[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 26 (Wednesday, February 9, 2022)]
[House]
[Pages H1092-H1098]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                          BLACK HISTORY MONTH

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of 
January 4, 2021, the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Clyburn) is 
recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the majority leader.
  Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from 
Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern.)


                       January 6 Wounds Must Heal

  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished majority whip 
for yielding me the time and for his commitment to justice and all 
necessary to make this country a better place for everybody.
  Mr. Speaker, some say that time heals all wounds. In the hours right 
after the January 6 attack, I was hopeful that with time America might 
begin to heal, too; that in the wake of such a dastardly attack on our 
democracy, Republicans would recoil in disgust at what they had 
created; that after the President of the United States whipped a 
violent mob into a frenzy and sent them here to attack Congress, they 
might finally say enough is enough.
  That didn't happen, and it is not going to. The Republican National 
Committee just called January 6 ``legitimate political discourse.'' 
Legitimate political discourse? They had lead pipes and guns. They 
destroyed property and beat cops. Give me a break.
  Sadly, this is just their latest attempt to rewrite history. Last 
year they called January 6, ``a normal tourist visit.'' They continue 
obstructing the January 6th Select Committee.

[[Page H1093]]

They continue spreading the big lie that the election was stolen 
despite overwhelming, incontrovertible evidence that it wasn't.
  The former President again promised to pardon those who engaged in 
violence if he assumes office again. This week we learned that he 
considered using the military to seize ballot boxes. Now, there is a 
sentence that sends a chill down my spine.
  I credit Leader McConnell, who rebuked his party this week. He said 
January 6 was ``a violent insurrection for the purpose of trying to 
prevent the peaceful transfer of power.'' But he is the exception.
  For a majority of Republicans, things have not changed. They have 
stayed the same, stuck in a QAnon fever dream, waiting at the beck and 
call of a twice-impeached ex-President who has spent his retirement 
shredding evidence at Mar-a-Lago. Time has not stiffened their spines. 
It hasn't jolted them into reality or brought us together like we were 
in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks.

  January 6 hasn't become a turning point. Instead, it has become a 
talking point. This is the new Republican reality. To gain support from 
the ex-President, you have to repeat a lie that the election was 
stolen, and to maintain the support of the Republican Party, you have 
to repeat another lie, that January 6 wasn't a violent uprising against 
America.
  There is a word for that, Mr. Speaker. It is called fascism, and it 
is a jarring word, one I don't use lightly. So let me be clear exactly 
how I mean it. Fascism isn't about a particular set of beliefs or 
political ideology. It is about power and the lengths to which some 
people will go to acquire and retain it.
  For decades, America fought against fascism, but today a growing 
movement here at home seeks to upend norms, settle disagreement with 
violence, and silence the truth.
  ``Free societies,'' American philosopher Jason Stanley says, 
``require truth, and so to smash freedom, you must smash truth.''
  So let me say this plainly: The election was not stolen. Trump-
appointed judges say it was not stolen. Republican-led investigations 
say it was not stolen. Republican officials responsible for counting 
votes say it wasn't stolen.
  If you are an elected official and you continue smashing the truth, 
even after all that we have learned about what happened on January 6, 
you are supporting fascism.
  What is happening is not new. Even the earliest philosopher saw that 
democracies are particularly susceptible to tyranny. There is no reason 
to believe it can't happen here.
  What is special about America isn't the strength of our institutions 
alone, it is the strength and courage of the people willing to stand up 
and fight for them. And that is why I am glad the January 6th Select 
Committee is doing its work. I am grateful President Biden isn't 
falling for false claims of executive privilege by the ex-President 
designed to cover up what went on. And I am proud of the people who 
keep showing up day in and day out despite going through hell that day, 
from congressional staff to the administrative staff, to cafeteria 
workers, to the cleaning crews, to the Capitol Police. Each of you is 
playing a vital role in defending our democracy.

                              {time}  1230

  But make no mistake, we are standing on the precipice.
  When we spend hours and hours debating whether State legislatures 
should be allowed to nullify ballots; when politicians call an attempt 
to violently overthrow the United States Government ``legitimate 
political discourse,'' we are in a dangerous spot.
  The insurrection, conspiracy theories, the big lie, voter 
suppression, they are all branches on the same tree.
  And at the root of all of it is power.
  Now, I don't have a magic wand to make it better, I have a warning: 
Time won't heal our wounds or reign in fascism in America. That is why 
we must demand the truth.
  If we don't, the people who are trying to normalize what happened on 
January 6 won't be dismissed. They will be empowered.
  God help us all, and God help the United States of America if that 
happens.
  Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his comments.
  Mr. Speaker, I come to the floor today to discuss some other theories 
and to honor this month, Black History Month, with first an 
announcement.
  Last year, the Governor of Kentucky wrote President Biden asking him 
to promote Colonel Charles Young to brigadier general.
  Charles Young is not a name that most people in the country probably 
recognize. Charles was a ``buffalo soldier.'' He was the third African 
American to graduate from West Point. And stories are legendary as to 
what Charles went through.
  Charles was born a son of slaves back in 1864 in Kentucky, but he 
rose and went into the military at the urging of his father and 
performed heroically. However, for obvious reasons, he was stuck at 
lieutenant colonel and never got the promotion which he deserved.
  So, posthumously, last week, the Defense Department, upon the request 
of the Governor of Kentucky--and I was pleased to write a letter to the 
President in support of that request--Charles was promoted to general. 
I thank the Defense Department for repairing that fault.
  Now, Mr. Speaker, Black History Month started out back in 1926. It 
was started by Dr. Carter G. Woodson and the Association for the Study 
of Negro Life and History.
  Now, Dr. Woodson is known by most of us as the father of Black 
history. Dr. Woodson had some strong feelings about the contributions 
that African Americans were making to this great country that were 
going untold and intentionally ignored. So Dr. Woodson and the 
association lobbied for a week to focus the country's attention on the 
contributions of Black Americans. He was successful, and as I said, in 
1926, the week was established.
  Now, back in the sixties, many college campuses had a lot of activity 
going on on those campuses, and I am very familiar with some of them, 
but one of the things that came up was this focus on the contributions 
of African Americans. And so a movement started on these campuses. They 
decided--in fact, quite frankly, I believe Kent University was the 
first university that decided--that it would just celebrate and focus 
on African-American history for the entire month of February, that a 
week was not enough.
  Now, we hear a lot of stories about February being the shortest month 
of the year and why that was set aside for the study of Black history. 
Well, the fact of the matter is, the number of days in the month had 
nothing to do with it. It was all about 2 days in the month of 
February.
  When the agreement was made to celebrate Black History Month, Carter 
G. Woodson and the association picked February because February 12 was 
the birthday of Abraham Lincoln, and February 14 was the birthday of 
Frederick Douglass. So to embrace both of those birthdays, they picked 
a week in February that encompassed the two days. That is how it got to 
be February.
  And then, of course, with the agitation on the college campuses, they 
started a tradition of celebrating the whole month. And, of course, in 
1969 the activity took place up at Kent, and in 1976 President Gerald 
Ford decided to officially recognize the month of February as Black 
History Month. That is how we got to this point. And every President 
since has followed suit.
  Now, today, the teaching of Black history has taken on a new meaning 
in this polarized country that we are currently experiencing. The 
publication, Education Week, reports that since January 2021--so 13 
months--14 States led by Republican Governors, Florida, Georgia, 
Alabama, South Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, Utah, Oklahoma, Texas, 
Iowa, New Hampshire, North Dakota, Montana, and Idaho have all imposed 
restrictions or bans on teaching about racial issues. And legislation 
is currently pending in another 23 States.

  Black History Month, as I just indicated, was established officially 
by a Republican President, Gerald Ford, but we have become so polarized 
and this has become so politicized that in the last 13 months, 14 
States led by Republican Governors have imposed restrictions or bans on 
teaching about racial issues.
  These States claim to be protecting the K-12 students from being 
taught critical race theory, or as we have seen

[[Page H1094]]

in some publications, things that make White children uncomfortable.
  I would like to remind all of us, especially my friends on the other 
side of the aisle, that theory is part of the higher education 
experience and is not part of any curriculum in K-12. Instead, these 
students are being taught facts, what I call critical race facts.
  Now, all of us are aware of the contributions of people like Rosa 
Parks, Martin Luther King, Jr., Harriet Tubman, and none of us seem to 
be uncomfortable with knowing about these people. But, Mr. Speaker, 
there are a lot of other people of color who have made significant 
contributions to the growth and development of this great country that 
have been intentionally left out of our history books. And for some 
strange reason, people seem to feel that students will be uncomfortable 
learning about those contributions. It is important to the full 
development of all children to be taught exactly what this country is 
all about.
  Let me offer a few examples of what I am talking about here. In fact, 
I opened up Black History Month this year speaking to students over at 
Gonzaga High School. And in that speech, as I have done on this floor, 
I looked up at the lights, and I talked to those students a little bit 
about the person that history records as responsible for the light 
bulb: Thomas Edison. Nobody argues with that. We are very comfortable 
with knowing that, reading about that in the history books, and 
studying about Thomas Edison that many of us call ``the greatest 
inventor of all times.''
  But the fact of the matter is that Thomas Edison did invent the light 
bulb, but a very critical, unknown fact to most people is that he could 
not get the light bulb to work. He could get it to come on, but he 
couldn't get it to stay on. And it was not until someone told Thomas 
Edison about an African American, a young man, the son of former 
slaves--his parents had escaped from slavery, and they were living up 
in Massachusetts--this young man was totally different from Thomas 
Edison; his name was Lewis Latimer.
  Thomas Edison was informed that this light bulb that he couldn't get 
to stay on, this guy up in Massachusetts might be able to solve his 
problem, if he could just step outside of his comfort zone. Oh, it may 
be uncomfortable, but if you can step outside of your comfort zone and 
sit down with Lewis Latimer, this man has invented a filament that 
might make your light bulb work.
  Thomas Edison decided to do that. He wanted to light the world. He 
was having problems. For some reason he could not get it done.

                              {time}  1245

  So he went up to Massachusetts and he sat down with Lewis Latimer. 
And sure enough, Lewis Latimer's filament, when put inside of Thomas 
Edison's light bulb, it worked. And together, they lit the world.
  It should not be uncomfortable for people to know about Lewis 
Latimer. That is not critical race theory. That is a critical racial 
fact that ought to be known by all children and adults. And what is 
wrong with teaching that in the classrooms? For some strange reason, a 
lot of people feel that would be uncomfortable for children to learn.
  There are plenty other examples like that. I think today of another 
one, the steam engine. Nobody will argue about how important the steam 
engine was and still is to the industrial revolution. And if you ask 
people, most people from the books they have learned, who invented the 
steam engine, they will tell you Thomas Savery. And they would be 
correct.
  But when Thomas Savery invented the steam engine, it would overheat 
and they would have to cut the engine off. And sometimes in order to 
keep from cutting it off, they would employ a person they called an 
oiler. And that person's job was to pour oil on this engine so it would 
keep running. They would not have to shut it down. And it was a very 
dangerous job; some lost their limbs carrying out their duties.
  But there was a guy working in a similar situation who came up with 
an automatic oil pan. He designed a way for the engine to self-
lubricate so he would not have to turn it off and lose production, so 
he would not have to employ a person who could lose a limb.
  That man's name was Elijah McCoy, who also--according to my 
research--was the son of slaves. He was a prolific inventor. This was 
just one of the things that he invented. In fact, Elijah McCoy's genius 
was so well-thought of and highly respected, and he had invented so 
many things to make life better, to make production more profitable, to 
make this country a better place. And out of respect for his genius, 
the stories are told that whenever anybody came up with some gadget or 
something to make life easier, the question was asked often, ``Is this 
a real McCoy?'' It is very comfortable for people, even today, to use 
that phrase, ask that question:
  Is that the real McCoy? Are you the real McCoy?
  Why would it be so uncomfortable for children in the classroom to 
know that that iconic phrase came about as a result of the significant 
contribution to the human spirt, to the greatness of America by an 
African American named Elijah McCoy. Why is that to be uncomfortable? 
There is nothing that should be uncomfortable about that.
  I also think today about another African American, Garrett A. Morgan. 
Now, all of us marvel at the gas mask. I remember as a child, the first 
time I saw one and experimented with how it worked, I had no idea of 
the origin of it at the time. In fact, if I were to read the books that 
were published, I still would not have known the real origin, because 
in the books, they would tell you that John Haldane, a Scottish 
inventor who came to this country, and supposedly during World War I, 
invented the first gas mask.
  But the critical fact is World War I started in 1914; ended in 1918. 
But in 1911 or thereabouts, a man named Garrett Morgan, also from 
Kentucky, he was born to a mother who was Native American and a father 
who was African American, who was also a former slave.
  Morgan, in 1914, at the beginning of World War I, invented the gas 
mask. And that gas mask was used in 1916 in New York City to save the 
lives of over 500 people caught in some kind of an accident. Now, if 
you look at the calendar, this was done before John Haldane, whatever 
contraption he may have developed.
  Now the story of Garrett Morgan is kind of interesting and a little 
bit--maybe to some, I know to me--uncomfortable to think about. Because 
Garrett Morgan experienced a lot of difficulty trying to sell his gas 
mask. And people wanted to use it for a big event in Cleveland, Ohio, 
people wanted the gas mask, but they wouldn't buy it from him because 
of his color.
  So Garrett Morgan hired a White actor to pose as the inventor. And he 
went along with the inventor and he put the gas mask, the hood, on to 
demonstrate it and, of course, to hide who he really was. That is how 
he was able to sell his gas mask. As effective as it was, as good of an 
invention that it was, they would not buy it from him simply because of 
his skin color.
  Now, that might have disappointed him, and it certainly should have, 
but he didn't let that deter him. He went on with other inventions. And 
some know that it is Garrett A. Morgan that is credited with being the 
inventor of the traffic light. So these inventions that made life 
easier for people, made industrial plants more productive, made our 
streets safer, made our existence much more pleasant and much more 
conducive to reading, to getting around, all by African Americans.
  What is uncomfortable about teaching this in our classrooms? What is 
so bad about children knowing this? Why shouldn't the descendants of 
all three of these people, why shouldn't their descendants be made to 
feel proud of the contributions of their great, great, great--maybe 
more greats--grandfather or great uncle or aunt. Why would anybody be 
uncomfortable with that?
  Mr. Speaker, that is not the only field this is in. I often talk 
about Charles Drew. When I was growing up, polio visited my 
neighborhood twice, leaving one of my playmates dead and another one 
crippled for life. And along came Jonas Salk and Albert Sabin, two men 
who happen to have been born white, two men who had a certain genius, 
who did significant research. Because of their genius and because of 
their great research, they were able to unlock some secrets. And 
together, they virtually eliminated polio from the face of the Earth.
  There is nothing uncomfortable about talking about that and people

[[Page H1095]]

learning about that. So why would it be uncomfortable for the guy who 
was able to unlock some secrets of the blood cells, Charles Drew, an 
African American, born right here in Washington, D.C., who because of 
his research, he was able to figure out how to store blood, save it 
until it was needed.
  Blood spoils once it leaves the human body, but Charles Drew opened 
up the secrets and figured out how to store blood and save it until it 
was needed. Now, he has a pretty interesting history, also.

                              {time}  1300

  Charles Drew headed up the blood bank. He went off to Europe to head 
up the blood bank, and his genius was recognized.
  It is kind of interesting because he resigned from the job. Why? 
Because they insisted that the blood coming from Black people had to be 
stored separately from the blood coming from White people. It sounds a 
little bit silly today, but that is what they did.
  Soldiers were dying on the battlefield because of the loss of blood. 
You have to take the time to figure out: Wait a minute. This is a Black 
soldier, so we have to find some blood from a Black person.
  Scientifically, it has been proven forever that there ain't no 
difference in the blood.
  Today, we don't separate the blood anymore because we learned better. 
We have a little saying in the neighborhood I grew up in: When a person 
learns better, a person will do better.
  Well, I am hoping that we will take a little time to learn better 
about the history of African Americans. Maybe if we did, we will do 
better.
  Now, I don't want to leave here without bringing up another incident 
because this is one that bugs me a little bit. I keep some busts around 
my home, and of course, I have one of Charles Drew and Matthew Henson, 
but I also have one of Daniel Hale Williams, who few people know. 
Daniel Hale Williams was an African American.
  If you look in the books and they ask the question: Who is the father 
of open-heart surgery? You will get the name of Dr. C. Walton Lillehei, 
who was White. He is credited in all the books with performing the 
first open-heart surgery. He just passed away in 1999. His surgery was 
performed in 1952. But that is not the real history.
  Why would it be uncomfortable for you to know that Daniel Hale 
Williams, who was a doctor and who founded the Provident Hospital up in 
Chicago, one day, back in 1893, had someone come to that hospital with 
a stab wound in the chest? The guy happened to have been White, but 
Daniel Hale Williams, the Black guy, performed open-heart surgery and 
saved the man's life, and he lived 20 years afterward.
  The textbooks don't record that. They decided to wait almost 100 
years to give somebody else credit. That is what happened, and that is 
why we look at this week.
  Now, I think that Carter Woodson was very concerned about what seemed 
to be going on today, people leaving out facts, ignoring facts, 
lowering their level of respect for people. I can't tell you how many 
times I have been engaged in conversation with people who, out of their 
ignorance, say things that they really believe that indicate there can 
be found no significant contributions to this great country from people 
of color. I have had it said to me.
  It is not their fault. They believe that because that is what they 
have seen in the books or have not seen.
  If we teach these facts, then I think Black history will take on a 
new meaning, and Black History Month would not be so uncomfortable for 
anybody to celebrate.
  Next month, we will celebrate Women's History Month simply because so 
many of the contributions of women have been left out and ignored. So, 
we take the month of March to focus on those things, and that is why it 
is so important for us.
  Mr. Speaker, I did not look at the clock. How much time do I have 
left?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from South Carolina has 23 
minutes remaining.
  Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I have a lot of time.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee), 
who wanted to participate in this hour. I assure you, Mr. Speaker, 23 
minutes may not be enough for Ms. Jackson Lee, but that is all we have 
left.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, first of all, let me acknowledge just a 
stunning and very pivotal and important Black history message that our 
whip has given. He really is our historian, and I certainly want to pay 
tribute and give credence to the great work that he has established 
here for us.
  Mr. Speaker, it was so powerful to be able to reorder critical race 
theory to critical race fact. I just want to reinforce that everyone 
knows, and it has been for decades, that critical race theory is an 
aspect of graduate teaching, master's, Ph.D.s, and in law schools. The 
basis of it is the seeming infusion of racism in society by way of laws 
and other actions.
  Black history has always been, and the founder of Black history 
always wanted it to be, an opportunity for healing and bringing us 
together by understanding. I think the whip has laid out a stupendous 
story, a better understanding of Charles Drew and a better 
understanding of the light bulb.
  Why wouldn't boys and girls from all walks of life want to understand 
how we are better together than we are separate?
  I just want to take a moment to take up a different theme that speaks 
to the issue of Black history. I want to talk about the 13th, 14th, and 
15th Amendments. As well, I want to make sure that we highlight some 
aspects of Black history.
  Mr. Speaker, let me, first of all, indicate that Black history is an 
important element of who we are. I am just going to call off the kinds 
of names that I hope will be welcomed in any classroom: President 
Barack Obama, 44th President of the United States, the first African-
American President; Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.; Supreme Court 
Justice Thurgood Marshall; U.S. Senator Blanche Kelso Bruce; U.S. 
Congresswoman Barbara Jordan; U.S. Congressman Mickey Leland; Dr. Guion 
Stewart Bluford; Mae C. Jemison--people that I knew because, living in 
Houston, they were astronauts that went out of Johnson Space Center--
Dr. McNair, whose life was lost in the service of this Nation as an 
astronaut.
  Why wouldn't we want to talk about such beloved personalities who 
overcame obstacles to do great things? Activists and intellectual 
authors and artists like Frederick Douglass, Booker T. Washington, 
these were individuals in the era of post-slavery and post-
Reconstruction, in many instances, who still laid the groundwork for 
us.

  James Baldwin, Harriet Tubman, Rosa Parks, Maya Angelou, Toni 
Morrison, and Gwendolyn Brooks, just to name a few of the countless 
number of well-known and unsung heroes.
  James Baldwin, of course, an author; Toni Morrison, an author; and 
Gwendolyn Brooks. Obviously, Toni being maligned because of not being 
understood. Harriet Tubman, an unbelievable story with the Underground 
Railroad. Rosa Parks, who sat down along with others. Maya Angelou, 
poet laureate.
  I also want to put into the Record names of historical figures, some 
of whom have passed, from my own community: Reverend F.N. Williams, 
Sr.; Dr. S.J. Gilbert, Sr.; Reverend Crawford W. Kimble; Reverend E. 
Stanley Branch; Reverend William A. Lawson, emeritus; Reverend Johnnie 
Jeffery ``J.J.'' Roberson; Mr. John Bland; Ms. Ruby Moseley; Ms. 
Dorothy Hubbard; Ms. Doris Hubbard--all of them infused liberty and 
liberation into our community--Acres Homes; Third Ward; Fifth Ward; 
South Park; Sunnyside; Willie Bell Boone; Ms. Holly Hogrobrooks, one of 
the first student protesters at Weingarten's; Mr. Deloyd Parker, who 
founded SHAPE, a pivotal agency in our community; Ms. Lenora ``Doll'' 
Carter; and Mr. Gerald Womack. At 16 years old, Gerald Womack opened 
his own real estate company, and he is one of the most generous 
humanitarians and businessmen living in our community today.
  I only call these names out to align myself with the issue of facts. 
Why wouldn't we want to know the facts of each of our communities? Why 
wouldn't we want to know those who descended from those who came on 
Pilgrims' pride? Why wouldn't we want to

[[Page H1096]]

know those who are the legacies of the indigenous people, Native 
Americans, and many different Tribes, many of whom, of course, married 
African Americans as slaves or in the post-slave era?
  Why wouldn't we want to know that history? I am stunned that we would 
not want to do so.
  I believe it is important to not only know history that is pleasant 
but that we can call off wonderful people in our community who, in 
spite of the challenges and tribulations, became great leaders. But I 
also want to bring to the attention--because I have such an affection 
and love for this book taught to me by not only the whip, who 
appreciates this book called the Constitution, but Barbara Jordan 
reminded me to always carry it, for ladies, in their purses.
  George Washington called the Constitution ``the guide, which I will 
never abandon.'' He is absolutely right.
  ``The Declaration of Independence was the promise; the Constitution 
was the fulfillment.'' A Republican judge, Warren Burger, said that. It 
couldn't be more true.

                              {time}  1315

  That seems to be taken sideways today because you can wrap the 
Constitution in the history of Black America, Mr. Speaker. So I rise 
for us to discuss today both the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments. As I 
cherish the Constitution, I can assure you that I cherish those 
amendments.
  I think we should remind America that we are the only population--we 
don't do it angrily--that were held in bondage for a period of time, 
longer than two centuries, 246 years longer than the Nation is old--we 
will meet that timeframe probably this July--but for a long time, 
longer than the Nation was old.
  We know that President Lincoln had many reasons. He frankly thought 
he could bring the Union together if he could crush the rebellion in 
the South by freeing the slaves. In 1862, President Lincoln came to 
believe--and by the way, I and my friends, all of us call ourselves 
Lincolnesque. We look to the other party as the party of Lincoln, those 
wonderful stories that we learned in school, and we just knew this tall 
man called Abe Lincoln.
  He was humble, not rich, but rich in spirit and courage. He believed 
firmly that emancipating the enslaved people in the South would help 
the Union crush the Confederate rebellion in the Civil War and win the 
Civil War.
  Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation which took effect in 1863 
announced that all persons held as slaves within any State shall be 
then, thenceforward, and forever free.
  Wouldn't that be a good lesson to understand, whether you are in 
first grade or whether you are in fourth grade or whether you are in 
middle school?
  The largesse and the values embedded in the Constitution to create a 
more perfect Union, here we are in the 1800s trying to proclaim that 
value. That is a value. That is a fact. But as we know, the 
Emancipation Proclamation itself did not end slavery in the United 
States, as it only applied to the 11 Confederate States then at war 
against the Union and only to the portion of those States not already 
under Union control.
  To make it permanent, it would have to be a constitutional amendment. 
So in 1864, the U.S. Senate passed a proposed amendment banning slavery 
with the necessary two-thirds majority, but it faltered in the House of 
Representatives. So when Congress reconvened in 1864, the emboldened 
Republicans put the proposed amendment up for a vote again, and Lincoln 
threw himself into the legislative process, inviting individual 
Representatives to his office to discuss the amendment and putting it 
forward.
  Isn't that like sweet music?
  The Republicans, the Lincoln Republicans, got going. Lincoln was 
committed to the passage of the 13th Amendment, telling his allies to 
see what is before you to focus on the most important thing, that this 
amendment protects the slaves now born and in the United States but 
settles the question for all time for the millions yet to be born.
  What an emotional and moving set of words. How emotional for the 
world to see how small it was at that time of this new experiment that 
left the shores of Europe.
  What is this thing called the United States of America?
  Can they actually govern? Can they lead?
  Can they live? Is democracy real?
  It is a democratic republic wrapped up in the history of slaves, 
Black history, the history of African Americans.
  The allies got busy and got working, and he reportedly told them: I 
leave it to you to determine how it shall be done but remember that I 
am President of the United States, clothed with immense power, and I 
expect you to procure these votes.
  That gives a sense of democracy that he didn't go in and drag people 
out. He actually told his allies: Let's try to get it done. I have got 
the power, but let's try to get votes.
  We have seen that happen with some sadness to lack of success, but we 
stand on this floor in tribute to a man who wanted to see voting rights 
continue and continue and continue.
  So on January 31st, 1865, the House of Representatives passed the 
proposed amendment with a vote of 119-56, just over the required two-
thirds, and the following day Lincoln approved a joint resolution of 
Congress submitting it to the States for ratification.
  That is a beautiful story. That is a fact. That is Black history. 
This is American history. I think that is the point that I want to 
make, that Black history is American history. It is no less and no 
more.
  There should be no doubt in trying to teach American history that has 
the wonderful tinge of Black history.
  Yesterday, February 8, 2022, honored the 15th Amendment--which I will 
speak somewhat about--to the United States Constitution which outlaws 
discrimination in voting on the basis of race, color, and previous 
conditions of servitude, therefore, advancing suffrage for African 
Americans.
  This was the last and most difficult and hard-fought of all the 
Reconstruction congressional constitutional amendments to confer 
citizenship upon the formerly enslaved. The intention of this amendment 
was to codify permanently the right to vote for all freed men. 
Immediately the impact of this amendment proved transformative as freed 
men--women still were not allowed to vote--exercised the right to vote 
and in coalition elected several hundred African Americans to office.
  How powerful this history is. How factual this history is. How coming 
together this history was, that you had, by birthright citizenship, the 
right to vote no matter whether or not you were previously enslaved or 
the color of your skin or previous condition. That is history.
  So why do we talk about history today?
  I said it was in the name of our dear, late friend and the many 
people who Whip Clyburn spoke to, but we do it because--although the 
13th and 14th Amendments, the 14th giving due process rights--1921, 
this is a picture that we saw: captured Negroes on the way to the 
convention hall during the Tulsa race riot.

  The freed slaves actually did everything that America said they shall 
do. They built this community on land given to them. They had hotels 
and hospitals. They had schools, and they had marching bands. Yet, 
unfortunately, it triggered a dislike.
  Maybe this should be a continuation of an understanding and grades 
that would appreciate the fact that there were those who stood, had 
economic development and did all that citizens were expected to do, 
integrated into society but happened to be some freed slaves and some 
the descendants of enslaved Africans.
  The Tulsa race riots were 1921. So the question of race continues. It 
started in the origins of slavery and slaves coming to the United 
States, but it continued.
  But true history, Mr. Speaker, is a recognition that the facts won't 
hurt you, that they give you strength and allow you to continue to 
grow. But I think that is what I think this little book represents.
  Quickly, I want to show a more potent picture, for that is what 
happened in America for 246 years.
  Again, the anguish and anger are not the approach that we want to 
leave with our fellow Americans. It is the appreciation of the 
significance of Black history and the significance of a presence of a 
people in this country. And

[[Page H1097]]

the fact that this Constitution wanted to get rid of that, that is a 
good thing. That is the goodness of America. That story should be told.
  So when we talk about the many Members of Congress who have come to 
accept the healing powers of a bill that studies slavery and 
establishes a commission to deal with its repair and restoration and 
results like H.R. 40, 33 years filed in this Congress, what happens is 
that we have the facts, we have the approach, and the approach is 
healing.
  So as I close my remarks, let me say that we are a continuing work in 
progress. I am so grateful to the whip for allowing me this moment to 
remind us that our special history is this book.
  So when we hear a Brian Flores lawsuit about our friends in the NFL 
and the numbers that are so awkward--I won't pursue that now.
  But what I will say is: Can we work together? Because issues still 
exist. Can we teach our children the goodness of the history of a 
people? And then, can we take the next step to work with institutions 
who have not yet fulfilled the beginning of this book that says we 
organize to create a more perfect Union, and the 13th and 14th 
Amendment which rids of us of all discrimination?
  Mr. Speaker, I hope we can do that for this month, and I hope we can 
do that forever.
  Mr. Speaker, as a senior member of this body and the Committee on the 
Judiciary, I am pleased to join my colleagues in this Special Order 
marking the anniversary of the passage on December 6, 1865 of the 13th 
Amendment to the Constitution and celebrating the passage of the 14th 
and 15th Amendments, known as the Civil Rights Amendments.
  I thank my colleague, Congressman Butterfield, for anchoring this 
important Special Order and am remembering our late colleague, John 
Lewis, a great and beloved man, who risked and gave his life to make 
real the promise of those amendments.
  The 13th Amendment, the first of the three great Civil War 
Amendments, was passed in 1865 and abolished slavery.
  The 14th Amendment conferred citizenship on the newly emancipated 
slaves, and the 15th Amendment prohibited abridging the right to vote 
on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.
  Taken together, these amendments were intended and have the effect of 
making former slaves, and their descendants, full and equal members of 
the political community known as the United States of America.
  By 1861, when the Civil War broke out, more than 4 million people 
(nearly all of them of African descent) were enslaved in 15 southern 
and border states.
  By 1862, President Abraham Lincoln came to believe firmly that 
emancipating enslaved people in the South would help the Union crush 
the Confederate rebellion and win the Civil War.
  Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation, which took effect in 1863, 
announced that all enslaved people held in the states ``then in 
rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and 
forever free.''
  But the Emancipation Proclamation in itself did not end slavery in 
the United States, as it only applied to the 11 Confederate states then 
at war against the Union, and only to the portion of those states not 
already under Union control.
  To make emancipation permanent would take a constitutional amendment 
abolishing the institution of slavery itself.
  In April 1864, the U.S. Senate passed a proposed amendment banning 
slavery with the necessary two-thirds majority but it faltered in the 
House of Representatives, as more and more Democrats refused to support 
it.
  When Congress reconvened in December 1864, the emboldened Republicans 
put the proposed amendment up for vote again and Lincoln threw himself 
in the legislative process, inviting individual representatives to his 
office to discuss the amendment and putting pressure on border-state 
Unionists (who had previously opposed it) to change their position.
  Lincoln was committed to the passage of the 13th Amendment, telling 
his allies to ``see what is before you, to focus on the most important 
thing; that this Amendment protects the slaves now born and in the 
United States, but settles the question for all time for the millions 
yet to be born.''
  He authorized his allies to entice House members with plum positions 
and other inducements, reportedly telling them: ``I leave it to you to 
determine how it shall be done; but remember that I am President of the 
United States, clothed with immense power, and I expect you to procure 
those votes.''
  On January 31, 1865, the House of Representatives passed the proposed 
amendment with a vote of 119-56, just over the required two-thirds 
majority, and the following day, Lincoln approved a joint resolution of 
Congress submitting it to the state legislatures for ratification.
  Mr. Speaker, the United States is the world's only superpower and 
boasts the largest economy in the history of the world and for many 
years was the world's indispensable nation and the example that all 
aspiring democracies wished to emulate.
  But at the same time, this nation has also been home to many searing 
instances of social unrest resulting from racial injustices, as we 
witnessed this year on the streets of big cities and small towns in 
urban and rural communities.
  We saw Americans, by the millions across the country, coming from all 
races and ages, engaging in what the late John Lewis called ``good 
trouble'' by protesting and demanding an end to the systemic racial 
inequality in our criminal justice system that too often victimizes and 
disproportionately treats black Americans worse, ceteris paribus, when 
it comes to suspicion, apprehension, arrest, detention, trial, 
sentencing, and incarceration.
  While the brutal deaths of George Floyd in Minneapolis and Breonna 
Taylor in Louisville shocked the conscience of the nation, most black 
Americans will tell you what they experienced is not new, but has been 
occurring for generations, if not centuries.
  What is critically important to understand is that the instances of 
brutal and unfair treatment the nation has witnessed this year cannot 
be attributed to the proverbial few ``bad apples in the bushel'' but is 
instead the foreseeable consequence of systemic racism and racial 
inequality in the system.
  Not just the criminal justice system, but the health care system, the 
economic system, and the educational system to name the most glaring 
examples.
  To find our way out of this dark time, we need to understand how it 
came to be.
  That is why in January 2019, I introduced H.R. 40, which establishes 
a commission to examine slavery and discrimination in the colonies and 
the United States from 1619 to the present and recommend appropriate 
remedies.
  Among other requirements, the commission shall identify the role of 
federal and state governments in supporting the institution of slavery; 
forms of discrimination in the public and private sectors against freed 
slaves and their descendants; and lingering negative effects of slavery 
on living African-Americans and society.
  Official slavery ended with the Civil War and ratification of the 
Thirteenth Amendment.
  But unofficial slavery was continued with the new institution of 
sharecrop farming, a criminal justice system that would press convicts 
into work once done by slaves, and labor policies that dictated income 
for work done based upon skin color.
  And, of course, all of this was reinforced by the systematic 
disenfranchisement of black Americans, the ``discrete and insular 
minority'' excluded from ``those political processes ordinarily to be 
relied upon to protect'' them, to quote Chief Justice Hughes' famous 
Carolene Products Footnote 4.
  For these reasons, the history of the United States is intertwined 
with the history of enslaved Africans in the Americas.
  There is blood and there are tears, but there is also redemption and 
reconciliation.
  But to get there, we must have the complete truth and lay our history 
bare.
  It is the light that sheds the way to the more perfect union all 
Americans want.
  The Commission created and empowered by H.R. 40 is a necessary first 
step in that effort to get to truth and reconciliation about the 
Original Sin of American Slavery that is necessary to light the way to 
the beloved community we all seek.
  Finally, I join all my colleagues in pointing out that the most 
fitting and proper means of paying tribute to the beloved John Lewis's 
extraordinary life is for the Senate to immediately take up and pass 
the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act, landmark legislation to 
protect the precious right to vote for all persons and to ensure that 
our democracy has the tools needed to remain strong.
  Mr. Speaker, this February we recognize and celebrate the 40th 
commemoration of Black History Month.
  This month we celebrate the contributions of African Americans to the 
history of our great nation, and pay tribute to trailblazers, pioneers, 
heroes, and leaders like the 44th President of the United States, 
Barack Obama; Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.; Supreme Court Justice 
Thurgood Marshall; U.S. Senator Blanche Kelso Bruce; U.S. Congresswoman 
Barbara Jordan; U.S. Congressman Mickey Leland; Astronauts Dr. Guion 
Stewart Bluford, Jr., and Mae C. Jemison; activists, intellectuals, 
authors, and artists like Frederick Douglass, Booker T. Washington, 
James Baldwin, Harriet Tubman, Rosa Parks, Maya Angelou, Toni Morrison, 
and Gwendolyn Brooks just to name a few of the countless number of 
well-

[[Page H1098]]

known and unsung heroes whose contributions have helped our nation 
become a more perfect union.
  The history of the United States has been marked by the great 
contributions of African American activists, leaders, writers, and 
artists.
  As a member of Congress, I know that I stand on the shoulders of 
giants whose struggles and triumphs made it possible for me to stand 
here today and continue the fight for equality, justice, and progress 
for all, regardless of race, religion, gender or sexual orientation.
  The greatest of these giants to me are Mrs. Ivalita ``Ivy'' Jackson, 
a vocational nurse, and Mr. Ezra A. Jackson, one of the first African-
Americans to succeed in the comic book publishing business.
  They were my beloved parents and they taught me the value of 
education, hard work, discipline, perseverance, and caring for others.
  And I am continually inspired by Dr. Elwyn Lee, my husband and the 
first tenured African American law professor at the University of 
Houston.
  Mr. Speaker, I particularly wish to acknowledge the contributions of 
African American veterans in defending from foreign aggressors and who 
by their courageous examples helped transform our nation from a 
segregated society to a nation committed to the never ending challenge 
of perfecting our union.
  A few years ago about this time, I was honored to join my colleagues, 
the late Congressman John Lewis and former Congressman Charles Rangel, 
a Korean War veteran, in paying tribute to surviving members of the 
Tuskegee Airmen and the 555th Parachute Infantry, the famed ``Triple 
Nickels'' at a moving ceremony sponsored by the U.S. Army commemorating 
the 50th Anniversary of the 1964 Civil Rights Act.
  The success of the Tuskegee Airmen in escorting bombers during World 
War II--achieving one of the lowest loss records of all the escort 
fighter groups, and being in constant demand for their services by the 
allied bomber units--is a record unmatched by any other fighter group.
  So impressive and astounding were the feats of the Tuskegee Airmen 
that in 1948, it helped persuade President Harry Truman to issue his 
famous Executive Order No. 9981, which directed equality of treatment 
and opportunity in all of the United States Armed Forces and led to the 
end of racial segregation in the U.S. military forces.
  It is a source of enormous and enduring pride that my father-in-law, 
Phillip Ferguson Lee, was one of the Tuskegee Airmen.
  Clearly, what began as an experiment to determine whether ``colored'' 
soldiers' were capable of operating expensive and complex combat 
aircraft ended as an unqualified success based on the experience of the 
Tuskegee Airmen, whose record included 261 aircraft destroyed, 148 
aircraft damaged, 15,553 combat sorties and 1,578 missions over Italy 
and North Africa.
  They also destroyed or damaged over 950 units of ground 
transportation and escorted more than 200 bombing missions. They proved 
that ``the antidote to racism is excellence in performance,'' as 
retired Lt. Col. Herbert Carter once remarked.
  Mr. Speaker, Black History Month is also a time to remember many 
pioneering women like U.S. Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm; activists 
Harriet Tubman and Rosa Parks; astronaut Mae C. Jemison; mathematicians 
like Katherine G. Johnson, Dorothy Vaughan and Mary Jackson; authors 
Maya Angelou, Toni Morrison, and Gwendolyn Brooks; all of whom have 
each in their own way, whether through courageous activism, cultural or 
intellectual contributions, or artistic creativity, forged social and 
political change, and forever changed our great Nation for the better.
  It is also fitting, Mr. Speaker, that in addition to those national 
leaders whose contributions have made our nation better, we honor also 
those who have and are making a difference in their local communities.
  In my home city of Houston, there are numerous great men and women. 
They are great because they have heeded the counsel of Dr. King who 
said: ``Everybody can be great because anybody can serve. You only need 
a heart full of grace. A soul generated by love.''
  By that measure, I wish to pay tribute to some of the great men and 
women of Houston some of whom who have passed:
  Rev. F.N. Williams, Sr.
  Rev. Dr. S.J. Gilbert, Sr.
  Rev. Crawford W. Kimble
  Rev. Eldridge Stanley Branch
  Rev. William A. Lawson
  Rev. Johnnie Jeffery ``J.J.'' Robeson
  Mr. John Bland
  Ms. Ruby Moseley
  Ms. Dorothy Hubbard
  Ms. Doris Hubbard
  Ms. Willie Bell Boone
  Ms. Holly HogoBrooks
  Mr. Deloyd Parker
  Ms. Lenora ``Doll'' Carter
  Mr. Gerald Womack
  As we celebrate Black History Month, let us pay tribute to those who 
have come before us, and pay forward to future generations by 
addressing what is the number one issue for African American families, 
and all American families today: preserving the American promise of 
economic opportunity for all.
  Our immediate focus must be job creation, and enacting legislation 
that will foster and lay the foundation for today's and tomorrow's 
generation of groundbreaking activists, leaders, scientists, writers 
and artists to continue contributing to the greatness of America.
  We must continue to preserve the American Dream for all.
  Mr. Speaker, I am proud to stand here in celebration of the heroic 
and historic acts of African Americans and their indispensable 
contributions to this great Nation.
  It is through our work in creating possibilities for today and future 
generations that we best honor the accomplishments and legacy of our 
predecessors.
  Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

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