[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 37 (Tuesday, March 1, 2022)]
[Senate]
[Pages S856-S872]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




    POSTAL SERVICE REFORM ACT OF 2022--Motion to Proceed--Continued

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kansas.
  Mr. MORAN. Madam President, as the Senate process on the Postal 
Service Reform Act is underway, I want to rise today to highlight the 
daily impact the U.S. Postal Service has on folks back home, 
particularly in rural Kansas.
  Many Americans rely upon the U.S. Postal Service. When a special 
occasion arises, they will send a card to a loved one. And while 
receiving a letter or a card, a gift in the mail--instead of a text 
message or email these days--brings lots of people lots of joy and a 
connection to people, the U.S. Postal Service holds a very different 
role for so many Kansans living in rural America.
  Its services are ingrained in the daily routines and lifestyles of 
our rural communities. Men and women of our communities gather at the 
post office. They see their friends and neighbors when they go to get 
their mail at the mailbox at the post office. Everything from 
celebrating birthdays and weddings to supporting the town's economy, to 
even providing lifesaving assistance during a natural disaster or 
global pandemic revolves around the post office.
  Rod Holub, former president of the Kansas State Association of Letter 
Carriers, reminded me of a supercell tornado that hit Manhattan, KS, in 
June 2008. There was no electronic communication available, and the 
only reliable way to communicate was the post office. One of the first 
people allowed in the affected area was Rod, the postal carrier.
  Kansans living in Manhattan at the time have told me stories of how 
Rod assured every family that they would still be able to connect to 
their mail service since electronic communications were down, and it 
would be a while before they could be restored. Insurance claim 
information and legal documents were going to be vital in rebuilding 
their lives, and Rod ensured safe, secure, and timely delivery of those 
documents.
  Similar situations occurred in the communities of Reading and 
Greensburg when natural disasters cut off their access to the local 
post office. When natural disasters wreak havoc in Kansas, a priority 
in the aftermath is helping to ensure postal operations resume quickly 
for Kansans who lost almost everything. In both of the cases of 
Greensburg and Reading, the Postal Service worked quickly with the 
communities to reestablish mail service and provide a method of 
communication to rebuild from the destruction.
  It is often a neglected fact that the U.S. Postal Service letter 
carriers are the protective eyes and ears of the neighborhood, often 
going the extra mile to aid a customer in need of assistance. One such 
story occurred when a Kansas letter carrier discovered a customer 
confined to a wheelchair in the heat of summer and without air-
conditioning, a fan, or a ramp to get in and out of their home. The 
Kansas letter carrier took it upon herself to rally the neighbors who 
all provided the customer with a window AC unit, a fan, and had a ramp 
built.
  Much of the benefits of the Postal Service Reform Act will be halting 
the service reductions Kansans have been subjected to for the past 15 
years. Dozens of post offices across the State have closed and multiple 
rural processing facilities in Dodge City, Colby, Hays, Salina, Topeka, 
and Fort Scott were shuttered. Now, if you live in many parts of 
Western Kansas or Eastern or Southeast Kansas, your mail is processed 
someplace far away--North Platte, NE; Amarillo, TX. There are only two 
processing facilities that remain in our State. The impact of these 
closures and consolidations disproportionately affect rural Kansans in 
both service reductions and lost jobs.
  Congressional action on the postal reform legislation will allow the 
U.S. Postal Service to continue serving rural America without fear of 
imminent service reductions that will further isolate rural 
communities. The solution to the post office's financial circumstances 
can't simply be eliminating service, reducing service. To ensure that 
the U.S. Postal Service maintains its vital services, I urge my 
colleagues to support and vote for the Postal Service Reform Act.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Idaho.


                   Unanimous Consent Request--S. 3652

  Mr. RISCH. Madam President, I rise today to discuss Russia's invasion 
of Ukraine, and in a moment, I am going to ask unanimous consent to 
pass some legislation which has been kicking around here for a while 
and is way overdue.
  What we have witnessed over the past 5 days is a flagrant act of 
unprovoked aggression perpetrated by Russia against Ukraine.
  The world we are living in today is different from the one we lived 
in last week. For months, I, along with my Senate colleagues on both 
sides of the aisle, have watched the conflict inch closer and closer.
  The intelligence community provided accurate and clear information on 
the situation, and for this, I commend them. I also commend them for 
releasing the vast majority, if not all of the information they had in 
an attempt to deter Putin. That didn't work. However, there is no 
question, we should have taken action sooner rather than later, and it 
is time to do so now in a much more aggressive fashion.
  In preparation for this invasion, many of my Senate colleagues and I 
drafted hard-hitting sanctions and called repeatedly for more lethal 
assistance for months. We used all leverage at our disposal to pressure 
the administration to take sufficient action, but despite our actions, 
our efforts, it didn't happen. Certainly, some military assistance was 
provided, but it is hard not to think that if we had expedited Javelin 
and Stinger deliveries last year and let our allies move more equipment 
sooner, the Ukrainians would be making the Russians pay a much higher 
price.
  Right now, Ukraine desperately needs the support of the international 
community. It needs us to sanction Russia, to punish its government for 
this unjustified attack. These Ukrainian heroes need more weapons, 
armor, and supplies to fight back the Russian invaders and preserve the 
lives of its population.
  The Biden administration was well-intentioned in pursuit of a 
diplomatic resolution for Russia's aggression, but the administration 
was wrong to oppose our congressional efforts to impose even tougher 
sanctions that were essential to make our deterrence credible. 
President Biden made it clear that maximum economic sanctions would 
only come after Putin invaded. The administration's promise that the 
threat of sanctions would be enough to deter Putin was a mistake. Look 
where we are now. Diplomacy has failed. The invasion has happened.
  While sanctions have now been levied on Russia, there is still room 
for more robust sanctions in order get Putin to pull back. I have 
always said I am all in on all of the above when it comes to Ukraine 
and Russia.
  I am happy to support legislation proposed by my Democrat colleagues, 
but the Senate must take the lead and mandate the massive economic 
sanctions that President Biden and his officials committed to.
  The NYET Act, which I introduced 2 weeks ago with numerous 
cosponsors,

[[Page S857]]

contains the tough sanctions that will bring the hammer down on Putin 
and his regime and provide the assistance that Ukrainians need now. It 
is based on the bipartisan negotiations that took place over the last 2 
months and includes many measures that have been endorsed by Members on 
both sides of the aisle.
  To be clear, I understand that my friends on the other side are going 
to object to this; nonetheless, a good number of the things they 
suggested are in this bill.
  The NYET Act places sanctions on Russia's lucrative mining, mineral, 
and oil and gas sectors--actions that the administration thus far has 
refused to take. This needs to be done, and we haven't received an 
explanation as to why they haven't done it. It punishes Russian and 
Belarusian Government and military officials for their horrific actions 
and will expose the full extent of Putin and his cronies on the left.
  The bill sanctions 12 of the largest Russian banks and critically 
also imposes secondary sanctions on them--something the administration 
has yet to do. Secondary sanctions are critical to hurting the Russian 
economy. They force the world's financial institutions to make a choice 
between Russia and Western markets. They will choose the West. Indeed, 
for their own good, they must choose the West. Russia will be isolated.
  When it comes to sanctions, I want to thank Senator Toomey for 
helping on that part of this bill, and he is going to talk about them 
in just a minute for just a period of time.
  NYET also increases the funding for military assistance to Ukraine, 
as well as other Eastern European nations, to Radio Free Europe, to 
Radio Liberty, the Global Engagement Center, and refills the 
President's drawdown account.
  It also establishes a new Ukrainian resistance fund to help Ukraine 
continue to resist attempts to occupy or subjugate any new territory 
Russia seizes, while sending a clear message to Putin that his military 
will pay a price for advances into sovereign Ukrainian territory. Their 
resistance has been nothing short of awe-inspiring; that is, the 
Ukrainian people themselves. We need to help them, and this bill, the 
NYET Act, will do exactly that.
  I hope my colleagues across the aisle will put aside partisanship and 
join us today by passing this bill, which will impose crippling 
sanctions on Russia's most powerful people and which will support the 
people of Ukraine. All of us are moved by the Ukrainian people and 
their fight for freedom. I know my Democrat colleagues can and have 
supported nearly all of these concepts at one time or another. I ask 
them to join me today.
  This is the most deliberative body in the world, we always say. Well, 
we have overdeliberated, and it is time to act.
  I yield the floor to Senator Toomey.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Pennsylvania.
  Mr. TOOMEY. Madam President, I want to thank the ranking member of 
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee for the work he has done on this 
for years.
  I just want to make a couple of points here. One is--it is a very 
hard point to make, but I think we ought to be candid, and that is, 
there is a very real danger that the Russian military will eventually 
prevail. Let's be honest. They are much larger. They have far more 
resources. The Ukrainians are putting up an absolutely historic and 
heroic fight, but it is not clear that they can hold on indefinitely.
  So what should we be doing in light of that fact and the 
circumstances we have? I completely agree with Senator Risch. We have 
an obligation, in my mind, to provide the resources that we can. We are 
doing that. This legislation would go further.
  There is one other thing we can do that I think is extremely 
important as well, and that is, establish as a goal that as soon as 
possible, Vladimir Putin come to regret this decision. It is extremely 
important, in my mind, that Putin and all of the other authoritarians 
and bullies and dictators around the world see this invasion of Ukraine 
as a terrible, strategic mistake for Russia to have made because if 
they don't conclude that this was a mistake, then it doesn't end with 
Ukraine.
  So how do we ensure that this is universally recognized, including by 
Putin and those who would like to emulate him? How do we make sure they 
see it as the mistake that we believe it is? There is one way to do 
this: We bring the Russian economy to its knees. And we have the 
ability to do that, but we have chosen not to do so thus far.
  Now, I am pleased to see the administration moving in the direction 
of sanctioning. I am pleased that many of our European allies have 
taken steps to go in this direction. But until we shut down the main 
source of revenue for Putin and his war machine, we will not have 
accomplished what we need to accomplish.
  This legislation does that. Among other things, it directly imposes 
the sanctions on the oil and gas industry--the industry that is 60 
percent of all Russian exports, 40 percent of government revenue, and 
more than 20 percent of the entire economy. It goes after this source 
of cash to fund the war-fighting machine directly with sanctions, but 
it also does it in an indirect fashion that is very important, and I 
want to touch on this.
  This legislation imposes what we call secondary sanctions on the 
Russian banking sector. Why is that important? We have all heard that 
some Russian banks are going to be excluded from the SWIFT system. That 
is true, and that is constructive; however, it is not dispositive by 
any means.
  The SWIFT system is just a communication system. There is no money 
actually transferred on SWIFT. Payments aren't made. If we deny Russian 
banks access to SWIFT, we don't deny them the ability to conduct 
business, the ability to move money on behalf of oligarchs and the oil 
and gas industry. We don't cut off the flow of revenue to Putin, not 
just by kicking them off SWIFT. We make it inconvenient for them, but 
there are workarounds that you can use to get around the obstacles.
  What we need to do and what we do in this legislation is we make a 
very simple proposition to the entire world. Banks all around the world 
will understand that if this legislation becomes law, they have a 
choice to make: They can do business with Russian banks or they can do 
business with the United States of America, but they can't do both. 
That is not a tough decision for the world's banks. The overwhelming 
majority and all of the significant ones will choose to do business 
with the United States. That shuts down the Russian banking industry. 
That shuts down the revenue stream for Vladimir Putin. That shuts down 
the money that is funding this appalling, atrocious military campaign.
  Are there any consequences to us? It is possible that for some period 
of time, there would be somewhat higher energy prices. We don't import 
very many Russian energy products. We shouldn't be importing any at 
this point. We don't import much. But the fact is, we can make up for a 
disruption in supply by enhancing our own production and encouraging an 
increase on the part of swing producers who are much more closely 
allied with us than with the Russians.
  The Ukrainian people and the Ukrainian people's elected leaders have 
been absolutely heroic. They are fighting for their very lives. And, as 
I say, if Putin does not conclude that this was all a very big mistake, 
then it doesn't end with Ukraine.
  I join my colleagues in urging the adoption of this legislation.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Florida.
  Mr. SCOTT of Florida. Madam President, I thank my colleagues Senators 
Risch and Toomey for their leadership on these efforts.
  Americans are watching Russia's invasion into Ukraine, and they are 
looking to us for leadership. As an evil tyrant wages war, they are 
asking how our government will respond. So here we are. Congress is in 
session, and Senator Schumer has placed the world's most pressing issue 
on the back burner. What could be more important than supporting a 
fellow democracy under attack against a thug whose goal is to control 
as much of Europe as he can? A postal reform bill and a radical 
abortion bill.
  The freedom, wealth, and resources of Europe are under attack. 
Senator Schumer wants to use our time to ensure more unborn babies can 
be killed and pass a postal reform bill that doesn't actually provide 
any long-term reform for America's postal workers.

[[Page S858]]

  And for what? So that President Biden has some progressive talking 
points he can use during his speech?
  This is wrong. Even Switzerland, which has spent decades with a 
strong sense of neutrality, took decisive action this week and froze 
the assets of Putin and his thugs.
  The Ukrainian people are being pushed out of their country and are 
losing their lives as they bravely defend their homes. We are hearing 
stories of Ukrainian grandfathers taking up arms to defend their 
families. Why can the Senate not come to work ready to take on the 
gross attacks by Putin?
  He is threatening to use nuclear weapons, and he is threatening NATO 
members with cyber attacks and subversion. Yet Senator Schumer wants to 
put the Senate's focus elsewhere.
  And we all know that the Postal Service is not in dire straits. It 
will continue delivering the mail this week, next week, and the week 
after.
  But the same cannot be said about the continued self-rule of Ukraine 
or peace and stability in Europe as Putin threatens to expand this war. 
That is why Senator Risch and I sent a letter to Senator Schumer asking 
he delay bringing up the postal reform bill and prioritize our support 
for the people of Ukraine.
  When Putin is threatening to undo our global order and seize further 
control of wealth and power across Europe, Congress must act swiftly 
and severely. Placing any other legislation, especially a bill which 
does not address any urgent issues, ahead of addressing the turmoil in 
Europe is dereliction of our duty to the American people and a betrayal 
of our responsibility to stand for freedom and support the world's 
democracies.
  At a time like this, we need to be clear about our priorities. First, 
the United States must continue to work with our allies and partners to 
destroy the Russian economy and levy devastating sanctions against the 
Russian oligarchy and Putin's thugs and cronies, both in and outside of 
the Kremlin.
  Second, the United States must supply Ukraine with every weapon 
needed and continue to work with our allies and partners to deliver 
resources to Ukraine's military and the Ukrainian people.
  Third, we must prioritize and increase our own defense spending to 
ensure maximum military readiness as we face both communist China and 
Putin's aggression. Now is not the time for weakness or any compromise 
of America's national defense capabilities.
  Fourth, we must also immediately ban Russian aircraft from using 
American airspace.
  Fifth, the Biden administration must immediately roll back its failed 
Green New Deal policies and take action to boost U.S. energy production 
and independence. They should restart the Keystone XL Pipeline and stop 
purchasing oil from Russia.
  Sixth, all lobbyists currently working with the Russian Government, 
Russian oligarchs, and other Russian interests should immediately 
cancel their contracts. The same goes for those representing countries 
that refuse to condemn Russia's invasion or are aiding Russia's 
attempts to evade sanctions. It is inexcusable for any American to be 
lobbying on behalf of Putin's evil regime or those supporting it.
  Seventh, all State and local governments should take every action 
possible to end their relationship with Russian Federal and local 
governments and with Russian-owned businesses. A number of States and 
local governments have already taken this step, and we applaud their 
leadership.
  Finally, every American should take care to not purchase Russian-made 
products. Just like with communist China, buying products made in 
Russia will only fuel Putin's war. One of the best tools America has at 
its disposal is our ability to destroy the Russian economy and inflict 
maximum pain on Putin and his oligarch thugs.
  Now is a time for all Americans to come together in defense of 
freedom and democracy, and the Senate must lead by example.
  That is why I am proud to work with my colleague from Idaho on the 
Never Yielding Europe's Territory Act, or the NYET Act, to provide the 
critical support Ukraine needs to defend itself and deter Russian 
aggression, while imposing real costs on the Kremlin for its ongoing 
aggression against Ukraine.
  The Senate should act immediately on this bill. American leadership 
is needed now more than ever, and taking these steps now is how we as a 
nation stand up against evil. Until this conflict is over, supporting 
Ukraine and making the horrific war as painful as possible for Putin 
and his evil regime must be our top focus.
  I yield the floor to Senator Risch.
  Mr. RISCH. Madam President, in closing, let me say, Ukrainians are 
dying. They are dying in a heroic fight; in a classic David versus 
Goliath fight. We can do something. We should do something. We have 
talked and talked; we have debated; and it is time to act.
  I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Foreign Relations be 
discharged from further consideration of S. 3652 and the Senate proceed 
to its immediate consideration. I further ask that the bill be 
considered read a third time and passed and that the motion to 
reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  The Senator from Connecticut.
  Mr. MURPHY. Madam President, reserving the right to object.
  First of all, let me agree with my Republican colleagues. We stand in 
awe today of the Ukrainian people, of President Zelenskyy, of the 
Ukrainian military. They have given the Russians more than they thought 
was coming. They have stood up a defense and are resistant. The world 
has watched with admiration, and the jury is, frankly, still out as to 
whether the Russians can make good on their plans, given how fierce the 
Ukrainians have fought.
  And I have been proud to stand with my colleagues on this floor as we 
have delivered additional aid to Ukraine, as we have made sure they 
have had the Javelins and the Stingers necessary to protect themselves. 
I have been proud to visit Ukraine with many of my colleagues here 
today, and we are going to continue to stand with the Ukrainian people.
  But I want to make two points today with respect to the effort that 
has been undertaken by my good friend, the ranking member of the 
Foreign Relations Committee.
  First, let me make a specific point on the merits of the bill that is 
being proposed here today.
  Passing this bill with no committee process, no amendments, no debate 
would be a terrible idea. What this bill does, essentially, is to 
shatter American unity with Europe, with Japan, with South Korea, with 
all the allies that have stood with us over the course of this past 
week.
  President Biden spent the last 2 months methodically building a 
never-before-seen coalition of nations to impose the most significant 
set of sanctions ever seen, and this bill would undo that.
  Why? Because this would mandate that the United States impose certain 
new sanctions over Europe's objection. It calls for the United States 
to abandon our policy of focusing on multilateral sanctions and start 
over with unilateral sanctions. Why is that a terrible idea? Well, 
first, because unilateral sanctions just aren't as effective as 
multilateral sanctions are. When you are talking about energy policy, 
you want the Europeans with you because that is where the Russian 
energy ends up. Without Europe, going at it alone, it makes the United 
States look weak, and the sanctions just aren't as effective.
  But second, this bill is a bad idea because breaking with Europe and 
our NATO partners right now--that is exactly what Vladimir Putin wants. 
Yes, he wants to control Ukraine, but what he wants more is to smash 
the transatlantic alliance to pieces. He sees the invasion of Ukraine 
as a wedge that will cause America to squabble and break with our 
allies. Putin is setting a trap for us, and this bill would have us 
walk right into that trap.
  Third, let's be clear. With a couple of small exceptions, President 
Biden has already done everything that this bill calls for and more. 
This bill calls for sanctions on those responsible for the buildup of 
forces around Ukraine. The administration has imposed sanctions on 
Vladimir Putin, Foreign Minister Lavrov, 13 other members of Russia's 
Security Council.
  This bill calls for sanctions on Nord Stream 2. Nord Stream 2 is 
done.

[[Page S859]]

Thanks to the committed diplomatic efforts of the Biden administration, 
the German Government has put an end to Nord Stream 2, and we have 
applied the sanctions.
  This bill calls for sanctions on oligarchs. Biden did that with our 
allies, and he went further. He launched a task force that is going to 
identify, freeze, and take from Russian oligarchs their assets.
  This bill calls for sanctions on financial institutions. The 
administration has already targeted all 10 of Russia's largest 
financial institutions, which hold more than three-quarters of the 
Russian financial sector's total assets.
  This bill calls for a prohibition on investment in occupied Ukrainian 
territory. President Biden did that on the first day of the war.
  This bill calls for sanctioning transactions involving the Russian 
sovereign debt. President Biden did that on the second day of the war.
  This bill calls for sanctions on Belarus. President Biden levied 
sanctions on 24 Belarusian individuals, 2 state-owned banks, and 13 of 
the country's industries.
  President Biden has put together a sanctions package that is 
sweeping, that is unprecedented, that is breaking the back of the 
Russian economy. So why are we down here on the floor engaged in this 
back-and-forth?

  And that brings me to my second point, a broader one. It used to be 
that the all-consuming politics of this town sometimes would take a 
break when the crisis was big enough. Sometimes they would stop at the 
water's edge. This was the case in 2001 when this country was attacked.
  Republicans were in charge of the White House and both Houses of 
Congress, and Democrats certainly had the choice to blame the attack on 
President Bush to try to score political points. Democrats could have 
come down to the floor to offer partisan bills. Democrats in the Senate 
could have used their minority prerogatives to block Bush's national 
security nominees.
  But that is not what happened in 2001. Democrats and Republicans came 
together because, at that moment, patriotism, the love of your country, 
the defense of your country was more important than politics or party.
  Now, today, the shoe is on the other foot. Democrats control the 
White House, the House, and the Senate. And while our Nation wasn't 
attacked last week, I would argue that this moment is the most perilous 
that the United States and the world has faced, certainly since 2001, 
but given the nuclear stakes involved in a conflict with Russia, 
perhaps the most perilous since the Cuban Missile Crisis.
  Now, I get it. The professional outrage machine that dominates 
American politics today has deluded a lot of folks in the Congress into 
believing that unity is weakness; that putting your country over party 
is an anachronism. But I don't believe that.
  I believe that sometimes the stakes are so high that you have got to 
put aside your politics--at least temporarily--put aside your 
disagreements and get behind your government.
  Now, let's be honest. As this crisis has grown in seriousness, over 
and over again Republicans have had the chance to do what Democrats did 
in 2001: elevate loyalty to country.
  But all through 2021, even as Senators were made aware of Russia's 
plans to invade Ukraine, Senators Cruz and Hawley and a few others 
continued to put politics first by blocking every single national 
security nominee who came before this body, including those nominees 
who would have been working to try to help Ukraine and stop the Russian 
invasion.
  Last month, Republicans and Democrats were working on a bipartisan 
bill to support Ukraine in its time of need. Those negotiations were 
difficult, but instead of staying at the table, Republicans walked away 
with virtually no notice to Democrats and introduced this bill, with 
only Republicans supporting it.
  And now, instead of rallying behind a President who has shocked the 
world by uniting friends and foes behind an unprecedented set of 
crippling sanctions against Russia, Republicans are down here on the 
floor, not more than a week since the Russian invasion began, to 
highlight their grievances with the President's policies.
  Russia invaded less than a week ago. We returned to Washington last 
night, and instead of deciding to sit down with Republicans today and 
work on agreeing on a package of support for Ukraine, like the one that 
President Biden has requested, Republicans have instead chosen to spend 
today, our first day back in the Senate since the invasion, playing 
politics, trying to force a vote on a bill that they wrote, that not a 
single Democrat supports, that everybody knows is not going to pass, 
has no chance of passing.
  Now, we could do the same thing. Democrats could just put a bill on 
the floor that we all negotiated with ourselves and force Republicans 
to vote on it. We could choose to use this week to highlight the 
differences between Republicans and Democrats, but we are not going to 
do that because our priority is to try to work together with our 
Republican colleagues to find unity--unity--at this moment; to not use 
the first day that we are back in session since the invasion began to 
highlight the differences between our two parties.
  And, frankly, when I look at what Republicans have been calling on 
President Biden to do, I don't see a lot of daylight. I don't see a lot 
of reason for complaint. I don't see the imperative to come down here 
and highlight the differences.
  Nord Stream 2 is gone. It is not happening. SWIFT sanctions, 
previously opposed by Europe, are now happening. Russian banks are 
being crippled. Assets of Russian oligarchs are being seized. Vladimir 
Putin is being personally sanctioned. Embargoes are being put on key 
technologies sent into Russia.
  The set of sanctions that President Biden announced--it goes further 
than what most all observers and pundits predicted. It is frankly 
stunning how successful President Biden's diplomacy has been.
  And it just strains all credibility for Republicans to suddenly claim 
that this diplomacy is irrelevant and all these countries are going to 
impose these sanctions even if President Biden did nothing.
  I wish my colleagues could see the seriousness of this moment and the 
need for us to focus our energies on coming together instead of playing 
into our enemy's hands and showing our differences at this moment.
  Our President has rallied the world to this fight. Vladimir Putin is 
reeling, but we are forced to spend time today debating a partisan bill 
introduced by only one party that has no chance of passage because 
today on this floor scoring political points seems more important than 
finding a way to come together--to come together with the President, 
with both parties around our support for Ukraine.
  And for those reasons, I object.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard.
  The Senator from Idaho.
  Mr. RISCH. Madam President, in rebuttal to my good friend's comments, 
first of all, let me say that a number of the things I do take 
exception with--for instance, his statement that if we pass this we are 
going to somehow shatter the unanimity with which the world has come 
together to impose this. Nothing could be further from the truth.
  Certainly, the sanctions that we have put on have been in conjunction 
with a lot of our allies and a lot of our partners. Simply putting on 
secondary sanctions--again, in conjunction with our allies and our 
partners--will not in any way shatter that at all.
  My good friend says, ``Why are we here on the floor today?''
  Senator, I would say, the reason we are on the floor today is, it is 
not enough.
  Now, you said I came down here to criticize the President. I did not 
criticize the President in anything I said. I applaud the action he has 
taken. I want him to take more.
  We have a convoy that is 40 miles long that is headed for Kyiv. Now, 
that convoy started out after all of these sanctions that the President 
put in place had taken effect. The banks, as you know, shut down--at 
least temporarily--in Russia. They closed their stock market. They have 
done a number of things, but it is not enough. We need to toughen up.
  As you know, I have talked and talked and talked with the 
administration to try to get them to embrace secondary sanctions 
because it is the secondary sanctions that are truly going

[[Page S860]]

to shut the thing down lock, stock, and barrel; and Putin is going to 
have to answer to his people if we do get it shut down.
  Look, this is not partisan. I am not here to try to drive a wedge in 
the party. And as you know, your party had substantial input into the 
NYET Act that we have here. The chairman of the committee, I think, 
negotiated in good faith as we put this together. I have told him that 
personally. I have said that publicly.
  The fact is, we came very close to the bill, and the NYET bill is 
very close to what we agreed to, but we couldn't come together on the 
last few things; and that is, a permanent shutdown of Nord Stream 2--
not just the sanctions that are in place on a temporary basis, but a 
permanent shutdown--and on secondary sanctions, which we believe will 
be the final nail in the coffin for the economy in Russia.
  So, again, I answer the question asked: Why are we here? We are here 
because it is not enough. The convoys are continuing. There are tens of 
thousands of more Russian soldiers that are entering Ukraine. They are 
having a tough, tough time of it.
  I agree with Senator Toomey. You know, you sit here, and you see what 
is going on. The question you have to ask is: How long can the 
Ukrainians hold out? We want them to hold out.
  There are provisions in this act, as you know, that provide 
additional help for the Ukrainians themselves. But most importantly, 
what it will do is it will flat shut down the economy in Russia.
  In addition to that, you and I discussed, I think, the fact that we 
can never use sanctions in a manner where we or our allies get hurt 
worse than the enemy does or, for that matter, to any great extent. 
That is why there are waivers in here. And sanctions always have waiver 
provisions in them so that it can take the edge off on anything that 
causes us or our allies any difficulties. So in that regard, I think 
that you are wrong on that.
  Back to the basic bill: I said I am an all-of-the-above person. If 
the Democrats want to bring their bill down, it will probably look very 
much like this, but it won't have secondary sanctions in it, it won't 
have a permanent closing of Nord Stream 1 and 2. I will stand up here 
and say, We can do better, but I am still going to vote for your bill, 
and I wish you would do that on mine. But I would respectfully request 
that you back away from this complaint that this is a partisan 
exercise. It is not a partisan exercise.

  There isn't a person in this body that doesn't want to do all we can 
possibly do to preserve the lives of the Ukrainians that are perishing 
every day--women, children, civilians. We need to do all that we can, 
and Putin is not going to be deterred until we do all that we can, and 
that comes to permanently shutting down--excuse me, to completely 
shutting down the economy in Russia. This bill does that.
  Again, I apologize if you think there is anything political about 
this. It is not. It is trying to do the right thing, as you and I have 
talked about. We have an obligation to do this as Americans, as the 
strongest country in the world. We can't stand by and watch this 
slaughter that is happening, and when that convoy gets there, it is 
going to be even worse.
  This is something we can actually do to do more than what the 
President has done.
  And I will say it--I said it before and I will say it again. I 
commend the President for what he has done. But we also, as the first 
branch of government, have a responsibility. We believe this bill 
exercises that responsibility.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Wyoming.


                   Unanimous Consent Request--S. 819

  Mr. BARRASSO. Madam President, Russia continues to engage in ruthless 
and unprovoked attacks against the democratic and independent nation of 
Ukraine. I strongly condemn Russia's dangerous aggression against the 
people of Ukraine. Putin is responsible for the death and destruction 
in his wake, and he must be held accountable.
  The one sledgehammer that we can use against Putin is American energy 
resources. Reducing the amount of Russian energy going to Europe would 
hurt Russia's economy. The oil and gas revenues made up about 36 
percent of Russia's national budget last year. In 2021, Russia sold 
$100 billion worth of oil and natural gas to Europe.
  Russia is Europe's main supplier of energy. The European Union 
received over 40 percent of its gas imports from Russia. Russia also 
has significant ownership in Europe's energy infrastructure, including 
pipelines, distribution centers, and storage facilities.
  With natural gas prices increasing and oil surpassing $100 a barrel, 
more of our allies' money will be lining the pockets of Vladimir Putin. 
Due to high energy costs, Russian oil and gas revenues exceed initial 
plans by 5 percent this past year, totaling $119 billion. In 2021, 
revenues from Russian oil and gas were almost $500 million each and 
every day. It is a windfall for Vladimir Putin. As a result, the amount 
of Russian energy going to Europe is a major problem.
  We must help our allies escape Russia's energy trap. American energy 
resources can allow Europeans to meet their energy needs and deprive 
Russia of the revenue it uses to fund its military aggression. Due to 
technological advances and an abundance of natural gas, the United 
States can be a strategic energy supplier to Europe. Our Nation has 
more than enough gas to meet America's needs and to export to other 
countries. We must speed up the process of getting American liquefied 
natural gas to our allies.
  That is why I introduced S. 819, the Energy Security Cooperation with 
Allied Partners in Europe Act, commonly known as the ESCAPE Act. It 
currently has 23 sponsors. The bill, as amended, does three things: It 
deems it in the public interest to export U.S. liquefied natural gas to 
NATO countries and defense allies. It creates a transatlantic energy 
security strategy focused on increasing American energy exports 
directly to Europe. And it directs our NATO representative to help our 
allies and partners improve that energy security.
  So, Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Foreign 
Relations Committee be discharged from further consideration of S. 819 
and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration. I further ask 
that the Barrasso amendment at the desk be considered and agreed to; 
that the bill, as amended, be considered read a third time and passed; 
and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the 
table.

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  The Senator from Connecticut.
  Mr. MURPHY. Madam President, reserving the right to object. First, 
very quickly, let me make a few final points about Senator Risch's 
comments.
  Senator Risch says that this isn't a partisan exercise. It is. The 
bill that Senator Risch is talking about was introduced by only 
Republicans. It was introduced with no notice to Democrats. There was a 
big showy press conference in which only Republicans were there. In 
fact, the introduction of this bill was a messaging point for 
Republicans to announce that they were no longer negotiating with 
Democrats.
  And so I appreciate that Senator Risch often is working very 
industriously with Democrats, but in this case, it is a partisan bill. 
Only Republicans support it.
  And offering it today is not helpful to the process because it had no 
chance of passage. Instead, today, we should be working on getting 
additional funding to the Ukrainians.
  President Biden has requested our help, has requested Congress to 
step up and provide humanitarian assistance and more lethal assistance 
to Ukraine. Right now, with the time that we are spending arguing over 
a bill that is supported only by Republicans that is never going to 
pass this body, we could be using that time to come together around a 
bill that can pass, that will pass.
  So that is why there is anger on our side about this exercise. There 
are these moments in American history and world history where our focus 
should be on unity, where our focus should be on coming together and 
finding what we can do together; and, instead, the piece of legislation 
that was just offered was a bill that was specifically introduced to 
highlight the Republican position in contrast to the Biden 
administration.
  As for Senator Barrasso's bill, it suffers from the same problem, 
which is it separates us from Europe. It separates us from our allies.

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  There is a lot of wisdom on the Republican side of the aisle, but it 
mystifies me why so many of my friends who know so much about Russia 
don't understand that Putin's primary objective is to break NATO into 
pieces, is to smash the European Union, is to create tensions and 
fissures within the transatlantic alliance, right?
  Putin sees the greatest catastrophe of the last 100 years as the 
breakup of the Soviet Union, and he blames the United States and the 
West for that breakup. So, while the invasion of Ukraine is part of his 
process of remedying that grievance, the real crown--the real cherry on 
top for Vladimir Putin--is the splintering apart of NATO and the United 
States from Europe. Now, we almost got there during the Trump 
administration. Relations were never worse; threats of pulling out of 
NATO or refusing to honor our article 5 obligations.
  I would argue that this invasion is happening in part because the 
Biden administration made clear that there wasn't going to be a natural 
disintegration of the transatlantic alliance, and so Vladimir Putin is 
using this invasion of Ukraine, first and foremost, to get control of 
the territory he wants but also to try to split us from each other. And 
our fear is that bills like this essentially step into the trap that 
Vladimir Putin has laid for us because secondary sanctions on European 
entities against the wishes of European governments splits us from each 
other. Had Joe Biden gone this route, you would have never had the 
Europeans working with us on swift sanctions. You would have never had 
the Europeans working with us on the seizure of Russian assets.
  But because Joe Biden made the wise decision to do these sanctions in 
concert with Europe, we got more than we could have ever imagined. And 
this bill would walk us backwards, undo that unity with our colleagues.
  It may be that there will be a moment in time where we can convince 
our European colleagues to move with us on sanctions against certain 
elements of Russia's energy economy, but we must do that together. We 
have to do that together because you need to understand what Putin's 
larger game is. It is the breakup of the transatlantic alliance.
  I wish my colleagues were on the floor today, celebrating--
celebrating what President Biden has done. Nobody thought that he could 
keep the alliance, that he could keep us together with Europe, that he 
could get Europe to agree to what they have already agreed to. I wish 
we were rallying behind our President right now.
  I get it that there are always differences between the Republicans 
and a Democratic President, but, boy, this would be a great moment for 
us to be on the floor, supporting the breakthrough that President Biden 
has achieved on crippling sanctions against Russia and spending this 
day working together to try to deliver billions of dollars in 
additional aid to Ukraine. Instead, we are engaged in a partisan 
squabble over bills that have no chance of passing, that are literally 
just as valuable as the pieces of paper that the press releases from 
the Republicans will be written on.
  I hope that we can get beyond today and get down to work on serious 
business--the serious business of coming together, Republicans and 
Democrats, and providing Ukraine the assistance they need, in a 
bipartisan way, through a package of support that can be supported by 
both parties and signed by this President.
  For that reason, I object.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard.
  The Senator from Wyoming.
  Mr. BARRASSO. Madam President, just to point out, Members are clearly 
entitled to their own opinions, but they are not entitled to their own 
facts.
  The facts of the matter are that this bill that I have at the desk 
right now includes no sanctions, none whatsoever--none, zero.
  This bill that we have at the desk is something that our European 
allies have asked for. It is not to divide them or us. They have asked 
for this to help them divide away from Putin. They need the energy; 
they need the liquefied natural gas. Some of the countries have built 
or are building what are called gasifiers so they can turn the 
liquefied natural gas, which comes in at a very low temperature, and 
turn it into gas that they can use for energy so they don't have to buy 
it and be held hostage by Vladimir Putin.
  This is a bill that has previously gotten bipartisan support, in this 
very body, with Members of both sides of the aisle supporting efforts 
to help our European allies--our NATO friends--break the dependence 
from Russian energy. Those are the facts of the matter. People are 
entitled to their opinions. These are the facts.
  Russia's actions against Ukraine emphasize just how important it is 
for nations--and specifically for America--to be energy independent.
  Under the previous administration, America was energy dominant. We 
became the world's largest producer of oil and gas. It was the first 
time we had been energy independent in nearly 70 years; yet this 
administration has reversed course. It has made it harder for us to use 
American energy, and that has empowered and emboldened Vladimir Putin. 
We have moved from energy dominance to energy dependence. We have 
American energy in the ground that this administration won't let us get 
out of the ground. We have energy resources that would help lower the 
cost and help lower the pain at the pump that the American public is 
living with. It would help break the dependence of our European allies 
and the people of Ukraine from Vladimir Putin.
  We were much better off as a nation when selling energy to our 
friends than having to buy it from our enemies. We need to expand our 
energy production to bring down prices for working families in this 
country whose paychecks can't keep up with the inflation, and we need 
to sell it to our allies so they can remove themselves from the 
clutches of Vladimir Putin.
  Freeing Europe from Russian energy dependence is going to strengthen 
both our allies and our NATO alliances. We must provide American energy 
resources to those countries as quickly as possible. They are asking 
for it; they want it; they need it. It strengthens our national 
security and takes money directly out of Vladimir Putin's pockets.
  It is this administration's energy policies that have driven up the 
cost of energy and driven down the production of American energy, which 
is what has provided a jackpot for Vladimir Putin to fund his war 
machine. Energy security is a critical part of our shared defense. 
There is a national security problem for the United States when our 
allies are more and more dependent on Russian gas.
  The world knows Vladimir Putin uses energy as a weapon. Energy is 
called the master resource for a reason. It powers our country--our 
economy, our military. It powers the world. Vladimir Putin uses his 
energy as a weapon to intimidate, to influence, and to coerce other 
nations. Energy funds Vladimir Putin's aggression, and it has been the 
cash cow for his invasion of Ukraine.
  Look, we have abundant natural gas supplies. My home State of Wyoming 
has amazing energy resources. We just need to be allowed to produce it. 
Europe's reliance on Russian gas undermines our national security. Our 
national security is increased by reducing the leverage that Russia 
holds over our allies.
  It is time for Congress to provide our NATO allies and defense treaty 
partners a better energy option than they have had under this 
administration, and the Senate should start by passing S. 819.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Wyoming.


             150th Anniversary of Yellowstone National Park

  Mr. BARRASSO. Madam President, I come to the floor today to highlight 
the 150th anniversary of Yellowstone National Park.
  When it was established on this date 150 years ago, Yellowstone was 
the first national park in the world. Today, it is still one of the 
most popular parks on Earth. One-hundred-fifty years ago, it was a new 
idea to set aside public land for public enjoyment. With the 
establishment of Yellowstone, Congress set the gold standard.

  Based on Yellowstone's success over the past century and a half, 
hundreds of additional national parks have been created for Americans 
to enjoy. Many

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other countries have followed our lead and have established their own 
national parks.
  Yellowstone spans over 2 million acres throughout Wyoming, as well as 
parts of Montana and Idaho. That is more land than the entire State of 
Rhode Island and Delaware combined. Yellowstone's vast and varied 
landscapes provide some of the most spectacular views in the world, and 
this is just one of them. Cascading waterfalls, steaming geysers, and 
gaping canyons often leave visitors speechless. Many generations of 
Americans have enjoyed these same views.
  That is what Congress intended 150 years ago when it established the 
park, as they said, for the benefit and enjoyment of the people. 
Millions of people come from all across the world to experience the 
park's beauty. From hiking and biking, to boating and wildlife viewing, 
Yellowstone offers some of the best outdoor recreation opportunities 
all around the world.
  It also has iconic natural wonders like Old Faithful, the Grand 
Canyon of the Yellowstone, and Yellowstone Lake. It has 25 square miles 
of geysers--over half of the total number of geysers in the world. The 
Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem, of which the park is a part, is one of 
the largest and most intact natural ecosystems in the world.
  Yellowstone also has the greatest concentration of mammals among 
national parks in the lower 48 States. The bison in Yellowstone are 
part of America's largest and oldest free-range herd.
  Today, we carry on a tradition at Yellowstone that goes back not just 
150 years but over 11,000 years. For thousands of years, Native 
Americans have hunted, fished, and used the thermal waters for 
medicinal purposes.
  The people of Wyoming are rightly proud of the culture, as well as 
its history. Today, the park supports thousands of jobs in Wyoming and 
Montana and Idaho. It contributes greatly to local economies.
  Cam Sholly, the superintendent of Yellowstone, is doing an incredible 
job. A third-generation Park Service employee, Cam goes above and 
beyond the call of duty to ensure the park delivers a world-class 
experience to everyone who visits. Under his leadership, the park has 
hosted record numbers of visitors. During the height of the COVID 
pandemic, when the only place to go was outside, Yellowstone set the 
standard on how parks should operate. Health, safety, security, and 
public access were always a priority.
  I am very grateful for the dedicated leaders and staff at Yellowstone 
who made it possible for people to visit and enjoy this international 
landmark.
  Recently, the Senate passed my bipartisan resolution to honor 
Yellowstone on this historic day. This resolution celebrates the park's 
150 years of unique cultural heritage and natural beauty. It also 
encourages people across America and around the world to visit 
Yellowstone to experience its extraordinary treasures.
  I am proud to celebrate Yellowstone with my colleagues in the Senate, 
along with Senator Lummis, who is my colleague from Wyoming, as we 
celebrate with the people of Wyoming and with all Americans on this 
historic day.
  Congratulations to all of the people of Wyoming who work to keep 
Yellowstone one of our Nation's greatest treasures.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Rhode Island.


        Federal Reserve System's Board of Governors Nominations

  Mr. REED. Madam President, I rise in support of the swift 
consideration of President Biden's five nominees to the Board of 
Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
  Over the last year, our economy has improved tremendously, thanks to 
President Biden's American Rescue Plan and the bipartisan 
infrastructure law, and we have been guided along the way by steady 
leadership at the Fed. We are seeing positive results.
  Last year, GDP grew by 5.7 percent, and we gained over 6.6 million 
jobs. In each month during the second half of last year, the family tax 
credit in the American Rescue Plan pulled approximately 3.5 million 
children out of poverty; unemployment claims are at a 50-year low; the 
unemployment rate is at 4 percent; and nominal wages are rising at the 
fastest pace in decades.
  We have also begun investing $1.2 trillion from the bipartisan 
infrastructure law that will help businesses and the economy in the 
decades ahead and will provide an extraordinary number of jobs.
  We are not yet out of the woods from the pandemic, and there are 
critical economic challenges we need to address, including inflation, 
the lack of affordable housing, the high cost of prescription drugs, 
the need for affordable childcare, and others. The Fed plays a pivotal 
role in making sure our economy grows on an even keel so that we can 
meet these challenges and remain the world's leader.
  I might add also that this is a very, very difficult time for the 
world economy as we respond to the illegal attack by Putin on Ukraine. 
The world, under the leadership of President Biden and the United 
States, has imposed unprecedented sanctions. It is in this volatile 
moment that the Fed also will play a critical role.
  Unfortunately, Republican partisan brinkmanship is now preventing us 
from having a fully staffed and functioning Fed, just as Republicans 
have stymied nominations of qualified individuals to serve at key posts 
in the Defense Department, in the State Department, and in several 
other Agencies.
  I would note that, at times, we are being forced to break filibusters 
on nominations that eventually pass with 70, 80, or 90 ``yes'' votes. 
Perhaps my colleagues think that these tactics are somehow politically 
beneficial, but the fact is that these tactics diminish and degrade the 
ability of the Federal Government to serve the American people.
  And so we come to the Federal Reserve. The seven-member Board is 
technically operating with four of its seven members today, and two of 
those are in confirmation limbo.
  Jerome Powell, who has been nominated for a second term as Chair, is 
serving on an acting basis. Lael Brainard is a Governor and is also the 
pending nominee for Vice Chair. There is no Vice Chair for Supervision, 
and two ordinary Governor seats are vacant.

  The President has nominated a slate of five qualified, bipartisan 
candidates to fill these positions, including Mr. Powell.
  Mr. Powell was first appointed Fed Chair by Donald Trump and has 
served admirably for the last 4 years. Lael Brainard was confirmed to 
her current position on the Federal Reserve Board with strong 
bipartisan support. Sarah Bloom Raskin is a former Governor and has 
been nominated as Vice Chair for Supervision. The Senate confirmed Ms. 
Raskin to the Federal Reserve Board a decade ago by voice vote and as 
Deputy Treasury Secretary on a bipartisan vote. Lisa Cook and Phil 
Jefferson are mainstream academic economists who have been nominated as 
Governors.
  Earlier this year, the Banking Committee held hearings on these 
nominees. They demonstrated their qualifications and responded to 
hundreds of questions. They have met with Senators on the committee 
individually as well. But on February 15, my Republican colleagues 
blocked the Banking Committee from voting on these nominations. They 
didn't show up and vote no on the nominees whom they opposed; they just 
didn't show up. They decided to skip the meeting precisely to keep the 
committee from moving these nominees to the full Senate. They have 
taken this step during a pandemic, a bout of inflation, and a growing, 
violent conflict in Europe. At a time when the Federal Reserve's job 
has never been more important, our Republican colleagues have chosen to 
stall the confirmations of qualified nominees to help lead our economy.
  The Federal Reserve's monetary policy decisions are made by the 
Federal Open Market Committee, also known as the FOMC. The FOMC has 12 
voting members, including all seven Governors on the Board in 
Washington. The others are presidents of the regional Reserve banks. 
Due to the Republican boycott, the FOMC is now operating with only nine 
members--four Governors and five Reserve bank presidents.
  The FOMC's primary job is to establish interest rate targets and 
authorize open market operations to achieve those targets. This 
function makes it the most important economic policymaking body in the 
world.
  The FOMC now faces enormous challenges to bring prices under control

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without harming the strong economic recovery. Supply chain disruptions 
and the pandemic have pushed inflation up. Russia's unprovoked invasion 
of Ukraine, which many economists expect to make supply shortages much 
worse and cause energy prices to rise, creates huge risks for the 
global economy.
  These economic challenges collectively demand a fully staffed FOMC. 
Indeed, one of the FOMC's biggest strengths is its ability to inspire 
confidence in the United States and in the world. It is able to do this 
because it typically works by consensus--consensus that reflects the 
view of its 12 expert members. But when the FOMC doesn't have its full 
complement of members and when members are serving in an acting 
capacity, it doesn't speak with the same authority. At a moment when 
there is so much turmoil in the domestic and global economies, it is 
reckless to deny the FOMC its full membership.
  My Republican colleagues have spent plenty of time talking about 
inflation without offering solutions. Now, when presented with a chance 
to empower the FOMC to combat higher prices, my Republican colleagues 
have instead chosen to handcuff it.
  By weakening the FOMC, Senate Republicans are increasing the odds of 
a mistake. That makes it more likely for higher prices to persist, and 
this outcome is unacceptable when millions of Americans are struggling 
to cover increased costs for everyday expenses. The American people 
should not need to bear any further economic hardships, however slight, 
that could result from Republicans continuing to block these nominees.
  Blocking these nominees also robs Congress and the public of an 
important mechanism to hold the FOMC accountable for its decisions. My 
Republican colleagues say they are committed to accountability, but 
their blockade is ensuring that the five Reserve bank presidents, who 
answer to the Nation's commercial banks and are not confirmed by the 
Senate, are a majority on the FOMC. That means these five non-Senate-
confirmed officials predominate when it comes to interest rate 
decisions.
  Congress promised the American people an FOMC led by members who 
exclusively serve their interests. I urge my Republican colleagues to 
deliver on that promise.
  If the Federal Reserve fails to deliver maximum employment and stable 
prices, the American people will question why.
  Reasonable minds can differ about whether the FOMC ultimately raises 
interest rates too much, too little, or just enough. Economists are 
sure to debate that question in the years to come. But one obvious 
conclusion will be that the FOMC lacked a full complement of members to 
support the difficult decisions that it will make this year. That 
conclusion will spread doubts about the integrity of the Federal 
Reserve and its policies. If those doubts take root, it will be harder 
for our Nation's central bank to support the economy.
  In these rather uncertain economic times, the American people need 
more certainty, not less, and they need an FOMC that is accountable to 
them.
  I urge my Republican colleagues to allow the Senate to vote on these 
highly qualified nominees.
  With that, I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Illinois.


                                Ukraine

  Mr. DURBIN. Madam President, this evening, the Ukrainian Ambassador, 
Oksana Markarova, will be the honored guest of President Biden in the 
State of the Union Address. Yesterday, we hosted the Ambassador for a 
meeting with almost 25 Senate colleagues. It was a meeting I won't soon 
forget.
  Her country, Ukraine, is facing a barbaric, unprovoked military 
assault from Russian dictator Vladimir Putin. The images and the 
stories are heartbreaking and infuriating--more than 600,000 Ukrainians 
fleeing to neighboring countries; brutal destruction, leaving people 
without homes or power during the winter; and Russian shelling of 
residential neighborhoods. We are witnessing innocent lives callously 
taken and uprooted.
  This is a photo from yesterday's Washington Post. It shows a 
paramedic in Ukraine desperately trying to save this man's young 
daughter. She had been a victim of Vladimir Putin's shelling in her 
country of Ukraine. She did not survive.
  Why is Putin doing this? Because his own petty grievances and warped 
nostalgia for the dark days of the Soviet Union have taken control. In 
his twisted mind, an entire innocent nation of 44 million Ukrainians 
must be attacked and occupied at any cost.
  There is another reason he is trying to end Ukraine as we know it. He 
cannot bear to have a free and independent nation on his border because 
it shows to the people living in Russia the stark contrast of democracy 
versus despotic rule.
  This morning, the Human Rights Council in Geneva met. When Russia's 
Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov began his speech, 100 diplomats all rose 
and walked out in protest of Russia's war on Ukraine. All of NATO and 
nearly the entire world are united in outrage at Russia's aggression.
  Mr. Putin should think about the infamy of his legacy. For years, he 
has poisoned and suppressed his own people. Now he is trying to destroy 
an entire nation, killing this little girl and who knows how many other 
innocent people. Mr. Putin will not win this war. And every day, every 
hour that Russia continues its assault on Ukraine, he is harming his 
own people and ensuring that he leaves a legacy of shame.
  What is also remarkable about the meeting yesterday with Ambassador 
Markarova was the determination and courage she and her fellow 
Ukrainians are showing against Putin. She explained to us that 
Ukrainians are peaceful people, but they will fight.
  They will participate in the negotiations, but they won't surrender. 
And they will fight until the Russians leave. Quite simply, the 
Ukrainians might be outmatched by the Russian military, but they will 
not be defeated by it.
  Here is one of the many acts of courage and defiance in recent days. 
In Odessa's historic Brodsky Synagogue, performers sang a moving 19th 
century version of the ancient Jewish hymn ``Adon Olam''--now a prayer 
for an end to the invasion.
  And the world is on Ukraine's side--with rallies of support in all 
corners of the globe, Japan, Sweden, Finland, Chicago, even in cities 
across Russia. Countries like ours are providing urgently needed 
weapons to help Ukraine defend itself against Russian aggression.
  Poland and other Ukrainian neighbors are helping with hundreds of 
thousands of refugees fleeing in panic and disbelief. Think of it. 
While we have political factions in the United States who are 
determined not to let any refugees into our country, Poland and other 
countries--Moldova, Romania, for example--are opening their doors and 
accepting the Ukrainian refugees to give them some safety and security.
  We must continue and increase all of the help that we can send--
military and humanitarian. Let us be crystal clear: Putin will not win 
this. In the end, the Ukrainian people will prevail. And Putin's legacy 
and history will be written in the blood of the children and innocents 
his invasion of Ukraine has spilled.


                  Nomination of Ketanji Brown Jackson

  Mr. President, yesterday, I spoke briefly about President Biden's 
announcement on Friday of his nomination to the Supreme Court of Judge 
Ketanji Brown Jackson. Today, I would like to offer some additional 
thoughts on this nominee.
  For those who are less than familiar with Judge Jackson, let me tell 
you a bit about her. Born in Washington, DC, her mom and dad were 
public school teachers. When she was 3 years old, Judge Jackson and her 
family moved to Miami, FL, so her father could attend law school.
  Judge Jackson's father later served as the top attorney for the Dade 
County School Board, and her mother spent 14 years as a high school 
principal in Miami. In Judge Jackson's family, education and service 
were honored.
  Two of Judge Jackson's uncles were police officers. One became police 
chief in Miami. Her younger brother also became a police officer and a 
detective in Baltimore, MD, before going on to serve in the U.S. Army 
where he was deployed to Iraq.
  From a young age, Judge Jackson has been recognized as brilliant and

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thoughtful. In high school, she was the class president and the star of 
the debate team.
  It was during a national high school debate championship at Harvard 
that she fell in love with the university. She would go on to graduate 
from Harvard College and Harvard Law School.
  She then embarked on an amazing and storied career. She practiced 
law, civil and criminal, at several leading law firms and clerked at 
all three levels of the Federal judiciary, including--and with some 
irony--for Justice Stephen Breyer, the Justice she hopes to replace.
  She has also worked as a Federal public defender, served on the U.S. 
Sentencing Commission, spent 8 years as a judge on the U.S. District 
Court for the District of Columbia. She currently serves on the U.S. 
Court of Appeals for the DC Circuit, which is often considered to be 
the second most prestigious court in our Nation. She was confirmed to 
that position just last year through our Senate Judiciary Committee on 
a bipartisan basis.
  As I noted yesterday, the Senate Judiciary Committee has examined her 
record three times for three different positions and confirmed her on a 
bipartisan basis for all three positions.
  She has performed each of these public service roles with 
distinction. In the coming weeks, the Senate Judiciary Committee will 
undertake another comprehensive review of her record, her 
qualifications, and her approach to judicial decision making. As chair 
of the committee, I am determined to see that this review is careful, 
fair, and professional.
  I have great respect for her record, and I will be saying more in the 
coming days and weeks. For today, I want to focus on three important 
points: the President's selection process, the historic significance of 
this nomination, and how Judge Jackson will build upon the honorable 
legacy of Justice Breyer.
  President Joe Biden is a leader who respects the Senate. When Justice 
Breyer announced a month ago that he intended to retire, President 
Biden pledged ``to fulfill my duty to select a justice not only with 
the Senate's consent, but with its advice.''
  The President kept that promise; and for that, he should be 
commended. The process for nominating Justice Breyer's successor has 
been rigorous and bipartisan. It has included the Senate every step of 
the way.

  Just days after Justice Breyer's announcement, the President hosted 
Senator Grassley--the ranking Republican on this committee--and myself 
in the Oval Office to discuss the nomination. Repeatedly, he said to 
Senator Grassley and to me, ``If you have someone you think I should 
consider, please let me know.'' And he was sincere.
  Over the next several weeks, President Biden sought the advice of 
many Senators--not just the two of us--including all the members, 
Democratic members of the Senate Judiciary Committee, then he made this 
decision to nominate Judge Jackson.
  Every Supreme Court nomination is critically important, but this one 
has special historic significance. In the United States history, our 
Supreme Court has had 115 Justices; 108 of those Justices have had one 
thing in common. They were all White men.
  Five of those who served on the Court as Justices were women. Only 
three have been people of color, out of 115. With Judge Jackson's 
nomination, we have already seen history in the making. If confirmed, 
she will be the first Black woman ever to serve on the U.S. Supreme 
Court. With this nomination, Judge Jackson and we have the opportunity 
to bend the arc of history toward justice.
  In accepting President Biden's nomination last week, she said one of 
her heroes, another brilliant, trailblazing Black woman, was named 
Constance Baker Motley. Judge Motley was a champion of civil rights and 
women's rights, a key attorney on Thurgood Marshall's side when the 
NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund argued Brown v. Board of 
Education and other cases which finally ended legal segregation in 
America.
  Judge Motley was the first Black woman to ever argue before the 
Supreme Court. She went on to be the first Black woman appointed to the 
Federal judiciary, serving as a U.S. District Judge for the Southern 
District of New York.
  Judge Motley didn't know it, but on her 48th birthday, a little baby 
girl was born in Washington, DC. She would grow up to be one of the 
finest legal minds of her generation, and she would be the first Black 
woman to be nominated to serve on the Supreme Court.
  Upon accepting that nomination last week, Judge Jackson said: 
``Today, I proudly stand on Judge Motley's shoulders, sharing not only 
her birthday, but also her steadfast and courageous commitment to equal 
justice under law.''
  And then she added: ``If I'm fortunate enough to be confirmed as the 
next Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, I can only hope that my 
life and career, my love of this country and the Constitution, and my 
commitment to upholding the rule of law and the sacred principles upon 
which this great nation was founded will inspire future generations.''
  I want to conclude my remarks by acknowledging the extraordinary 
legacy of Justice Stephen Breyer. It is a legacy upon which I believe 
Justice Jackson will build if she is confirmed. In his time on the 
Court, Justice Breyer has been defined by his rigorous intellect, his 
thoughtful, pragmatic approach to judicial decision making, his 
collegiality and consensus building, and his devotion to the core 
principles on which America is founded--freedom, liberty, and equality.
  By all these measures and more, Judge Jackson is a natural successor 
to the Justice she once clerked for. She has proven her intellectual 
mettle--from the debate team in high school in Miami, to Harvard Law 
where she served as supervising editor of the Harvard Law Review, to 
clerkships on the District of Massachusetts, the First Circuit, and the 
Supreme Court, and to an extraordinary record of excellence on the 
Federal bench.
  It goes without saying that if you are going to be the first of 
anything in America, you have got to be the best. You have got to bring 
remarkable achievements to your aspiration to make history. Judge 
Jackson does that.
  She is a jurist who understands the importance of pragmatism and 
real-world experience. She will draw on her broad range of experience 
on the U.S. Sentencing Commission, as a Federal public defender, as a 
litigator in civil lawsuits in private practice. Judge Jackson has also 
demonstrated the premium she places on collegiality and consensus-
building, especially with those who may not share her views. That may 
be unusual, but it sure is important in these days.
  Judge Thomas Griffith, a conservative jurist appointed to the DC 
Circuit by President George W. Bush, wrote in support of Judge 
Jackson's nomination to the DC Circuit, and he has written again in 
support of her nomination to the Supreme Court.
  Judge Griffith wrote: ``Judge Jackson and I occasionally differed on 
the best outcome of a given case . . . . However, I have always 
respected her careful approach, extraordinary judicial understanding, 
and collegial manner, three indispensable traits for success on the 
Supreme Court.

  He added: ``Judge Jackson has a demonstrated record of excellence, 
and I believe, based on her work as a trial judge when I served on the 
Court of Appeals, she'll adjudicate based on the facts and the law and 
not as a partisan.''
  Finally, like Justice Breyer, Judge Jackson has shown her dedication 
to the Nation's founding principles, on and off the bench. She has a 
deep faith in the power and promise of our Constitution and an 
unwavering belief that we must protect and preserve those ideals that 
set our Nation apart from so many others.
  Last Friday, when President Biden nominated Judge Jackson, the Senate 
Judiciary Committee, we sent the traditional questionnaire that is sent 
to nominees and candidates. It was returned to us last night promptly. 
It was lengthy and comprehensive. We have seen much of it before, 
earlier last year when Judge Jackson was aspiring to be on the DC 
Circuit. And it is a great starting point for any Senator or any member 
of the staff who wants to understand Judge Jackson.
  She has published over 500--in fact, 573--written opinions. Her 
background and thoughts on important issues will be no mystery or 
surprise for those who

[[Page S865]]

want to take the time to look at those cases. It has been less than a 
year since she was approved here on the floor of the U.S. Senate, but 
we are starting this process anew with her visitations with Senator 
McConnell, Senator Schumer tomorrow, as well as myself and Senator 
Grassley.
  Senators who wish to meet with her personally and talk about her 
positions on any issues or other relevant topics are welcome to do so. 
Senator Grassley this morning in the Judiciary Committee encouraged his 
colleagues on the Republican side of the aisle to take advantage of the 
opportunity if they wish. We want to make sure that this is an orderly, 
respectful, collegial, and professional process.
  My dearest hope is at the end of the day, she will receive bipartisan 
support for this nomination. It would be a great day for the Senate, as 
well as for the Supreme Court if that happened. But she needs to earn 
it. And to do it, she will be making the rounds in the Senate with 
individual Members making her case and then appearing before our 
committee at a later date, which we will announce this week.
  I want to thank my colleagues for taking this as seriously as they 
should. It is rare in our Senate career that we are allowed to bring up 
the issue of advise and consent to the highest Court in the land--a 
lifetime appointment, a critically important appointment for the 
history of the United States and the history of that great Court.
  I want to make sure that on the Senate Judiciary Committee, we are 
respectful and bipartisan in every aspect of that effort.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Murphy). The Senator from Alaska.


                                Ukraine

  Mr. SULLIVAN. Mr. President, I want to come down to the floor and 
talk about the issue that is certainly the focus of America and the 
world right now, and that is Ukraine, and that is the President's State 
of the Union Address, which will be a very important one tonight.
  And I know that Americans all across our great Nation are glued to 
their televisions, social media streams. And what we are seeing in 
Europe is quite remarkable, quite unsettling--another major war on the 
European continent. We are seeing children in bomb shelters singing the 
Ukrainian national anthem. We are seeing brave young men and women on 
the front lines taking up arms to defend their country. We are seeing 
grandmothers take to the streets, foisting upon Russian conscripts the 
seeds of their country's flower. One of the most effective acts of 
resistance I have ever witnessed.
  Mr. President, you and many of us were over in Europe just about a 
week ago at the Munich Security Conference, where we had the 
opportunity to meet with many of these brave Ukrainian ministers, the 
mayor of Kyiv, parliamentarians, young parliamentarians. And our 
message--my message certainly was a hard one. At the time, the war had 
not started, but we were seeing increasing intelligence that it would 
any day.
  And the message was, if war comes, it will be important for the 
Ukrainian people, the leaders, to fight. And we are seeing that. All 
across the country, the people in Ukraine are fighting and willing to 
die for freedom, for their country.
  I want to say I think I speak for the whole Senate: Watching these 
acts of courage and heroism has been truly inspiring, and we all 
applaud the courage and heroism that we are seeing in Ukraine, and we 
stand with the people of Ukraine.
  Given the circumstances in Ukraine and across the globe and in our 
country, where working families are struggling under increasing energy 
costs and inflation, I want to talk a little bit about the President's 
State of the Union tonight and what I certainly hope he is going to 
tell the American people.
  I and several of my colleagues here, Republican colleagues in the 
Senate, will be sending a letter to the President very soon, urging him 
to announce specific actions that relate to an entirely new world with 
this invasion of Ukraine by Russia and start to announce a course 
correction on issues under which the Biden administration has been 
going the wrong way on two key, key areas.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record 
the letter to the President.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

                                                  U.S. Senate,

                                    Washington, DC, March 1, 2022.
     President Joseph R. Biden,
     The White House,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Mr. President: We appreciate your call for Americans 
     to come together in light of Russia's brutal, unprovoked 
     invasion of Ukraine. We strongly support working with our 
     allies and partners--one of our nation's most important 
     strategic advantages--as well as sending U.S. troops to 
     support and defend NA TO allies in Eastern Europe during 
     these challenging and dangerous times.
       Yet, as our nation prepares for this new era of 
     authoritarian aggression led by the dictators in Russia and 
     China, we have serious concerns that we encourage you to 
     address in tonight's State of the Union and thereafter act 
     upon immediately.
       First, you must submit a robust military budget that 
     significantly increases defense spending to reflect the 
     realities of our geostrategic competition with China and 
     Russia. Your Fiscal Year (FY) 2022 budget proposed 
     significant real cuts to the Department of Defense when, at 
     the same time, you proposed massive increases to almost every 
     other federal agency and department. Putin and Xi were 
     undoubtedly encouraged that the President of the United 
     States proposed significant budget cuts to his own armed 
     services. We implore you not to make the same strategic 
     mistake again. The FY 2022 National Defense Authorization Act 
     (NOAA) was a clear bipartisan rebuke of your misguided 
     defense budget cuts. You must put forward a robust, real 
     increase in defense spending focused on the current and 
     future readiness and lethality of our force. You should also 
     continue to press our NATO allies to meet their two percent 
     of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) goal for defense spending.
       Second, your Administration's energy policies--which focus 
     on restricting, delaying, and killing the production of 
     American energy--have had the predictable but catastrophic 
     effect of driving up energy prices for American working 
     families, increasing pinks slips for American energy workers, 
     and significantly empowering our adversaries, especially 
     Putin, who has used energy as a weapon for decades.
       You recently told the American people in a press conference 
     that your Administration was using ``every tool at our 
     disposal to protect American families and businesses from 
     rising prices at the gas pump'' and ``taking active steps to 
     bring down the cost.'' Mr. President, respectfully, that is 
     not true and the facts show it.
       Time and time again, your administration has taken steps to 
     unilaterally disarm the American energy sector. We hope that 
     in your address tonight, you make a strategic course 
     correction on your misguided energy policies that properly 
     reflects your recent promises to reduce energy prices for 
     American families, protect the national security of the 
     United States, and provide meaningful support to our allies 
     who are struggling to meet their energy needs. You can do 
     this through the following actions:
       1. Rescind your decision to cancel the Keystone XL Pipeline 
     and fast-track other similar energy infrastructure projects 
     across the country.
       2. Work to rescind the recent decision by the Federal 
     Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) that makes it much more 
     difficult to approve natural gas pipelines.
       3. Commit to fast tracking and producing American energy on 
     federal lands, including the 1002 Area of the Arctic National 
     Wildlife Refuge (ANWR), the National Petroleum Reserve of 
     Alaska (NPR-A), and the Gulf of Mexico, all of which have 
     decades of abundant proven reserves of oil and gas.
       4. Expedite the permitting of critical minerals mining and 
     processing, particularly Alaska's Ambler Road project, and 
     reinstate the leases issued to Twin Metals Minnesota LLC for 
     the northeastern Minnesota mining project.
       5. Reinstate the January 2021 proposed rule from the U.S. 
     Office of the Comptroller of the Currency that would prevent 
     America's large financial institutions from black-listing 
     whole sectors of the economy and ensure the energy sector has 
     fair access to capital and banking service to advance 
     critically needed energy projects.
       6. Direct the Department of Justice to appeal the U.S. 
     District Court's decision invalidating the Department of the 
     Interior's Lease Sale 257. Appealing the Court's decision to 
     block this sale will demonstrate the administration's 
     commitment to continuing critical offshore development.
       7. Direct the Department of the Interior to finalize a new 
     5-year offshore lease plan by June 30, 2022.
       8. Use your bully pulpit to encourage--not discourage--
     America's financial institutions to support American energy 
     independence by investing in American oil and gas.
       9. Sanction Russian oil and gas exports to America and our 
     allies. We have seen a spike in American imports of Russian 
     energy during your Administration. We would replace such 
     imports, which only empower Putin, with increased production 
     of American energy for our citizens.

[[Page S866]]

  

       10. Issue all pending export licenses and announce an 
     initiative to surge American liquefied natural gas (LNG) 
     exports to our allies and partners in Europe who are being 
     blackmailed and are trapped by the whims of tyrant Vladimir 
     Putin.
       11. Terminate the positions of White House Climate Czar 
     Gina McCarthy and Special Presidential Envoy for Climate John 
     Kerry, who have aggressively pushed an all-out assault on 
     America's energy sector--at home and abroad--and whose 
     actions are dramatically weakening America's geostrategic 
     advantages. John Kerry's statements just days ago clearly 
     portray someone who does not care about the lives lost in the 
     crisis in Ukraine but rather protecting the climate agenda no 
     matter the cost. In his own words, he said, ``Massive 
     emissions consequences to the war, but equally importantly 
     you're going to lose people's focus. You're going to lose, 
     certainly, big country attention because they will be 
     diverted, and I think it could have a damaging impact,'' and 
     ``I hope President Putin will help us to stay on track with 
     respect to what we need to do for the climate.''
       12. Withdraw your nomination of Sarah Bloom Raskin based on 
     her commitment to reduce American energy projects that would 
     provide energy to our allies and reduce America's dependence 
     on Russian oil.
       It is our sincere hope that you announce these changes in 
     your address this evening. Only then will your promise to use 
     ``every tool at our disposal to protect American families and 
     businesses from rising prices at the gas pump'' be fulfilled 
     and our national security appropriately protected.
       The American people are looking to their President to rise 
     to this critical moment. Our national security, global 
     stability for ourselves and our allies, as well as the 
     prosperity of every American family are on the line.
       We await your response in tonight's address.
           Sincerely,
     Dan Sullivan,
       United States Senator.
     Kevin Cramer,
       United States Senator.
     Roger Wicker
       United States Senator.
     James Lankford,
       United States Senator.
     John Cornyn,
       United States Senator.
     John Hoeven,
       United States Senator.

  Mr. SULLIVAN. Mr. President, let me begin with one of the areas of 
course correction that we are urging the President to undertake, and 
that is in the area of national defense.
  There are many lessons that we are going to learn from this Ukrainian 
invasion, but one of them is certainly that we have entered a new era 
of authoritarian aggression, led by the dictator in Russia--that is 
Putin--and the dictator in China--that is Xi Jinping. When they sense 
weakness, particularly military weakness, they are acting.
  As I mentioned, this new era of authoritarian aggression is something 
we need to be ready for. It is led by the dictators of Russia and 
China, who are increasingly isolated and dangerous. They are driven by 
historical grievances, they are paranoid about their democratic 
neighbors, and they are more than willing to use military force and 
other aggressive actions to crush the citizens of such countries on 
their periphery. These dangerous dictators, Putin and Xi Jinping, are 
increasingly working together to achieve their aggressive goals.
  We must wake up to the fact, and that is what we are calling the 
President to do--hopefully he does in his speech tonight--that this new 
era of authoritarian aggression is likely to be with us for decades.
  What are the areas which we should focus on and which we are 
respectfully requesting the President to focus on and announce tonight? 
Well, first, as I mentioned, our Nation's national defense. Now, 
unfortunately, this has not been a priority of Democratic Presidents. 
That is a fact. This has not been a priority often of my Democratic 
colleagues--some; not all but some.
  Let me just give you some of the numbers. In the second term of the 
Obama administration, the Pentagon's budget was slashed by 25 percent--
25 percent. Our military readiness plummeted.
  When I got elected to the Senate--in many ways, I ran because of 
these issues in 2014. When I was elected in 2015, I was on the 
Readiness Subcommittee of the Armed Services Committee. The numbers at 
the time were classified because they were so horrendous in terms of 
our military's readiness. Three out of fifty-eight brigade combat teams 
of the U.S. Army were at the tier 1 level of readiness needed for 
deployment--3 out of 58. The Air Force was the smallest and oldest in 
terms of aircraft age ever, and less than half of the U.S. Navy and 
Marine Corps' aviation fleet could fly. That was the U.S. military 
during the end of the second term of the Obama administration. When you 
gut defense spending, you gut readiness, you gut lethality.
  During the Trump administration, when the Republicans had control of 
the Senate, we worked to reverse this dangerous hollowing out of our 
military by dramatically increasing funding. Many of the areas I talked 
about involving readiness and lethality returned back to the levels 
that the American people expect of their military.
  Unfortunately, when the President, President Biden, was elected, he 
reverted back to what Democratic Presidents always do: He submitted a 
budget that cut defense spending in real terms, inflation adjusted, 
about 3 to 4 percent cuts.
  What was remarkable, if you looked at the Biden budget, everywhere 
else, it was double-digit increases. You name the Agency, it got a 
double-digit increase, with the exception of two: Department of Defense 
and Homeland Security. Budgets are an indication of priorities, and 
this President was not prioritizing his own armed services.
  So what we are doing with regard to the letter today is asking the 
President of the United States: You can't do that anymore, Mr. 
President. We are in a new era.
  We had a hearing in the Armed Services Committee today. I asked both 
the witnesses what they thought Xi Jinping and Putin thought when the 
President of the United States put forward a budget to cut his own 
military. The witnesses answered today in this hearing: Undoubtedly, it 
helped embolden Putin and Xi Jinping.
  So the first thing we are asking the President to make clear in his 
speech tonight is that he needs to put forward a robust, real increase 
in defense spending to make sure we have current and future readiness 
and lethality of our military forces. Obviously, if you turn on the TV 
and see what is going on around the world, this needs to happen.
  The President also needs to continue, as every President has done 
before him, to call out our NATO allies, whom we are acting closely 
with right now, to meet their obligations that they have committed to 
for years, which is to spend at least 2 percent of their GDP on defense 
spending.
  The good news is, Germany just announced that it was going to do 
this, that it was going to double its budget. That is remarkable. That 
is great news. But we can't have Germany leading on the calls 
for increasing defense spending and lethality. The President of the 
United States needs to do it, and he needs to do it tonight.

  The second issue that we raised in our letter on the critical need 
for a strategic course correction with this administration is with 
regard to energy. Everybody knows it. Everybody feels it. Everybody 
understands it. Yet, for some reason--I think driven by the far left of 
the Democratic Party--this administration won't get real on energy.
  Let me talk about that for a minute because it is a topic I care 
deeply about and, by the way, have been pressing the Biden 
administration on since day 1, that this is bad for our economy, bad 
for working families, and bad for national security.
  What am I talking about? Well, first, it is important to understand 
what President Biden inherited. Over the 4 years of the Trump 
administration, with Republicans in control of the Senate, we were able 
to achieve a bipartisan goal of American foreign policy and energy 
security that we collectively as a nation had been seeking for decades: 
American energy independence.
  Before the pandemic hit, the United States was the largest producer 
of oil in the world, bigger than Saudi Arabia; the largest producer of 
natural gas in the world, bigger than Russia; and a leader in producing 
renewables--all-of-the-above energy.
  At the same time, and I really want my colleagues on the other side 
of the aisle to listen to this, we led the world in terms of major 
economies on reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Since 2005, we have 
reduced these by almost 15 percent. No other industrialized nation in 
the world has a record like

[[Page S867]]

that, including our high standards on producing energy. In China, the 
emissions are going through the roof. In the United States, they are 
coming down dramatically because of the American energy revolution. 
Millions of jobs were created because of this revolution in energy, in 
U.S. manufacturing, in energy sectors, and our energy independence 
significantly enhanced our Nation's national security.
  I often recount this story. In a meeting about 4 years ago I had with 
Senator John McCain--a close friend of mine and mentor in the Senate--
and a very senior level Russian dissident. At the end of the meeting, I 
asked this brave Russian dissident: What more can the United States do 
to undermine the Putin regime and to undercut Vladimir Putin's malign 
influence in Europe and around the world? Without hesitation, this 
Russian dissident said: It is easy, Senator; America needs to produce 
more American energy. That is exactly what we did, and our country and 
our allies benefited enormously.
  So what has been the policy of this administration? From day 1--and I 
mean day 1--1 hour into his administration, President Biden has 
intentionally done the opposite. We are not going to produce more 
American energy, as that Russian dissident told me and Senator McCain 
to do to undermine Putin. To the contrary, the Biden administration 
made the conscious decision: We are going to undercut the production of 
American energy.
  Since taking office, this administration has shut down energy 
production, has made it hard to produce on Federal lands, has killed 
energy infrastructure like pipelines, has strong-armed American 
financial institutions and not invested in energy here and particularly 
in places like my State, the great State of Alaska.
  All of this restricting, delaying, killing the production of American 
energy, driven by a far-left agenda that makes no sense, has had the 
very predictable result of what? Catastrophically driving up energy 
prices for American working families--we are seeing that every day; my 
colleagues know that--increasing pink slips for American energy 
workers. Keystone XL laid off 10,000 workers, a lot of laborers. First 
day on the job--that was the President's call.
  Here is the thing that matters right now: This war on American energy 
has significantly empowered our adversaries, especially Vladimir Putin, 
who has used energy as a weapon for decades.
  Again, I see this every day. Think about this statistic if you are an 
Alaskan citizen. This administration comes up to Alaska and tries to 
delay and shut down the production of American energy. Guess what. At 
the same time, year 1 in the Biden administration, we are now importing 
700,000 barrels a day of oil from Russia--almost a 40-percent increase 
in year 1 from the Biden administration. Does any American or any U.S. 
Senator think that makes sense--killing American energy production in 
our great Nation and importing hundreds of thousands of barrels more 
from Vladimir Putin? Because if you do--well, actually, I don't think 
anyone thinks that makes sense. But that is what is happening right 
now. In effect, the United States, in many ways, along with countries 
in Europe, is funding the very war that Putin has launched.

  The United States still is the world's largest producer of natural 
gas, but, again, due to the irrationality and hostility toward 
pipelines, we can't get enough natural gas to the Northeast. So you see 
places like Boston importing LNG from where? Russia.
  This is insane. This is insane. This is a colossal, strategic 
mistake. It is clearly harming American working families. I am sure 
every Senator hears about it when they go home. But it is also national 
security suicide.
  It is being done, supposedly, to lower carbon emissions, but I want 
to be clear about that, too, because it isn't. In fact, oil produced in 
the United States has lower emissions than oil produced in most other 
countries. LNG shipped to Europe from the United States has a 41-
percent lower carbon emission footprint than gas piped in from Russia, 
and we also have some of the most rigorous environmental standards 
anywhere on the planet in terms of production.
  So, again, the Biden administration's energy policies are 
strengthening Putin, increasing costs and hurting Americans, and are 
actually doing zero to address global emissions. The only conclusion I 
can come up with is the far left has undertaken some kind of holy war 
against the production of American energy, and it makes no sense.
  So here is what we are asking the President. He gave a speech to the 
American people the other night where he said that he is using all 
available tools to address these energy challenges. With all due 
respect to the President of the United States, that is not true. The 
President knows it; his team knows it; every Senator here knows it, and 
the American people know it.
  So in our letter today that we are sending to the President, we are 
saying, President Biden, if you want to keep your word to the American 
people on what you just told them, ``all available tools,'' here is 
what you can actually announce tonight at the State of the Union that 
will have very significant, real impacts on lowering energy costs in 
America and increasing our national security relative to Putin.
  Some of the actions we requested the President to take in the letter 
we are sending him before the State of the Union.
  Simple, rescind your decision to cancel the Keystone XL Pipeline and 
fast-track other similar energy infrastructure projects around the 
country.
  Work to rescind the recent decision by the Biden administration's 
Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, FERC, that makes it much more 
difficult to actually approve natural gas pipelines. My understanding 
is my good friend from West Virginia Senator Manchin is holding a 
hearing on this very issue on Thursday because he knows that this is 
national security suicide.
  Commit to fast-tracking and producing American energy on American 
lands, particularly where the Congress has told you to do so, like ANWR 
in Alaska, like the National Petroleum Reserve in Alaska--Congress has 
said produce there; that is the law--like the Gulf of Mexico. We have 
decades in our great Nation of abundant proven reserves of oil and gas. 
So why are we importing so much from Putin right now?
  This brings me to another request. And this is a request of many 
Senators, and I believe Democratic Senators also. We should be banning 
the importation of Russian oil into the United States. Canada just 
announced it was doing it yesterday. Why would we be importing 700,000 
barrels a day of Russian oil when we have millions and millions of 
barrels in Alaska? Can somebody answer that question?
  I hope the President of the United States looks at our letter and 
recognizes these are commonsense approaches that are going to be needed 
to address this new era of authoritarian aggression, not just with 
Vladimir Putin but with Xi Jinping as well. When you look at what the 
Communist Party fears more than anything, it is American energy 
dominance. And yet this administration has come in, in year 1, 
unilaterally disarmed one of our most important strategic advantages in 
the world.
  One other thing we mention in the letter, which makes so much sense, 
is to issue all pending export licenses and announce an initiative to 
help surge American liquefied natural gas to our allies in Europe and 
partners in Europe who right now are being blackmailed and trapped by 
Vladimir Putin's use of energy.
  Again, you would think that would be a no-brainer.
  And we hope the President looks at the American people tonight and 
goes through this list of good energy ideas that we have given him and 
says he is going to do it--says he is going to do it.
  The world is reeling right now. Our country certainly is hurting, in 
terms of inflation and many other challenges, many of which are self-
inflicted like the energy challenges. We can take steps to strengthen 
our country. And a strong United States, of course, strengthens the 
world.
  We have seen this time and time again throughout history. Our country 
is the beacon of freedom and hope, and the light of that beacon can 
only shine brightly, can only cast light on all corners of the globe 
when we are strong. And it shines most brightly when our

[[Page S868]]

citizens are not struggling, but when we have strong communities, 
strong families, bolstered by good-paying jobs that provide dignity.
  Our light of freedom shines most brightly when our country is on a 
common mission, and I think the President can call us toward a common 
mission tonight by listening to some of the things that we as 
Republicans have implored him to talk about and focus on in his speech.
  As I mentioned, as a country, it is important that we wake up to the 
fact that this new era of authoritarian aggression will likely be with 
us for decades. We need to face it with confidence and strategic 
resolve.
  Our country has extraordinary advantages relative to the 
dictatorships of Russia and China if we are wise enough to utilize and 
strengthen them. Our global network of allies, our lethal military, our 
world-class natural resources and energy resources, our dynamic 
economy, and most important, our democratic values and commitment to 
liberty.
  Xi Jinping and Putin's biggest weakness and vulnerability is that 
they fear their own people. We should remember and exploit this 
vulnerability in the months and years ahead.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maryland.
  Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, yesterday, many of us in the Senate had 
the opportunity to meet with the Ukrainian Ambassador to the United 
States.
  It was an opportunity for many of us to express our admiration for 
the commitment of the Ukrainian people to the sovereignty of their 
country. They are motivated by the love of their country and a passion 
for freedom. Their President, President Zelenskyy, has shown courageous 
leadership. He has been inspirational as we have watched how he has put 
his own life at risk in order to serve his country. He has put country 
before personal safety.
  Ukraine versus Russia, good versus evil, this unprovoked attack on a 
peaceful sovereign country, orchestrated by Mr. Putin. We are not 
surprised. It was widely publicized, the use of his playbook. We knew 
what he was doing hour by hour in planning the invasion on Ukraine. It 
doesn't diminish the tragedy of Mr. Putin's actions. This is Mr. 
Putin's war, and he must be held fully accountable for what he has 
caused.
  I want to thank President Biden for his extraordinary global 
leadership on this issue. We have seen unity among our alliance, and we 
have seen global unity in condemning Mr. Putin's actions, which is so 
important in order to put the right focus on who is responsible and who 
can end this tragic war.
  We have imposed the strongest set of multilateral sanctions ever on 
Russia's leaders and institutions. We have cut off many of its banks 
from the Swiss system of banking. We have put personal sanctions on Mr. 
Putin and his enablers. We have frozen assets around the world. We have 
isolated Russia from international organizations and events. We have 
restricted airspace to Russian aircraft. All that has been done not 
just by the United States but in conjunction with our allies around the 
world, and it is having a major impact on Russia.
  We have seen unity in NATO. I think Mr. Putin thought that his 
campaign in Ukraine would weaken the NATO alliance. It has done just 
the opposite. It has strengthened the NATO alliance. We have sent NATO 
troops to the countries that border Russia that are members of NATO to 
make it clear that we understand our collective obligation under 
article 5 of the NATO treaty: an attack on one is an attack on all, and 
we will come to each other's mutual defense.
  And we have seen many countries that have been reluctant to get 
involved in war-type activities change their position because they 
realize how clear it is what Russia is doing violates every 
international commitment and jeopardizes not just the integrity of 
Ukraine but the integrity of Europe, the integrity of sovereign states 
around the world.
  So let me point out just one of our NATO partners, Germany. Germany 
canceled--put on hold Nord Stream 2. We know Mr. Putin has used energy 
as a weapon. He has weaponized the source of energy he has in his 
country. He has done that several times. Nord Stream 2 would give him 
additional wealth and energy--stopped by Germany. But Germany has gone 
further than that. For the first time, now they are going to be 
supplying lethal weapons to Ukraine, recognizing that all of us have a 
responsibility to help Ukraine in its hour of need.
  And, yes, Germany has now made a commitment that we have asked all 
NATO nations to do, devote 2 percent of their economy to our mutual 
defense, and Germany is now stepping up to meet that 2 percent 
commitment. That is what we are seeing from NATO partners.
  Turkey is going to block the use of warships from being able to use 
its waters in order to get engaged in the conflict; that is, Russian 
warships.
  We have seen non-NATO countries step up to the plate. We are very 
pleased with the global response, Finland's response, Switzerland's 
response. This is unprecedented that we had this type of global unity 
saying to Mr. Putin: Stop this invasion, an unprovoked attack on a 
peaceful nation. Stop it.
  Now, the consequences of our action have had major impact on the 
Russian economy. Their interest rates have gone up dramatically. The 
value of their currency, the ruble, has fallen dramatically. Their 
economy is suffering dramatically. And when the Russian people want to 
know who to blame as a result of their economy going into the tank--one 
person, the person who caused this war, Mr. Putin.
  The Ukrainians are defending their country and have disrupted Putin's 
military expectations. These are really people motivated for the right 
reasons to defend their country, and they have been able to do amazing 
things in stopping Russia's advancements. That is because of the will, 
determination, and bravery of the Ukrainian people.
  They need our help, and they need the help of our allies in supplying 
the necessary military equipment in order to defend themselves. We know 
how many Russian tanks are out there, and we know how many Russian 
aircraft are out there. They need anti-tank and anti-aircraft weapons, 
and they need ammunition. They need a lot in order to defend 
themselves, and we and our allies need to step up to make sure they 
have what they need.
  They also, by the way, need humanitarian aid. We know that there are 
already over several hundred thousand refugees who have escaped the 
violence in Ukraine and have gone into neighboring countries. It is 
estimated that number could grow into the millions. We need to work 
with the international community in regard to the humanitarian needs of 
the refugees. We also have to realize that Ukraine's supply chain has 
been totally disrupted. We need to provide humanitarian aid within 
Ukraine, get it to the border, and work with the Ukrainian officials so 
they can get it inside the country. That is our responsibility in order 
to help in this hour of need. We need to do even more than that, and 
there are additional steps that we can take.
  We need to continue to ratchet up the sanctions that are being 
imposed against Mr. Putin and Russia. As I said earlier, these 
sanctions are severe today, and we need to consider doing more. The 
administration is already setting up a process by which we can trace 
laundered assets so that, when we say we are going to freeze the assets 
of those who are being sanctioned, we will find those assets wherever 
you try to hide them. We are going to work with our allies around the 
world in order to make it clear that there is no safe haven for you to 
hide your wealth.
  We need to continue to build on individual sanctions. We know that. 
Individual sanctions mean a great deal, and there are others who need 
to be sanctioned. Yes, I think we need to consider the oil and gas 
industry as to how we can make it clear that we are not going to let 
Mr. Putin benefit from his assets.
  Trading policies need to be reevaluated. A country that invades 
another country without any provocation whatsoever should not be 
entitled to normal trade relations with the United States, and we 
should be looking at how we can enforce those types of changes.
  Yes, there needs to be personal accountability. It has now become 
quite obvious that Mr. Putin has had no regard whatsoever for civilian 
casualties. In fact, there have been reports that he may have targeted 
civilians in his effort to gain control of Ukraine. We

[[Page S869]]

need to make it clear that, if the facts are there, we will pursue 
potential war crimes. No one should escape accountability. We should 
hold those who are responsible for these tragedies accountable for 
them.
  Let me make it clear. As Mr. Zelenskyy has said, the President of 
Ukraine, we will always look for a diplomatic way to end this war. We 
want this war never to have started, and we want it to end as soon as 
possible. We will look in any way we can for a diplomatic end to this 
war--preserving the sovereignty of Ukraine.
  We recognize that Mr. Putin's war has brought to our attention other 
issues that we need to really pay attention to. One is the energy 
policy of Europe and the United States. I have heard my colleagues talk 
about this, but the right answer is energy independence, investment in 
renewable energy sources, so that we can not only protect our national 
security but so that we can also protect our environment. We need to 
make those investments moving forward so none of our allies ever has to 
rely upon an autocratic government's supply of oil or gas.
  I want to underscore the importance that was brought to our attention 
yesterday. There was a parliamentarian from Ukraine who was there who 
said: Thank you so much for the Magnitsky sanctions that you have 
imposed on individuals because that really hurts.
  Well, we are proud because it was this body that initiated the 
Magnitsky sanctions.
  Let me remind my colleagues that our law expires at the end of this 
year. Now is the time to expand and extend the Global Magnitsky law. We 
need to protect our supply chains. We saw that during the coronavirus, 
but we also recognize, with supplies in autocratic countries, that we 
need to shore up our own supplies and make them in America. We have 
legislation that has passed the House and Senate. Let's get that bill 
to the finish line. That would be so important for our national 
security.
  Our immediate priority: Let us all stand with the people of Ukraine 
in their struggle for freedom. They have not only our admiration, but 
they have our support. We want to do what we can, and we stand with the 
people of Ukraine.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Alabama.
  Mr. TUBERVILLE. Mr. President, last week, President Putin of Russia 
ordered 100,000 to 200,000 Russians across Ukraine's border. Air raid 
sirens rang out. Bombs rained down. Russia declared war on Ukraine--the 
first war in Europe since 1945.
  Putin's terror is hard to watch. We have all seen it on television in 
realtime, but it is important we not look away. Amid it all, we are 
seeing examples of heroism and hearing stories of strength.
  Early in the fight, Russian warships called for Ukrainians to lay 
down their weapons on the small Snake Island. Ukrainian fighters 
answered with a bold response that has reverberated as a sort of 
drumbeat of defiance across the country. Since then, we have seen 
Ukrainians embody determination in the face of desperation--all in the 
name of freedom and love for their country. A Ukrainian marine 
sacrificed himself to blow up a bridge near Kyiv so that Russian tanks 
could not cross.
  All the while, President Zelenskyy of Ukraine has stayed. He has not 
abandoned his country, even though he knows Putin's goal is to topple 
the Ukrainian Government--all this while knowing that President Putin 
of Russia has sent over assassins to eliminate him. He planted his feet 
and squared his shoulders for the fight and is rallying his fellow 
countrymen to do the same.
  Ukrainian citizens are following suit, showing true bravery in the 
face of madness. As the Ukrainian Government began to hand out weapons, 
thousands and thousands lined up to receive them, men and women. 
Volunteers, ordinary citizens, are adding to the resistance. They are 
men and women, young and old, coming from all backgrounds and walks of 
life--all to defend freedom and democracy in their country.
  It is clear Mr. Putin underestimated the Ukrainians' will to fight. 
While Ukrainians are handing Russia a tough fight, we know there will 
be hard days ahead. Mr. Putin's rationale for invading was the 
``demilitarization and de-Nazification of Ukraine,'' arguing that, if 
Ukraine joined NATO, the West would have an excuse to invade Russia. 
That is paranoia. That is delusion. That doesn't sound like a strong 
leader. It sounds like a weak leader. Putin was betting that NATO would 
fold and that countries would turn against one another. If anything, 
Mr. Putin's bullying has strengthened NATO.
  Last week, Germany halted the Nord Stream 2 Pipeline, and now, in a 
somewhat surprising about-face, Germany is agreeing to send weapons to 
Ukraine. This not only frees up other countries to follow suit, but it 
also reverses their historic policy of never sending weapons to a 
conflict zone.
  Over the weekend, the United States joined with the European 
Commission and Canada, France, the United Kingdom, Italy, and Germany 
to ban select Russian banks from SWIFT. By limiting access to this 
international payment system, we move closer to the goal of further 
isolating Russia. Additionally, the group leveled sanctions on Russia's 
central bank--paralyzing assets and freezing transactions. At least 26 
NATO countries have either independently issued sanctions or have 
joined the EU sanctions.
  Since the invasion, the United States has not only imposed economic 
and financial sanctions, but we also authorized $350 million in new 
military aid to Ukraine, including anti-tank and air defense 
capabilities, and the State Department has sent millions in 
humanitarian aid. We are now seeing an inflection point for other 
countries--a time for choosing. Countries like Sweden, Finland, and 
Kosovo are all voicing a desire to join NATO. They are choosing to 
align with the West.
  So, in a moment of apparent frustration over the past few days, Putin 
ordered his Russian nuclear deterrent forces to be put on high alert in 
response to what he calls ``aggressive statements'' from NATO leaders 
and the West's financial sanctions.
  But I ask this question: Why? Why were all of these sanctions not 
presented 6 months ago to possibly deter this aggression and save tens 
of thousands of lives?
  We were late.
  As it currently stands, this is not a fight for American troops, but 
if a NATO country is threatened, we will and do need to act. Facts 
could change; therefore, policies have to change, which is why we need 
to continue to impose harsh financial sanctions and project strength 
during this very ugly situation.
  Another step we must take is to regain energy independence. We import 
nearly 600,000 barrels of oil a day from Russia. The Keystone Pipeline 
would have provided us 800,000 barrels per day.
  Ahead of the invasion, President Biden admitted ``defending freedom 
will have costs for us at home here as well.'' The irony is that 
Americans aren't just now feeling the economic strain as we begin to 
``defend freedom'' through sanctions on Russia. Gas prices began to 
soar long before Mr. Putin waged war in Ukraine. It started with the 
President's first day in office when he blocked the Keystone Pipeline 
and undercut our Nation's energy independence. Russia ramped up 
aggression against Ukraine at the same time as the administration was 
canceling 80 million acres of oil and gas leases. Green policies here 
at home have pushed us to seek energy abroad, and our country is paying 
a huge and hefty price.
  President Biden has again admitted that we might need to dip into our 
oil reserves, but why not dig into the oil reserves--dig our own oil?
  This is no time to be a purist and think others can bail us out. The 
United States of America is an energy-rich nation, but we must have 
smart policies in place to use them.
  This is an economic and a national security issue. You cannot have a 
strong economy without low energy costs, and ridding ourselves of our 
reliance on Russian energy is a matter of national security. What 
happens in Ukraine matters, but so, too, do our actions here at home.

  So as our country prepares to hear from President Biden tonight on 
the state of our Union, I urge the President to project a strong path 
forward, to

[[Page S870]]

double down on investments in our military, and to put forth policies 
to ensure we regain our energy independence.
  If the state of our Union here at home is strong, it will only serve 
to strengthen our standing abroad.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Markey). The Senator from Texas.
  Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, Russia is waging war, the likes we have 
not seen since World War II. They are waging war on freedom and 
democracy.
  Over recent days, the world has watched in horror as Russian troops 
have invaded and brutally attacked Ukraine and Ukrainians. So far, 
estimates are that 350 Ukrainians have been killed. We really don't 
know what the number is, but we do know that countless civilians have 
been injured, and more than half a million Ukrainians, including women 
and children, are now refugees.
  This invasion was not weeks or even months in the making; this has 
been Moscow's plan for years. Putin has made no secret of his desire to 
redraw the maps of Europe and to restore the Russian Empire. That is 
why in 2008, Russia invaded the nation of Georgia. In 2014, it invaded 
Ukraine, for the first time since the end of the Cold War, taking the 
Crimea region. So the current invasion of Ukraine is really the second 
invasion we have seen from Vladimir Putin's Russian Federation since 
2014. Putin's appetite has not been satisfied. If anything, these 
invasions have made him hungrier for power.
  The people of Ukraine have lived under the shadow of Russian 
aggression for years, and it has always been a question of when, not 
if, Russia would finally act. For months, Russia has amassed hundreds 
of thousands of troops on Ukraine's border, with numbers growing from a 
few thousand to more than 150,000.
  Defenders of freedom and democracy everywhere look to the United 
States for leadership. But, sadly, they were let down. That is because 
when it comes to projecting strength to authoritarians like Vladimir 
Putin and President Xi, to the Ayatollahs in Iran and Kim Jong Un in 
North Korea, the Biden administration repeatedly projects not strength 
but weakness.
  First of all, when it comes to Europe and Ukraine and Russia, 
President Biden should not have waived sanctions on the Nord Stream 2 
Pipeline last year. He should have never suggested that certain Russian 
attacks would be disregarded by the United States. A minor incursion, 
he said, might be overlooked.
  And he should have taken swift action and imposed paralyzing 
sanctions on Russia before--before--an invasion to give them a taste of 
what might come, in an effort to deter Putin from invading in the first 
place. And we should have earlier sent greater defensive weapons to the 
Ukrainians. Strong action was called for before the war started, but 
unfortunately, we have been playing catchup since it did start.
  But now, we have a critical task ahead of us. Between this crisis and 
the disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan stranding thousands of 
Americans without consultation or communication with any of our NATO 
allies that were discouraged and shocked to find out that we would 
leave them hanging, President Biden has repeatedly given our NATO 
allies reason to doubt our commitment and our credibility.
  I am sure Vladimir Putin is taking notice. I am sure President Xi and 
the People's Republic of China has as well. In fact, Xi Jinping has 
already expressed approval of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
  Putin has now put Russia's nuclear forces on high alert, threatening 
to escalate to the unthinkable--something that hasn't happened since 
1945--the discharge of a nuclear device. He has also ordered his 
soldiers to fire on residential neighborhoods, a clear-cut example of a 
war crime.
  There is need of decisive action to counter Russian aggression. With 
the eyes the world looking at the United States for leadership, it is 
time for us to step up in defense of this democracy. President Biden 
needs to follow through on his promise to make Putin a ``pariah on the 
world stage.'' The Biden administration has put harsh sanctions on 
Russia, but its most valuable asset remains virtually untouched, and 
that is Russia's oil and gas sector.
  Even as Russia wages a brutal war against the people of Ukraine, it 
is exporting energy to the rest the world and using the profits--$100 
oil and higher--to fund the war against innocent Ukrainian citizens. 
Sanctions against banks and oligarchs are crucial, but we should not 
ignore Russia's single largest economic asset.
  The United States must identify ways to offset the global demand for 
Russian energy, both here at home and with our oil-producing allies 
abroad, so we can cut off Putin's biggest stream of revenue. That would 
be the biggest and best sanction of all.

  Our friend John McCain used to joke that Russia was a gas station 
masquerading as a country to make the point that their oil and gas 
sector is the single most important part of their economy. And yet so 
far, the U.S. Government has left it relatively untouched and 
unscathed.
  In addition to economic penalties, we must provide additional 
materiel support for Ukrainian forces to sustain their heroic and 
inspirational fight against Russian aggression. A few weeks ago, I 
began working with a bipartisan group of colleagues on a far-reaching 
bill to counter this aggression. This package included legislation that 
I introduced called the Ukraine Democracy Defense Lend-Lease Act, 
reminiscent of what the United States did when Britain was hanging by a 
thread under Nazi aggression in World War II.
  Just as we did in World War II for our allies in Britain, this bill 
would ensure that Ukrainian forces and the Ukrainian citizenry had the 
defensive weapons, the air power, the ships--whatever they needed--in 
order to defend their sovereignty. It also included security 
assistance, as well as sanctions on Russia.
  And even though we agreed on a bipartisan basis on the vast majority 
of what was being discussed, the administration's oppositions prevented 
us from reaching a final agreement.
  I am disappointed that we were unable to act and send a strong and 
united and bipartisan message as Congress to Vladimir Putin, but the 
fact that we were unsuccessful then doesn't eliminate the need for us 
to take further action now.
  Thanks to the leadership of the ranking member of the Senate Foreign 
Relations Committee, Senator Risch from Idaho, I was proud to join my 
Republican colleagues in introducing legislation that will kneecap 
Russia's efforts. The Never Yielding Europe's Territory Act doesn't 
just support Ukraine or impose economic consequences on Russia on 
counter Russian aggression, it does all of the above.
  This legislation includes a range of measures to strengthen Ukraine's 
ability to defend itself, including my lend-lease bill. It imposes 
harsh economic consequences on the Russian economy through far-reaching 
sanctions.
  As we all know, Senator Menendez, the chairman of the Foreign 
Relations Committee, and Senator Risch, the ranking member, negotiated 
for days and indeed weeks upon weeks, but were unable to come up with a 
bipartisan package.
  I am especially disappointed that today, when Senator Risch offered 
to take up and pass this bill by unanimous consent, that it was blocked 
by one of our Democratic colleagues. I wonder what kind of message that 
sends to Vladimir Putin--not a good one.
  America stands with Ukraine, and we must do everything in our power 
to help Ukrainian forces defend their freedom and their democracy. 
Through the devastation that we have seen over the past couple of days, 
we have all been inspired by the strength and courage of the Ukrainian 
people. They are on the frontlines of the war against our values, 
against their sovereignty, against democracy, and they deserve our 
unequivocal support.
  As the conflict--indeed, as the war--in Ukraine wages on, strong 
American leadership is desperately needed on a bipartisan, monolithic 
basis.
  This evening, President Biden will have a chance to provide his State 
of the Union message, and I hope that he sends a clear message to the 
world that Russia's belligerence and hostility will not be tolerated. 
The American people, our friends and allies, and our adversaries will 
be paying close attention,

[[Page S871]]

and President Biden should not pull any punches. He should not mince 
words. He should say that America stands with Ukraine, and we will not 
tolerate as civilized nations--as democracies--a blatant attack on a 
fellow democracy.
  In addition to the many challenges abroad, the American people are 
facing the failures of the President Biden's domestic policies here at 
home. Families are being battered by the worst inflation in 40 years, 
up 7\1/2\ percent so far this year alone. It is more expensive in Texas 
to heat your home, to stock your pantry, or fill your gas tank.
  I spoke to cotton producers in Abilene, TX, just last week. They told 
me their single biggest problem is the cost of inputs, of fuel, 
fertilizer, and other things they need in order to grow their product, 
their commodity.
  Anyone who has a need to make a big purchase--things like a car or 
home appliances--has likely experienced extreme sticker shock.
  Business owners, too, have been hit with a double whammy as supply 
chain issues make it even more difficult and more costly to produce, 
sell, and ship their products.
  Wages have increased some, which would normally be good news, but 
wage growth is still being outpaced by inflation; meaning that for the 
average American family, their purchasing power is shrinking, not 
growing because of inflation. That means our workers have essentially 
gotten a pay cut because of the flawed policies of the Biden 
administration.
  Economists said that if our Democratic colleagues had proceeded with 
their nearly $2 trillion partisan spending spree at the beginning of 
last year, that it would cause inflation. I still remember Larry 
Summers, a Democratic-leaning economist who served in Bill Clinton's 
Cabinet, warning that all of this money that Congress is spending--not 
the money we were spending for public health purposes or to mitigate 
the economic consequences of COVID-19, but the money spent on other 
items in our Democratic colleagues' outbox--he said that we are risking 
the return of inflation like we haven't seen in the last few 
decades. Despite the warning from people like Larry Summers and others, 
our Democratic colleagues forged ahead and now America's working 
families are paying the price.

  I hope President Biden has a plan he will announce tonight on how to 
attack inflation. But that plan cannot--cannot--involve his ill-
conceived ``Build Back Broke'' agenda. This is another $5 trillion 
spending bill that, thanks to bipartisan opposition, did not go 
anywhere, but which threatened huge tax increases and huge inflationary 
spending. This is not time to pile on and make the American people's 
pain worse. We need to do everything we can to reduce inflation, to 
increase their buying power.
  I would like to also hear the President's strategy to address another 
crisis, and that is the crisis at our southern border. My State has 
1,200 miles of border with Mexico, and, last year alone, we have seen 2 
million people show up at the border, either to be returned to their 
country of origin or, more likely, to be welcomed into the United 
States and be given a slip of paper that says: Show up for your 
immigration court hearing in a year or 2 years.
  We know that the human smugglers are getting rich smuggling people 
into the United States. They understand our system. They know how to 
exploit the flaws in our system, and they are getting rich doing so. 
And by flooding the border with so many people, including unaccompanied 
children at one time, it takes Border Patrol off the frontlines while 
the drug smugglers move their illicit cargo into the United States. And 
it is those drugs that have contributed to the loss of more than 
100,000 American lives due to drug overdoses last year alone.
  I want to hear President Biden's answer: Why haven't you done 
anything about it? Why haven't you welcomed or asked for the help of 
bipartisan Members of Congress to try to address this crisis at the 
border?
  Instead, the Biden administration made it worse. They revoked many of 
the policies of the previous administration that deterred an influx of 
migration, and they failed to anticipate the obvious consequences. When 
you lay out the welcome mat on the U.S. border, people will come, and 
they come not just from Mexico and Central America. They come from 
around the world.
  I remember early on during the Biden administration talking to the 
chief of the Border Patrol in the Del Rio Sector. He said: In the last 
few weeks, we have detained people from 150-plus countries.
  The reason for that is obvious. Illegal immigration is the way that 
international criminal networks get rich and do business. And if you 
have enough money, they will get you across the southern border, 
exploiting the laws that we know need to be changed but we cannot seem 
to muster the support from President Biden nor our Democratic friends 
to fix.
  Local governments and my constituents in the Rio Grande Valley and 
along the border, who are largely Hispanic themselves, understand the 
difference between legal and illegal immigration, and they are being 
inundated with illegal immigration and the burdens that are associated 
with that. They are looking to Washington to do something about it, but 
those calls are not being answered. So the burden falls on State 
government--Governor Abbott and the Texas Legislature--to try to step 
up. But this is the Federal Government's responsibility, not the State 
government's responsibility. Leaders in Texas have begged the Biden 
administration to step up and do its duty. They have asked for more 
staff, better resources, and policies that put an end to these pull 
factors, but the administration has done nothing. The only conclusion I 
can draw after all this time is they just don't care.
  As we head into the spring, which is typically the busiest time at 
the border, the Biden administration needs to take action. The 
President cannot continue to ignore this humanitarian crisis. We need a 
concrete plan to address this chaos and ensure that migrants are 
treated fairly and humanely in accordance with U.S. law.
  But, sadly, the border crisis isn't the only problem the 
administration has shown complete and utter disregard for. Communities 
across the country are worried about alarming increases in violent 
crime.
  This morning alone, we had a hearing in the Judiciary Committee on 
carjacking, the violent theft of an automobile using a gun or other 
weapon to steal it from a person who may be driving their kids to 
school or to work or to church, only to have their car stolen and their 
life threatened or taken.
  In 2020, murders rose nearly 30 percent from the year before--30 
percent--the single largest increase on record. We are still waiting 
for the rest of the data from 2021, but, so far, the picture is no 
brighter. A number of major cities experienced their deadliest years on 
record. Of course, this was in the wake of this boneheaded idea called 
``defund the police,'' which destroyed support for the police at the 
local level and demoralized the men and women who are doing their duty 
in an honorable and necessary way each and every day. This is the price 
that you pay for such misguided efforts as defunding the police.
  The American people are paying attention, as you would expect. A poll 
in November found that more than half of those surveyed believe that 
local crime had gotten worse--a 13-percent jump from the previous year. 
Concerns at the national level are even higher. Nearly three-quarters 
of Americans believe that crime is up nationally. They believe that 
because it is. This is bad news for families, for communities, for 
businesses, and for our dedicated law enforcement professionals, and 
the administration needs to take action.
  American families are facing a host of crises at home, and democracy 
is taking a beating abroad. Tonight, I hope President Biden will 
outline a clear plan to address these many challenges and come up with 
answers that we can work on together in a bipartisan way. Trying to do 
things in a 50-50 Senate or at the 4-vote majority in the House of 
Representatives is destined to fail, as we have seen time and time 
again. The only way to get things done in a 50-50 Senate is to work to 
build consensus and get bipartisan support.
  I hope we will see a midcourse correction from the administration on 
these many challenges that I mentioned

[[Page S872]]

today. I hope the President will finally acknowledge and commit to 
helping address the humanitarian crisis at the border, which he has 
ignored for more than a year now. I hope and I trust he will send a 
strong message to the world that America condemns Russian action and 
stands with solidarity with Ukraine. The American people deserve to 
hear their President explain his plan to address each of these looming 
challenges, and I hope he doesn't let them down.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.


                  Vote on H.R. 3076--Motion to Proceed

  Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I know of no further debate on the motion 
to proceed to H.R. 3076.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. If there is no further debate, the question is 
on agreeing to the motion to proceed.
  The motion was agreed to.

                          ____________________