands (as defined in section 103 of the Federal 
     Land Policy and Management Act of 1976 (43 U.S.C. 1702));
       (iii) the outer Continental Shelf (as defined in section 2 
     of the Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act (43 U.S.C. 1331)); 
     and
       (iv) land managed by the Secretary of Energy.
       (B) Inclusion.--The term ``Federal land'' includes land 
     described in clauses (i) through (iv) of subparagraph (A) for 
     which the rights to the surface estate or subsurface estate 
     are owned by a non-Federal entity.
       (3) President.--The term ``President'' means the President 
     or any designee, including--
       (A) the Secretary of Agriculture;
       (B) the Secretary of Energy; and
       (C) the Secretary of the Interior.
       (b) Prohibitions.--
       (1) In general.--Notwithstanding any other provision of 
     law, the President shall not carry out any action that would 
     prohibit or substantially delay the issuance of any of the 
     following on Federal land, unless such an action has been 
     authorized by an Act of Congress:
       (A) New oil and gas leases, drill permits, approvals, or 
     authorizations.
       (B) New coal leases, permits, approvals, or authorizations.
       (C) New hard rock leases, permits, approvals, or 
     authorizations.
       (D) New critical minerals leases, permits, approvals, or 
     authorizations.
       (2) Prohibition on withdrawal.--Notwithstanding any other 
     provision of law, the President shall not withdraw any 
     Federal land from forms of entry, appropriation, or disposal 
     under the public land laws, location, entry, and patent under 
     the mining laws, or disposition under laws pertaining to 
     mineral and geothermal leasing or mineral materials unless 
     the withdrawal has been authorized by an Act of Congress.

     SEC. 12. OIL AND NATURAL GAS LEASING.

       (a) Onshore Lease Sales.--
       (1) Requirement to immediately resume onshore oil and gas 
     lease sales.--
       (A) In general.--The Secretary of the Interior (referred to 
     in this Act as the ``Secretary'') shall immediately resume 
     oil and gas lease sales in compliance with the Mineral 
     Leasing Act (30 U.S.C. 181 et seq.).
       (B) Requirement.--The Secretary shall ensure that any oil 
     and gas lease sale under subparagraph (A) is conducted 
     immediately on completion of all applicable scoping, public 
     comment, and environmental analysis requirements under the 
     Mineral Leasing Act (30 U.S.C. 181 et seq.) and the National 
     Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (42 U.S.C. 4321 et seq.).
       (2) Annual lease sales.--
       (A) In general.--Notwithstanding any other provision of 
     law, in accordance with the Mineral Leasing Act (30 U.S.C. 
     181 et seq.), beginning in fiscal year 2022, the Secretary 
     shall conduct a minimum of 4 oil and natural gas lease sales 
     annually in each of the following States:
       (i) Wyoming.
       (ii) New Mexico.
       (iii) Colorado.
       (iv) Utah.
       (v) Montana.
       (vi) North Dakota.
       (vii) Oklahoma.
       (viii) Nevada.
       (ix) Any other State in which there is land available for 
     oil and natural gas leasing under that Act.

[[Page H1405]]

       (B) Requirement.--In conducting a lease sale under 
     subparagraph (A) in a State described in that subparagraph, 
     the Secretary shall offer all parcels eligible for oil and 
     gas development under the resource management plan in effect 
     for the State.
       (C) Replacement sales.--If, for any reason, a lease sale 
     under subparagraph (A) for a calendar year is canceled, 
     delayed, or deferred, including for a lack of eligible 
     parcels, the Secretary shall conduct a replacement sale 
     during the same calendar year.
       (b) Offshore Lease Sales.--
       (1) In general.--The Secretary shall conduct all lease 
     sales described in the 2017-2022 Outer Continental Shelf Oil 
     and Gas Leasing Proposed Final Program (November 2016) that 
     have not been conducted as of the date of enactment of this 
     Act by not later than December 31, 2022.
       (2) Gulf of mexico region annual lease sales.--
     Notwithstanding any other provision of law, beginning in 
     fiscal year 2022, the Secretary shall conduct a minimum of 2 
     region-wide oil and natural gas lease sales annually in the 
     Gulf of Mexico Region of the outer Continental Shelf, which 
     shall include the following areas described the 2017-2022 
     Outer Continental Shelf Oil and Gas Leasing Proposed Final 
     Program (November 2016):
       (A) The Central Gulf of Mexico Planning Area.
       (B) The Western Gulf of Mexico Planning Area.
       (3) Alaska region annual lease sales.--Notwithstanding any 
     other provision of law, beginning in fiscal year 2022, the 
     Secretary shall conduct a minimum of 2 region-wide oil and 
     natural gas lease sales annually in the Alaska Region of the 
     outer Continental Shelf, as described the 2017-2022 Outer 
     Continental Shelf Oil and Gas Leasing Proposed Final Program 
     (November 2016).
       (4) Requirements.--In conducting lease sales under 
     paragraphs (2) and (3) the Secretary shall--
       (A) issue leases to the highest responsible qualified 
     bidder or bidders; and
       (B) include in each lease sale all unleased areas that are 
     not subject to restrictions as of the date of the lease sale.
       (5) Outer continental shelf oil and gas leasing program.--
     Section 18 of the Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act (43 
     U.S.C. 1344) is amended--
       (A) in subsection (a), in the first sentence of the matter 
     preceding paragraph (1), by striking ``subsections (c) and 
     (d) of this section'' and inserting ``subsections (c) through 
     (f)'';
       (B) by redesignating subsections (f) through (h) as 
     subsections (g) through (i), respectively; and
       (C) by inserting after subsection (e) the following:
       ``(f) Subsequent Leasing Programs.--
       ``(1) In general.--Not later than 36 months after 
     conducting the first lease sale under an oil and gas leasing 
     program prepared pursuant to this section, the Secretary 
     shall begin preparing the subsequent oil and gas leasing 
     program under this section.
       ``(2) Requirement.--Each subsequent oil and gas leasing 
     program under this section shall be approved not later than 
     180 days before the expiration of the previous oil and gas 
     leasing program.''.

     SEC. 13. STRATEGIC PRODUCTION RESPONSE PLAN.

       Section 161 of the Energy Policy and Conservation Act (42 
     U.S.C. 6241) is amended by adding at the end the following 
     new subsection:
       ``(k) Plan.--
       ``(1) In general.--Except in the case of a severe energy 
     supply interruption described in subsection (d), the 
     Secretary may not execute the first drawdown of petroleum 
     products in the Reserve after the date of enactment of this 
     subsection, whether through sale, exchange, or loan, until 
     the Secretary has developed a plan to increase the percentage 
     of Federal lands (including submerged lands of the Outer 
     Continental Shelf) under the jurisdiction of the Secretary of 
     Agriculture, the Secretary of Energy, the Secretary of the 
     Interior, and the Secretary of Defense leased for oil and gas 
     production by the same percentage as the percentage of 
     petroleum in the Strategic Petroleum Reserve that is to be 
     drawn down in that first and subsequent drawdowns, subject to 
     the limitation under paragraph (2).
       ``(2) Limitation.--The plan required by paragraph (1) shall 
     not provide for a total increase in the percentage of Federal 
     lands described in paragraph (1) leased for oil and gas 
     production in excess of 10 percent.
       ``(3) Consultation.--The Secretary shall prepare the plan 
     required by paragraph (1) in consultation with the Secretary 
     of Agriculture, the Secretary of the Interior, and the 
     Secretary of Defense.''.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule XIX, the 
previous question is ordered on the motion to recommit.
  The question is on the motion to recommit.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the noes appeared to have it.
  Mr. BRADY. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution 
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
  Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further proceedings on this question 
are postponed.

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