[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 26 (Wednesday, February 9, 2022)]
[House]
[Pages H1079-H1087]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
GLOBAL RESPECT ACT
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 900, I call up
the bill (H.R. 3485) to impose sanctions on foreign persons responsible
for violations of internationally recognized human rights against
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LGBTQI)
individuals, and for other purposes, and ask for its immediate
consideration in the House.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 900, in lieu of
the amendment in the nature of a substitute recommended by the
Committee on Foreign Affairs printed in the bill, an amendment in the
nature of a substitute consisting of the text of Rules Committee Print
117-30 is adopted, and the bill, as amended, is considered read.
The text of the bill, as amended, is as follows:
H.R. 3485
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Global Respect Act''.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
Congress finds the following:
(1) The dignity, freedom, and equality of all human beings
are fundamental to a thriving global community.
(2) The rights to life, liberty, and security of the
person, the right to privacy, and the right to freedom of
expression and association are fundamental human rights.
(3) An alarming trend of violence directed at LGBTQI
individuals around the world continues.
(4) Approximately one-third of all countries have laws
criminalizing consensual same-sex relations, and many have
enacted policies or laws that would further target LGBTQI
individuals.
(5) Every year thousands of individuals around the world
are targeted for harassment, attack, arrest, and murder on
the basis of their sexual orientation or gender identity.
(6) Those who commit crimes against LGBTQI individuals
often do so with impunity, and are not held accountable for
their crimes.
(7) In many instances police, prison, military, and
civilian government authorities have been directly complicit
in abuses aimed at LGBTQI citizens, including arbitrary
arrest, torture, and sexual abuse.
(8) Celebrations of LGBTQI individuals and communities,
such as film festivals, Pride events, and demonstrations are
often forced underground due to inaction on the part of, or
harassment by, local law enforcement and government
officials, in violation of freedoms of assembly and
expression.
(9) Laws criminalizing consensual same-sex relations
severely hinder access to HIV/AIDS treatment, information,
and preventive measures for LGBTQI individuals and families.
(10) Many countries are making positive developments in the
protection of the basic human rights of LGBTQI individuals.
SEC. 3. SANCTIONS ON INDIVIDUALS RESPONSIBLE FOR VIOLATIONS
OF HUMAN RIGHTS AGAINST LGBTQI PEOPLE.
(a) In General.--Not later than 180 days after the date of
the enactment of this Act and biannually thereafter, the
President shall transmit to the appropriate congressional
committees a list of each foreign person the President
determines, based on credible information, including
information obtained by other countries or by nongovernmental
organizations that monitor violations of human rights--
(1) is responsible for or complicit in, with respect to
persons based on actual or perceived sexual orientation,
gender identity, or sex characteristics--
(A) cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment;
(B) prolonged detention without charges and trial;
(C) causing the disappearance of such persons by the
abduction and clandestine detention of such persons; or
(D) other flagrant denial of the right to life, liberty, or
the security of such persons; or
(2) acted as an agent of or on behalf of a foreign person
in a matter relating to an activity described in paragraph
(1).
(b) Form; Updates; Removal.--
(1) Form.--The list required by subsection (a) shall be
transmitted in unclassified form and published in the Federal
Register, except that the President may include a foreign
person in a classified, unpublished annex to such list if the
President--
(A) determines that--
(i) it is vital for the national security interests of the
United States to do so; and
(ii) the use of such annex, and the inclusion of such
person in such annex, would not undermine the overall purpose
of this section to publicly identify foreign persons engaging
in the conduct described in subsection (a) in order to
increase accountability for such conduct; and
(B) not later than 15 days before including such person in
a classified annex, provides to the appropriate congressional
committees notice of, and a justification for, including or
continuing to include each foreign person in such annex
despite the existence of any publicly available credible
information indicating that each such foreign person engaged
in an activity described in subsection (a).
(2) Updates.--The President shall transmit to the
appropriate congressional committees an update of the list
required by subsection (a) as new information becomes
available.
(3) Removal.--A foreign person may be removed from the list
required by subsection (a) if the President determines and
reports to the appropriate congressional committees not later
than 15 days before the removal of such person from such list
that--
(A) new, credible information is discovered confirming that
such person did not in fact engage in the activity for which
the person was included in such list;
(B) such person has been prosecuted appropriately for the
activity in which such person engaged; or
(C) such person has credibly demonstrated a significant
change in behavior, has paid an appropriate consequence for
the activities in which such person engaged, and has credibly
committed to not engage in an activity described in
subsection (a).
[[Page H1080]]
(c) Public Submission of Information.--The President shall
issue public guidance, including through United States
diplomatic and consular posts, setting forth the manner by
which the names of foreign persons that may meet the criteria
to be included on the list required by subsection (a) may be
submitted to the Department of State for evaluation.
(d) Requests From Chair and Ranking Member of Appropriate
Congressional Committees.--
(1) Consideration of information.--In addition to the
guidance issued pursuant to subsection (c), the President
shall also consider information provided by the Chair or
Ranking Member of each of the appropriate congressional
committees in determining whether to include a foreign person
in the list required by subsection (a).
(2) Requests.--Not later than 120 days after receiving a
written request from the Chair or Ranking Member of one of
the appropriate congressional committees with respect to
whether a foreign person meets the criteria for being
included in the list required by subsection (a), the
President shall transmit a response to such Chair or Ranking
Member, as the case may be, with respect to the President's
determination relating to such foreign person.
(3) Removal.--If the President removes from the list
required by subsection (a) a foreign person that had been
included in such list pursuant to a request under paragraph
(2), the President shall provide to the relevant Chair or
Ranking Member of the appropriate congressional committees
any information that contributed to such decision.
(4) Form.--The President may transmit a response required
by paragraph (2) or paragraph (3) in classified form if the
President determines that it is necessary for the national
security interests of the United States to do so.
(e) Inadmissibility of Certain Individuals.--
(1) Ineligibility for visas and admission to the united
states.--A foreign person on the list required by subsection
(a), and each immediate family member of such person, is--
(A) inadmissible to the United States;
(B) ineligible to receive a visa or other documentation to
enter the United States; and
(C) otherwise ineligible to be admitted or paroled into the
United States or to receive any other benefit under the
Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101 et seq.).
(2) Current visas revoked.--
(A) In general.--The Secretary of State, or the Secretary
of Homeland Security (or a designee of one such Secretaries)
shall, in accordance with section 221(i) of the Immigration
and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1201(i)), revoke any visa or
other entry documentation issued to a foreign person on the
list required by subsection (a) and to each immediate family
member of such person regardless of when the visa or other
entry documentation is issued.
(B) Effect of revocation.--A revocation under subparagraph
(A) shall--
(i) take effect immediately; and
(ii) automatically cancel any other valid visa or entry
documentation that is in the foreign person's possession.
(3) Sense of congress with respect to additional
sanctions.--It is the sense of Congress that the President
should impose additional targeted sanctions with respect to
foreign persons on the list required by subsection (a) to
push for accountability for flagrant denials of the right to
life, liberty, or the security of the person, through the use
of designations and targeted sanctions provided for such
conduct under other existing authorities.
(4) Exceptions.--
(A) Exception with respect to national security.--This
section shall not apply with respect to--
(i) activities subject to the reporting requirements under
title V of the National Security Act of 1947 (50 U.S.C. 3091
et seq.); or
(ii) any authorized intelligence or law enforcement
activities of the United States.
(B) Exception to comply with international obligations.--
Sanctions under paragraphs (1) and (2) shall not apply with
respect to a person if admitting or paroling the person into
the United States is necessary to permit the United States to
comply with the Agreement regarding the Headquarters of the
United Nations signed at Lake Success June 26, 1947, and
entered into force November 21, 1947, between the United
Nations and the United States or other applicable
international obligations.
(5) Waiver.--The President may waive the application of
sanctions or restrictions imposed with respect to a foreign
person under this section if the President certifies to the
appropriate congressional committees, not later than 15 days
before such waiver is to take effect, that the waiver is
vital to the national interest of the United States.
(f) Report to Congress.--Not later than one year after the
date of the enactment of this Act and annually thereafter,
the President, acting through the Secretary of State, shall
submit to the appropriate congressional committees a report
on--
(1) the actions taken to carry out this section,
including--
(A) the number of foreign persons added to or removed from
the list required by subsection (a) during the year preceding
each such report, the dates on which such persons were so
added or removed, and the reasons for so adding or removing
such persons; and
(B) an analysis that compares increases or decreases in the
number of such persons added or removed year-over-year and
the reasons therefor; and
(2) any efforts by the President to coordinate with the
governments of other countries, as appropriate, to impose
sanctions that are similar to the sanctions imposed under
this section.
(g) Definitions.--In this section:
(1) Appropriate congressional committees.--The term
``appropriate congressional committees'' means--
(A) the Committee on Armed Services, the Committee on
Foreign Affairs, the Committee on Homeland Security, and the
Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives;
and
(B) the Committee on Armed Services, the Committee on
Foreign Relations, the Committee on Homeland Security and
Governmental Affairs, and the Committee on the Judiciary of
the Senate.
(2) Immediate family member.--The term ``immediate family
member'' has the meaning given such term for purposes of
section 7031(c) of division K of the Consolidated
Appropriations Act, 2021.
SEC. 4. DISCRIMINATION RELATED TO SEXUAL ORIENTATION, GENDER
IDENTITY, OR SEX CHARACTERISTICS.
(a) Tracking Violence or Criminalization Related to Sexual
Orientation or Gender Identity.--The Assistant Secretary of
State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor shall designate
one or more Bureau-based senior officer or officers who shall
be responsible for tracking violence, criminalization, and
restrictions on the enjoyment of fundamental freedoms in
foreign countries based on actual or perceived sexual
orientation, gender identity, or sex characteristics.
(b) Annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices.--The
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 is amended--
(1) in section 116(d) (22 U.S.C. 2151n(d))--
(A) in paragraph (11)(C), by striking ``and'' after the
semicolon at the end;
(B) in paragraph (12)--
(i) in subparagraph (B), by striking ``and'' after the
semicolon at the end; and
(ii) in subparagraph (C)(ii), by striking the period at the
end and inserting ``; and''; and
(C) by adding at the end the following new paragraph:
``(13) wherever applicable, information relating to
violence or discrimination that affects fundamental freedoms,
including widespread or systematic violation of the freedoms
of expression, association, or assembly, of individuals in
foreign countries that is based on actual or perceived sexual
orientation, gender identity, or sex characteristics.''; and
(2) in section 502B(b) (22 U.S.C. 2304(b)), by inserting
after the ninth sentence the following new sentence:
``Wherever applicable, such report shall also include
information relating to violence or discrimination that
affects the fundamental freedoms, including widespread or
systematic violation of the freedoms of expression,
association, or assembly, of individuals in foreign countries
that is based on actual or perceived sexual orientation,
gender identity, or sex characteristics.''.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The bill, as amended, shall be debatable for
1 hour equally divided and controlled by the Chair and ranking minority
member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs or their respective
designees.
The gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks) and the gentlewoman from New
York (Ms. Tenney) each will control 30 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York.
General Leave
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have
5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and
include extraneous material on H.R. 3485.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, this is a very important day with a very important bill,
and I rise today in strong support of H.R. 3485, the Global Respect
Act, as amended, and introduced by my friend and great American,
Congressman David Cicilline.
Mr. Speaker, we live in a country that espouses that all human beings
are created equal, endowed with equal rights, no matter what we look
like, how we pray, or where we come from.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights tells us, ``all human
beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.'' The
International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights states that, ``All
persons are equal before the law and are entitled without any
discrimination to the equal protection of the law.''
And our own Declaration of Independence famously says, ``We hold
these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that
they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights, that
among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.''
Mr. Speaker, the Global Respect Act brings us closer to realizing
these treasured ideals.
Today, unfortunately, shamelessly, millions of people are living in
fear. In countless countries, LGBTQI-plus people face punishment simply
for being who they are. They are subject to brutal beatings, imprisoned
for lifetimes,
[[Page H1081]]
tortured, hanged, and stoned. When human rights abuses are being
committed, the United States of America must do its part to hold the
perpetrators accountable. And that is why Congressman Cicilline
introduced H.R. 3485, the Global Respect Act.
This legislation is critical, straightforward, and overdue. It
requires the President to identify foreign individuals responsible for
these human rights violations against LGBTQI-plus people and to prevent
them from entering the United States of America.
In addition, the Global Respect Act requires the State Department to
designate at least one senior officer responsible for tracking
violence, criminalization, and restrictions on the freedoms of LGBTQI-
plus people abroad. This legislation also requires the Department of
State to include information relating to violence or discrimination
against LGBTQI-plus communities in its annual human rights reports.
Now, unfortunately, several of my colleagues on the other side of the
aisle say they oppose the bill because they claim it is duplicative of
Magnitsky sanctions. While Global Magnitsky is a landmark tool in the
fight against human rights abuses, rarely has it been used by
administrations to sanction those who persecute LGBTQI-plus persons.
This bill simply builds on existing human rights-related authorities to
ensure that human rights abusers are held accountable everywhere on
this planet.
They also argue the language of the bill is overly broad when, in
fact, the words they quibble with come directly from what has already
been enacted in the United States Code, drawing word-from-word the
definition of ``gross violation of human rights.''
There are critics out there who say this bill infringes on religious
beliefs. I wholeheartedly, 1,000 percent, reject this notion. The
Global Respect Act is about holding accountable individuals responsible
for committing human rights abuses against LGBTQI-plus people;
Individuals who commit the absolute worst crimes, such as murder,
forced detentions, and disappearances of persons. This bill is clear in
that it targets heinous acts, and does not authorize any action against
an individual based solely upon religious belief.
Mr. Speaker, I can't thank Congressman David Cicilline enough for
his work, for his commitment, for his dedication on presenting this
legislation so that equality and human rights are protected. I also
recognize the courageous LGBTQI-plus activists who are out there and
who dared to stand up and claim their basic human rights in the face of
violence, discrimination, persecution, simply for whom they love.
Mr. Speaker, I have a brother who had to stand up for who he is. He
is a human being. And we should not allow any violations of human
rights here in the United States or anyplace we know as planet Earth.
So when LGBTQI-plus people are murdered simply for existing, the
world is watching. And the world is watching what we do. And the world
is watching how we react to it. And the world is watching what we say,
and what we stand for when we say we have value for human beings. That
is what is at stake here.
This should not be a partisan issue. It has never been a partisan
issue. This should be an issue about all human beings, protecting human
beings, the human race, because when you break it down, we are all the
same. And that is why I am heartened that this legislation is in fact
bipartisan. And I am heartened and proud that this legislation passed
out of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs by a voice vote. One of
the proudest moments I have is introducing and being on this floor
today as chair of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs to strongly
support this bill.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. TENNEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, we all believe that all people have inherent dignity and
possess equal human rights. We all reject violence directed at
individuals on the basis of their race, religion, biological sex, or
sexual orientation. The problem with this bill, however, is that it
borrows language from two existing laws: the Global Magnitsky Act and
the so-called Section 7031(c) sanctions, and then creates a new
reporting mechanism that is not focused on the human rights of all, but
rather the human rights of particular groups.
I don't see why we should focus on some human rights violations more
than any others. Every person's human rights are of equal value and
certain violations of those rights should not be subordinate to others.
Furthermore, the bill's broad language has the potential to sweep in
nonviolent conduct and impose visa restrictions on individuals engaged
in that conduct.
For example, it speaks about ``complicity'' and ``cruel treatment,''
vague terms. Is a parent overseas who rejects her minor child's wish
for a sex change operation complicit in cruelty? Is the Pope engaged in
``degrading treatment'' when he expresses opposition to same-sex
marriage based on the tenets of his religious faith?
Mr. Speaker, there are no safeguards in the bill that address these
situations. When free speech, religious freedom, and parental rights'
protections were proposed to be added to the bill, the Democrats balked
and voted against it. They preach tolerance until they are asked to
vote on it.
Regardless of the author's intent, which I think is good, there are
people that will use the bill to target their political and ideological
opponents in the culture wars. The bill's author will say that there
should be no problem since it just uses the very same language as other
human rights statutes, but those existing provisions already address
and punish the conduct this bill targets.
{time} 0930
So, the real question is, why is this bill so necessary? In the
committee report, Democrats acknowledge the bill is redundant. But in
search of some--any, perhaps--rationale, they claim that not enough
sanctions have been rolled out that cover crimes committed against
LGBT-identifying individuals. That is simply not true.
We know, for example, under the Trump administration, groups and
individuals from Chechnya were sanctioned under Global Magnitsky for
human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings and the torture
of LGBT-identifying individuals.
The former Gambian President was also sanctioned after having rounded
up people based on sexual orientation and after making shocking
statements against LGBT-identifying individuals. These sanctions, as I
said, were imposed under the Trump administration, but even more have
been imposed, using the Global Magnitsky Act, under President Biden.
We know, based on a recent Global Magnitsky report to Congress that
came out a few weeks ago, individuals last year in places like Cuba,
Uganda, and even Bangladesh have been sanctioned, and all are
associated with groups or conduct targeting LGBT-identifying
individuals.
So, this bill is clearly unnecessary. It reflects and represents the
administration's aggressive attempts to push the envelope regarding
culture war issues at every possible juncture, not only domestically
but abroad.
That is distracting and requires diplomats to devote time and
resources to culture war issues at the expense of attention paid to
China, Russia, Iran, the quagmire in Afghanistan, and the crisis at our
southern border.
It is disappointing that as Ukraine is on the verge of being invaded
by Russia, as North Korea continues to conduct ballistic missile tests,
as illegal aliens stream through our southern border--some on our
terror watch list--the majority has decided now is the time to bring
this bill forward.
The State Department agrees. It has reviewed the Global Respect Act
and recommended extensive changes, signaling it, too, sees this bill as
superfluous, potentially misguided, and definitely duplicative. Other
groups have said much the same, including The Heritage Foundation, the
Center for Family and Human Rights, Concerned Women for America, and
the Family Research Council.
Although I agree with the sentiment that human rights violations of
any kind are deplorable and despicable, the devil is really in the
details on this bill. We oppose this bill for the reasons I have
stated.
[[Page H1082]]
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I just want to state that the notion that
this bill is not supported by the administration is just blatantly
false.
Just last week, the Biden administration released a Statement of
Administration Policy in full support of the bill and noted the urgent
need to address threats to the human rights of LGBTQI-plus, not just
abroad but right here in the United States of America.
Mr. Speaker, I am honored to yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
Rhode Island (Mr. Cicilline), the author of this bill.
Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I
rise in support of H.R. 3485. I want to begin by expressing my profound
gratitude to Chairman Meeks for his consistent, passionate, and
powerful support of this bill and of the LGBTQI community broadly. He
has been such a champion for our community. We would not be here today
on this floor without his support, and we are grateful for that.
Mr. Speaker, I also want to recognize Congressman Brian Fitzpatrick,
Senator Shaheen, and Senator Portman for their partnership and
leadership in making this legislation bipartisan and bicameral.
Of course, I want to recognize and thank President Biden for his
incredible commitment to LGBTQI equality here at home and around the
world.
With today's vote, the U.S. House will send a strong message across
the world that every member of the LGBTQI community deserves to live
with dignity and free from violence, unlawful detention, torture, and
other forms of brutality.
H.R. 3485, the Global Respect Act, builds on existing sanction
authorities by requiring the President to deny visas to foreign
nationals who commit gross human rights violations against members of
the LGBTQI community. Let me be clear. This bill protects LGBTQI people
from murder, torture, and other forms of violence.
If you reject this proposal, you are saying people like me can be
murdered and tortured with no consequence. Whether that is your
intention or not, that is the impact of your vote.
In past years, we have seen a dangerous increase in violence against
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex people and their
families.
So, when my colleague on the other side of the aisle says, ``What is
the need for this?'' tell that to the victims who are being tortured,
detained, and murdered because of who they are.
In too many places, violence against this community is pervasive and
even sanctioned or directed by government officials.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ``all human
beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.'' As with any
form of social or legal marginalization, whether based on sex, race,
religion, ethnicity, or other status, the denial of human rights of
LGBTQI people is not only wrong but negatively affects health outcomes,
social stability, the rule of law, and economic potential.
This bill sends a signal to not just the abusers but also signals to
the victims and survivors that the United States stands with them, as
we have throughout the course of human history, in standing up for
human rights.
Victims like Camila Diaz Cordova, a 29-year-old transgender woman
from El Salvador who was arrested, beaten, and thrown from a moving
vehicle after being deported from the United States--she died several
days later; or the young gay man who fled from Sudan to Egypt after
threats of public outing and violence, only to experience kidnapping
and further stigmatization and violence in his new home; or I.J., a
victim of Ramzan Kadyrov's systematic rounding up and torture of men
and women thought to be gay in Chechnya.
In recounting the attack, I.J. said: ``They threw me to the floor and
beat me. They beat my chest and my face with their feet, and they hit
my head against the floor. One of them said: `Do not beat him until the
shock stage. At that point, he will stop feeling pain. We don't need
that.' They addressed me with female pronouns and demanded that I tell
them the names of other gay people I knew. They threatened to kill me
if I didn't.''
In public reports, we heard of ISIS officials throwing gay men off
rooftops and then stoning them to death.
These are just some examples of the many, many stories.
The Global Respect Act is simple. It is straightforward. It gives the
executive branch greater tools to punish those who murder and torture
members of the LGBTQI community.
I want to take a quick moment to tell you what this bill does not do.
It doesn't duplicate existing rights legislation such as the Global
Magnitsky Act because Global Magnitsky is obviously a very important
tool for human rights, but it is voluntary. It has only been used once
for LGBTQI human rights violations, despite many documented cases.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the
gentleman from Rhode Island.
Mr. CICILLINE. The Global Respect Act is different because it
requires sanctions if a foreign national commits gross human rights
violations against LGBTQI people.
It doesn't have overly broad language. As the chairman said, it has
language that comes from 22 U.S.C. 2304. It doesn't create any new
definitions. It has the definition in existing law of what gross human
rights violation is.
It doesn't prevent speech or religious beliefs. This bill targets
conduct and actions. The Global Magnitsky has never, nor will this bill
ever, be used to impede anyone's right to say or believe anything. It
is their actions, the gross human rights violations, that are at issue.
My friend on the other side of the aisle said it is cancel culture.
When did preventing murder, torture, and violence, and standing up for
human rights, become cancel culture?
We have a long tradition in this country of doing this all around the
world. The Global Respect Act honors that history, that responsibility
that we have as a world superpower to continue to protect and stand up
for human rights in the face of unspeakable human violence.
Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this bill, and I
end where I began, with enormous gratitude to our extraordinary
chairman for his leadership on this issue.
Ms. TENNEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman's passion, and I support his
support of condemning and sanctioning these terrible acts against the
LGBT community.
I just wanted to let the Speaker know, in the newest Global Magnitsky
Act report, which was just released a few weeks ago and covers 2021,
sanctions were imposed on Cuban police; in Uganda, the Chief of the
Military Intelligence; also in Bangladesh, the Rapid Action Battalion.
All of these were associated with LGBT causes, which means this act
is being used to sanction those who commit acts of violence of any kind
against people of the LGBT community. I just wanted to make sure that
the gentleman is aware of that. The State Department is already
reporting and already doing this, and it is being done.
Though I support everything that he is stating here, it is already
being done. In the interest of good legislation, we don't want to
overburden our bureaucrats and people that are working on these issues.
Also, reporting, they have indicated that additional reporting
requirements only take more time out of the organization.
I do appreciate the messaging from the gentleman from Rhode Island.
It is very important that we signal to the world that we condemn acts
against the LGBT community. The problem is, we already have this, and
we already have the ability and two tools that are very effective and
used internationally to condemn these acts.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, let me just say this real quick. I don't mind
burdening anyone if it is going to save somebody's life. There are
certain burdens that we have to carry, and this is one of them.
Mr. Speaker, I, with pride, yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Nevada (Ms. Titus), a strong fighter for human rights.
[[Page H1083]]
Ms. TITUS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the Global Respect Act
that is being led by my friend, Mr. Cicilline. I thank him for his
passion and his leadership in the committee on this issue.
Since the Supreme Court's landmark decision legalizing same-sex
marriage in 2015, we have sought out domestic opportunities to ensure
that individuals' basic rights are not infringed upon simply because of
their sexual orientation. We have to make more progress not just here
at home but around the world, where we take leadership on this issue.
Throughout the last century, we have stood for human rights, and in
2016, I was proud to support the Global Magnitsky Act, which imposed
certain restrictions, as you have heard mentioned already. Magnitsky,
however, did not go far enough to protect the LGBTQ-plus community.
In at least 42 countries, there remain legal barriers to freedom of
expression on sexual orientation and gender identity. In at least 51
countries, there are specific laws and policies against the
formation, establishment, or registration of NGOs working on sexual
orientation issues. Nor has Magnitsky dissuaded the persecution of
LGBTQI communities whose rights continue to be violated.
That is why I was grateful to have a part in working on this Global
Respect Act legislation because it will impose needed visa sanctions on
foreign people responsible for such actions.
My own legislation, the GLOBE Act, I think would take a step further
to assert U.S. global leadership in this area and provide the
administration with additional tools to carry out those things
established in this landmark legislation. Some of those would be:
ensuring that foreign assistance and global health programs don't
discriminate against LGBTQ-plus populations, and also ensuring fair
access to asylum for LGBTQ people.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman and the sponsor, and I urge
everyone to vote for this much-needed and very important bill.
Ms. TENNEY. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
North Carolina (Ms. Manning).
Ms. MANNING. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the
Global Respect Act, including my amendment to ensure accountability for
torture.
As a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I am proud to work with
my colleagues, Chairman Meeks and Congressman Cicilline, to protect and
defend human rights and uphold our values around the world.
Mr. Speaker, this bipartisan bill would require the President to
identify and impose visa sanctions on foreign individuals responsible
for human rights violations against LGBTQ-plus people.
My amendment would direct sanctions against those responsible for one
of the most horrific acts of violence: torture. No one should face
violence because of who they are or who they love.
{time} 0945
We must hold those responsible for gross violations of human rights
accountable no matter what. This important legislation ensures that the
United States continues to protect the human rights of all people,
including LGBTQ people targeted by some of the world's worst and most
oppressive regimes.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting the Global
Respect Act.
Ms. TENNEY. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. I am prepared to close, Mr. Speaker.
Ms. TENNEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, again, I support the underlying idea behind the bill,
and I really appreciate the passion of the sponsor and those speaking
out on behalf of it and protecting the human rights of all individuals
living abroad and holding violators accountable. But as I have said, we
have a strong difference of opinion about whether a bill that is
duplicative of current law is necessary.
I think the Global Respect Act, at the moment, the way it is drafted
is counterproductive insofar as it would create a separate regime aimed
at protecting human rights of some rather than human rights of all. And
I fear it could be used to target the left's political opponents in the
culture wars.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to oppose this bill, and I yield
back the balance of my time.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, let me start by commending and thanking the Biden
administration for its strong support in moving this legislation.
What is noted in his support is that legislation like this is needed
at a time especially when countries are undertaking steps to further
marginalize or harm LGBTQ-plus community members and that the
administration looks forward to working with Congress on what I know
will be a bipartisan vote.
I also happen to agree with President Biden and echo his statement
that in a time when a global rise in authoritarianism and hate persists
that it is critical that we send a strong message to the world that the
United States of America, the world's greatest democracy--that the
United States of America, who leads with its values--that the United
States of America can speak up and speak out striving to be a more
perfect Union, and that the United States of America can lead the world
to say that we are going to stop the persecution of human beings simply
for who they are.
This is the year 2022, Mr. Speaker. I would think by now we would
have learned that our voices should never be shut when we see
violations of human rights. One of the things that I pledged when I
became chair of this committee was that human rights would be on the
front burner because if we can't come together no matter what party we
are in, no matter what religion we have, no matter what ethnicity we
have, and no matter where we come from on this planet, if we can't come
together and say that we are going to stand up, speak out, and stop
where individuals are being persecuted and prosecuted--murdered--that
is the least that we can do.
I don't care how difficult it is. I don't care if it puts a burden on
the administration to do it because those are our values, that is what
should take precedence.
I have seen too much right here in the United States--individuals
just walking down the street holding hands with whom they love, and
someone walks up and does something horrific to them.
We have had to pass these bills and laws in our country so that they
can live their life. If we see it happening to anyone else, then we
have got to make sure that voice is heard and stop individuals who are
persecuting and prosecuting people from anyplace else on this planet
from coming to this country.
Send a message. Don't send it once, send it twice. If it takes three
or four times, then so be it. That is what this is all about. The
camera of history is recording this, looking to see what we do and what
we say.
How do we react to a human tragedy?
Generations yet unborn will be saying: What did the United States
Congress do when they knew?
No one denies what is taking place all over the world when it comes
to LGBTQI-plus individuals. Nobody denies that they are being killed.
No one denies that they are being tortured. Nobody denies that they are
treated in an inhumane way. That is not being denied.
So as long as it exists, we should use every tool available to make
sure that we wipe it off the planet Earth, and that is what David
Cicilline, this great Congressman, intended when he offered this bill.
This should be an historic moment and a proud moment for the United
States Congress to say: We have stood up and led the world to stop
human rights violations to people just like us, human beings.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, as a senior member of the House and the
Committee on Homeland Security, and as Chair of the Judiciary
Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, and Homeland Security, and a member
of the Equality Caucus, I rise in strong support of H.R. 3485, the
Global Respect Act of 2021.
I strongly support H.R. 3485 the Global Respect Act, which would
mandate the listing of, and visa restrictions on foreign persons
responsible for or complicit in human rights violations against
lesbian, gay, bisexual,
[[Page H1084]]
transgender, queer, and intersex (LGBTQI+) persons.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+) people around
the world continue to face discrimination, violence, and bigotry.
Sixty-eight countries criminalize same-sex sexual relations, which
means that more than one-third of United Nations Member States
criminalize consenting, adult, same-sex sexual relations.
In up to nine countries, same-sex sexual relations may be punishable
by death, and so-called anti-LGBTQ+ ``propaganda'' laws inhibit LGBTQ+
advocacy in at least three countries.
While many countries have made tremendous strides in embracing
equality for LGBTQI+ community members, other countries remain stagnant
or, worse, are undertaking steps to further marginalize or harm LGBTQI+
community members.
That is why I support H.R. 3485, a bi-partisan bill, which requires
the Administration to provide Congress with a list of foreign
individuals found responsible for human rights violations against
LGBTQI+ persons abroad, and equally important, mandates that
individuals included on this list are ineligible for visas to, or entry
into, the United States.
The U.S. Department of State's annual Country Reports on Human Rights
Practices has documented hostility toward LGBTQ+ citizens in every
region of the world.
These violations include murder, rape, torture, death threats,
extortion, imprisonment, and loss of employment and access to health
care, as well as restrictions on freedoms of assembly, press, and
speech.
The Global Respect Act would provide a means to prevent individuals
who violate the human rights of LGBTQ+ people from entry into the
United States.
The Global Respect Act also would require the Executive Branch to
biannually send Congress a list of foreign persons responsible for,
complicit in, or who have incited extrajudicial killing, torture, or
other gross violations of human rights based on actual or perceived
sexual orientation or gender identity.
As I stated, there is teeth in the legislation because it requires
the denial or revocation of visas to individuals placed on the list,
with waivers only for national security or to allow attendance at the
United Nations;
Finally, the legislation requires the annual State Department Report
on Human Rights to include a section on LGBTQ+ international human
rights, as well as an annual report to Congress on the status of the
law's effectiveness; and requires the Assistant Secretary of State for
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor to designate a staffer responsible
for tracking violence, criminalization, and restrictions on the
enjoyment of fundamental freedoms in foreign countries based on actual
or perceived sexual orientation or gender identity.
Mr. Speaker, I strongly support this legislation and urge all Members
to join me in voting for H.R. 3485, the Global Respect Act.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate has expired.
Each further amendment printed in part A of House Report 117-241 not
earlier considered as part of amendments en bloc pursuant to section 3
of House Resolution 900, shall be considered only in the order printed
in the report, may be offered only by a Member designated in the
report, shall be considered as read, shall be debatable for the time
specified in the report equally divided and controlled by the proponent
and an opponent, may be withdrawn by the proponent at any time before
the question is put thereon, shall not be subject to amendment, and
shall not be subject to a demand for division of the question.
It shall be in order at any time after debate for the chair of the
Committee on Foreign Affairs or his designee to offer amendments en
bloc consisting of further amendments printed in part A of House Report
117-241, not earlier disposed of. Amendments en bloc shall be
considered as read, shall be debatable for 20 minutes equally divided
and controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the
Committee on Foreign Affairs or their respective designees, shall not
be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject to a demand for
division of the question.
Amendments En Bloc Offered by Mr. Cicilline of Rhode Island
Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 900, I offer
the amendments en bloc.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will designate the amendments en
bloc.
Amendments en bloc consisting of amendment Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6,
printed in part A of House Report 117-241, offered by Mr. Cicilline of
Rhode Island:
amendment no. 1 offered by mr. crist of florida
Page 9, after line 21, insert the following:
(_) Exception for certain immediate family members.--
(i) In general.--A covered individual shall not be subject
to sanctions under this section if the President certifies to
the appropriate congressional committees, in accordance with
clause (ii), that such individual has a reasonable fear of
persecution based on--
(I) actual or perceived sexual orientation, gender
identity, or sex characteristics;
(II) race, religion, or nationality; or
(III) political opinion or membership in a particular
social group.
(ii) Determination and certification.--A certification
under clause (i) shall be made not later than 30 days after
the date of the determination required by such clause. Any
proceedings relating to such determination shall not be
publicly available.
(iii) Covered individual.--For purposes of this
subparagraph, the term ``covered individual'' means an
individual who is an immediate family member of foreign
person on the list required by subsection (a).
amendment no. 2 offered by mr. gottheimer of new jersey
At the end of the bill, add the following:
SEC. __. STUDY REQUIRED.
Not later than 1 year after the date of the enactment of
this Act, the Secretary of State shall submit to Congress a
report that comprises of sections from each regional bureau
detailing past risks to LGBTQI individuals, with a summary on
the differences between regions with respect to such risks.
amendment no. 3 offered by mr. harder of california
Page 11, after line 17, insert the following:
(__) Rule of Construction.--Nothing in this section may be
construed to allow the imposition of sanctions with respect
to, or otherwise authorize any other action against, any
foreign person based solely upon religious belief.
amendment no. 4 offered by ms. manning of north carolina
Page 3, line 15, insert ``torture or'' before ``cruel''.
amendment no. 5 offered by ms. porter of california
Page 10, after line 24, insert the following:
(_) Form; Publication.--The report required by subsection
(f) shall be submitted in unclassified form but may include a
classified annex. The unclassified portion of such report
shall be published on a publicly available website of the
Department of State.
amendment no. 6 offered by ms. williams of georgia
Page 10, after line 24, insert the following:
(_) Report on Prevention.--Not later than 180 days after
the date of the enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State
shall submit to the appropriate congressional committees a
report describing steps the Department can take to improve
coordination with foreign governments, civil society groups,
and the private sector, to prevent the commission of the
human rights violations described in section 3(a)(1) against
persons based on actual or perceived sexual orientation,
gender identity, or sex characteristics.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 900, the
gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Cicilline) and the gentlewoman from
New York (Ms. Tenney) each will control 10 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Rhode Island.
Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Before I address the en bloc amendments, I just want to respond
quickly to a claim that has been made again on this floor that was made
in the Rules Committee by my friend on the other side of the aisle that
the Magnitsky Act has already adequately covered LGBTQI human rights
violations. I am going to say it one more time: That is simply,
factually incorrect.
All of the cases that my friend cited, Mr. Speaker, do not involve
LGBTQI people, save one. There is one specific LGBTQI case in which
sanctions were imposed in 2019 against the Chechen leader for
kidnapping, torturing, and killing members of the LGBTQI community.
The cases she makes reference to in Bangladesh, in Cuba, and in
Uganda involve judicial corruption, and they involve a government
crackdown on democracy, but they don't involve individuals who were
targeted or brutalized because they were members of the LGBTQI
community.
So there is, in fact, not sufficient use of Magnitsky. That is what
the Global Respect Act will fix. It will make visa sanctions against
such individuals a mandatory requirement.
So this idea of pulling other human rights cases and saying, Isn't
this enough?
It is not. This is a growing, serious, and deadly problem.
Mr. Speaker, I move these amendments which, taken together, both
[[Page H1085]]
strengthen the bill and make a strong statement that the United States
stands with the LGBTQI community around the world.
This package of amendments clarifies that torture is a part of the
definition of a human rights violation. This definition, which we have
used since the passage of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, makes it
clear that it is actions--torture, cruel, inhuman, or degrading
treatment or punishment--that lead to sanctions.
These amendments firmly state that the value of religious freedom is
protected. The United States has long been a leader of protecting
freedom of religion, and our foreign policy must uphold that tradition.
The Harder amendment within the en bloc makes it clear that no one--I
repeat, no one--will be sanctioned due to their religious beliefs;
instead, only those who commit egregious acts of violence--torture,
enforced disappearances, or extrajudicial killings--will be denied
entry to the United States.
Despite what some of my colleagues may say, religious freedom is not
in conflict with the promotion of global LGBTQI rights. This amendment
acknowledges this truth and upholds the rights of all people regardless
of their religion, sexual orientation, gender identity, or sex
characteristics to be protected from violence and brutality.
These amendments will also provide the Biden-Harris administration
with additional tools to continue its historic work to build the
international coalition of countries protecting LGBTQI people. It is
important that we stand with countries around the world, including
those like Botswana, which legalized same-sex relationships in 2019, to
strengthen equality around the globe.
With today's vote, the U.S. House will send a strong message around
the world that every member of the LGBTQI community deserves to live
with dignity and free from violence, unlawful detention, torture, and
other forms of brutality.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. TENNEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, just to respond a little bit to the sponsor, and, again,
I can't say enough that we support and echo the sentiments of
protecting the rights of the LGBT community around the world and at
home.
But this bill actually mirrors the Global Magnitsky Act, and the
language is the same. So it is kind of hard to argue we should just
have another set of standards and require even more reporting from a
State Department that is overwhelmed by issues around the world when we
already have this.
Mr. Speaker, if you look at these instances, the State Department
doesn't disclose necessarily what the nature of it is because of the
confidentiality, but if you actually go into a Google search and look
at the reporting in each of these countries, they are all based on
conduct against people with LGBT leanings, and that is why the act was
used. The State Department preserves confidentiality.
{time} 1000
So in the end, yes, we are using this act right now, today, to
condemn and to sanction this activity against the LGBTQ communities
around the world. So I oppose the en bloc of amendments. While some of
the amendments are well-intentioned, they are ultimately duplicative
and unnecessary, again, just like the underlying act. They require the
Department of State to do what it is already doing in practice.
For example, the Gottheimer amendment No. 2 requires a study
examining risks to LGBTQI individuals. The State Department publishes
its annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices each year,
including this data, and they just provided another report recently.
Human rights officers who are stationed at our embassies and
consulates around the world meet routinely with local activists and
local officials to gain this information. They talk to individuals on
the ground to compile these reports, which are detailed and
comprehensive. Each regional bureau in the Department is involved in
this process. This amendment, therefore, calls for the Department to do
what it is already doing, and is burdensome on the Foreign Service
officers and career officials.
Other amendments, like the Harder amendment No. 7, also very well-
intentioned and also messaging in a very positive way, show that the
Democrats know they have overreached on the bill. The Harder amendment
prevents sanctions against any individual based solely upon religious
belief.
I agree with this sentiment, but at markup, Democrats rejected a very
similar religious freedom and free speech amendment offered by
Representative Scott Perry. The rationale was: Well, this bill just
isn't about that. Well, it seems one of their colleagues disagrees.
While I appreciate the Democrats are willing to acknowledge some of
the flaws in the bill, the Harder amendment is also insufficient. The
amendment speaks only of religious belief. It does not speak to
situations in which religious adherents manifest or express their
beliefs in daily life.
So under Representative Harder's amendment, a person who expresses
belief in the traditional family, or in conventional human biology,
could still be sanctioned because sanctions would not be based on
beliefs but, rather, on actions.
This amendment is not as robust as the measure that Representative
Perry put forward at markup, and we have no choice but to oppose it.
This en bloc does not contain amendments that would enhance the
legislation, in our opinion. Instead, these amendments seek to add
safeguards to a bill that, as I have explained, is duplicative,
unnecessary, and even dangerous insofar as it can be used by the left
to target political opponents in the international culture wars.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from Georgia (Ms. Williams).
Ms. WILLIAMS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of my
amendment to proactively prevent human rights abuses against LGBTQI
individuals.
As the Congresswoman representing the LGBTQI capital of the South,
this amendment is just another way that my district is leading the way
to achieve human rights and equity for all. Decades of advocacy, from
Atlanta's first gay pride march in 1971, to annual events like Black
Pride and Southern Fried Queer Pride have made Atlanta the city ``too
busy to hate.''
Atlanta gets a perfect score from the Human Rights Campaign, and the
community that the Black and LGBTQ-plus activists have created in
Atlanta is the kind of world that we want everywhere. At home, we have
a saying, ``Atlanta influences everything,'' and my amendment is
designed to do just that by extending human rights protections beyond
my city and our Nation's borders.
With my amendment, the State Department will study how it can better
coordinate internationally to prevent international human rights abuses
based on sexual orientation, gender identity, and sex characteristics
before those abuses occur. This will create a better world for everyone
no matter where they live, who they love, or how they identify.
Ms. TENNEY. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I am prepared to close.
Ms. TENNEY. Madam Speaker, I yield back balance of my time.
Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I just want to respond quickly to two
things before I close. The first is, again, the Global Respect Act,
like Magnitsky, does not punish and cannot be invoked for speech. It is
very clear. It has never been used in that way, and it specifically
targets conduct. But out of an abundance of caution, to reassure our
colleagues on the other side of the aisle, Mr. Harder offers an
amendment that makes that explicit, that says that no one will be
sanctioned due to their religious beliefs. Instead, only those who
commit egregious acts of violence, including: torture, enforced
disappearance, or extrajudicial killings will be denied entry into the
United States.
This notion of like, well, we were concerned about this religion
issue, but when it is explicitly addressed because it is offered by a
Democrat through the
[[Page H1086]]
amendment process and not a Republican, it doesn't satisfy my friends
on the other side of the aisle. It is very disappointing; very
disappointing.
This Global Respect Act legislation is designed to address a real
problem, and I will just say one last time, in section 3 of the bill,
the language in the bill includes gross violations of internationally
recognized human rights as codified in 22 U.S.C. 2304. What is that?
Not your view on marriage, not whether you like someone. It is defined
as: ``. . . torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or
punishment, prolonged detention without charges and trial, causing the
disappearance of persons by the abduction and clandestine detention of
those persons, and other flagrant denial of the right to life, liberty,
or the security of person.''
This is a well-established definition for gross human rights
violations. This bill simply says, if you engage in that kind of
behavior, you do not have a right to enter the United States of
America. We will deny you a visa because we stand for human rights.
So I urge my colleagues to support the en bloc amendment, support
this bill, be proud today that the United States is standing again for
the protection of human rights of all people here in the United States,
and around the world.
Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. DelBene). Pursuant to House Resolution
900, the previous question is ordered on the amendments en bloc offered
by the gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Cicilline).
The question is on the amendments en bloc.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. HIGGINS of Louisiana. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas
and nays.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 223,
nays 207, not voting 3, as follows:
[Roll No. 42]
YEAS--223
Adams
Aguilar
Allred
Auchincloss
Axne
Barragan
Bass
Beatty
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Bourdeaux
Bowman
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brown (MD)
Brown (OH)
Brownley
Bush
Bustos
Butterfield
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carson
Carter (LA)
Cartwright
Case
Casten
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Cherfilus-McCormick
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Craig
Crist
Crow
Cuellar
Davids (KS)
Davis, Danny K.
Dean
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Delgado
Demings
DeSaulnier
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Escobar
Eshoo
Espaillat
Evans
Fitzpatrick
Fletcher
Foster
Frankel, Lois
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Golden
Gomez
Gonzalez, Vicente
Gottheimer
Green, Al (TX)
Grijalva
Harder (CA)
Hayes
Higgins (NY)
Himes
Horsford
Houlahan
Hoyer
Huffman
Jackson Lee
Jacobs (CA)
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (TX)
Jones
Kahele
Kaptur
Katko
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Khanna
Kildee
Kilmer
Kim (NJ)
Kind
Kirkpatrick
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster
Lamb
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee (CA)
Lee (NV)
Leger Fernandez
Levin (CA)
Levin (MI)
Lieu
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Luria
Lynch
Malinowski
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Manning
Matsui
McBath
McCollum
McEachin
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Mfume
Moore (WI)
Morelle
Moulton
Mrvan
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Neguse
Newman
Norcross
O'Halleran
Ocasio-Cortez
Omar
Pallone
Panetta
Pappas
Pascrell
Payne
Perlmutter
Peters
Phillips
Pingree
Pocan
Porter
Pressley
Price (NC)
Quigley
Raskin
Rice (NY)
Ross
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan
Sanchez
Sarbanes
Scanlon
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schrier
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sewell
Sherman
Sherrill
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (WA)
Soto
Spanberger
Speier
Stansbury
Stanton
Stevens
Strickland
Suozzi
Swalwell
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres (NY)
Trahan
Trone
Underwood
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wexton
Wild
Williams (GA)
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NAYS--207
Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Bentz
Bergman
Bice (OK)
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (NC)
Boebert
Bost
Brady
Brooks
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burchett
Burgess
Cammack
Carey
Carl
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Cawthorn
Chabot
Cheney
Cline
Cloud
Clyde
Cole
Comer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Curtis
Davidson
Davis, Rodney
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Donalds
Duncan
Dunn
Ellzey
Emmer
Estes
Fallon
Feenstra
Ferguson
Fischbach
Fitzgerald
Fleischmann
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franklin, C. Scott
Fulcher
Gaetz
Gallagher
Garbarino
Garcia (CA)
Gibbs
Gimenez
Gohmert
Gonzales, Tony
Gonzalez (OH)
Good (VA)
Gooden (TX)
Gosar
Granger
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Greene (GA)
Griffith
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Hagedorn
Harris
Harshbarger
Hartzler
Hern
Herrell
Herrera Beutler
Hice (GA)
Higgins (LA)
Hill
Hinson
Hollingsworth
Hudson
Huizenga
Issa
Jackson
Jacobs (NY)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson (SD)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Keller
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
Kim (CA)
Kinzinger
Kustoff
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Latta
LaTurner
Lesko
Letlow
Long
Loudermilk
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Mace
Malliotakis
Mann
Massie
Mast
McCarthy
McCaul
McClain
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
Meijer
Meuser
Miller (IL)
Miller (WV)
Miller-Meeks
Moolenaar
Mooney
Moore (AL)
Moore (UT)
Mullin
Nehls
Newhouse
Norman
Obernolte
Owens
Palazzo
Palmer
Pence
Perry
Pfluger
Posey
Reed
Reschenthaler
Rice (SC)
Rodgers (WA)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rose
Rosendale
Rouzer
Roy
Rutherford
Scalise
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sessions
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smucker
Spartz
Stauber
Steel
Stefanik
Steil
Steube
Stewart
Taylor
Tenney
Thompson (PA)
Tiffany
Timmons
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Van Drew
Van Duyne
Wagner
Walberg
Walorski
Waltz
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Williams (TX)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Young
Zeldin
NOT VOTING--3
Calvert
Murphy (NC)
Salazar
{time} 1052
Mr. KELLER changed his vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
So the en bloc amendments were agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
members recorded pursuant to house resolution 8, 117th congress
Aguilar (Correa)
Amodei (Balderson)
Baird (Bucshon)
Bass (Takano)
Bera (Correa)
Bergman (Stauber)
Bowman (Jeffries)
Boyle, Brendan F. (Beyer)
Brooks (Moore (AL))
Brownley (Meng)
Clarke (NY) (Kelly (IL))
Cohen (Beyer)
Crist (Wasserman Schultz)
Cuellar (Correa)
DeSaulnier (Raskin)
Doggett (Raskin)
Dunn (Joyce (PA))
Fallon (Ellzey)
Frankel, Lois (Meng)
Fulcher (Simpson)
Garamendi (Correa)
Gimenez (Cammack)
Gohmert (Weber (TX))
Gonzalez (OH) (Balderson)
Gonzalez, Vicente (Correa)
Gosar (Gaetz)
Grijalva (Garcia (IL))
Hagedorn (Carl)
Huffman (Gomez)
Issa (Garcia (CA))
Johnson (SD) (Bice (OK))
Kahele (Case)
Keating (Cicilline)
Kelly (PA) (Balderson)
Khanna (Gomez)
Kinzinger (Rice (SC))
Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
Kuster (Bonamici)
Larson (CT) (Cicilline)
Lawson (FL) (Evans)
Lofgren (Jeffries)
Loudermilk (Fleischmann)
Lowenthal (Beyer)
Lucas (Mullin)
Malinowski (Pallone)
McEachin (Wexton)
Moore (WI) (Raskin)
Napolitano (Correa)
Omar (Garcia (IL))
Payne (Pallone)
Pingree (Bonamici)
Porter (Wexton)
Reed (McHenry)
Roybal-Allard (Correa)
Ruiz (Correa)
Ruppersberger (Beyer)
Rush (Kaptur)
Schneider (Kelly (IL))
Sewell (Cicilline)
Sires (Pallone)
Soto (Wasserman Schultz)
Strickland (Takano)
Suozzi (Raskin)
Trone (Beyer)
Vargas (Correa)
Waters (Jeffries)
Watson Coleman (Pallone)
Wilson (FL) (Cicilline)
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The previous question is ordered on the
bill, as amended.
The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the bill.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was
read the third time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on passage of the bill.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Ms. TENNEY. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
[[Page H1087]]
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 227,
nays 206, not voting 0, as follows:
[Roll No. 43]
YEAS--227
Adams
Aguilar
Allred
Auchincloss
Axne
Barragan
Bass
Beatty
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Bourdeaux
Bowman
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brown (MD)
Brown (OH)
Brownley
Bush
Bustos
Butterfield
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carson
Carter (LA)
Cartwright
Case
Casten
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Cherfilus-McCormick
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Craig
Crist
Crow
Cuellar
Davids (KS)
Davis, Danny K.
Dean
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Delgado
Demings
DeSaulnier
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Escobar
Eshoo
Espaillat
Evans
Fitzpatrick
Fletcher
Foster
Frankel, Lois
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Golden
Gomez
Gonzalez, Vicente
Gottheimer
Green, Al (TX)
Grijalva
Harder (CA)
Hayes
Higgins (NY)
Himes
Horsford
Houlahan
Hoyer
Huffman
Jackson Lee
Jacobs (CA)
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (TX)
Jones
Kahele
Kaptur
Katko
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Khanna
Kildee
Kilmer
Kim (NJ)
Kind
Kinzinger
Kirkpatrick
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster
Lamb
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee (CA)
Lee (NV)
Leger Fernandez
Levin (CA)
Levin (MI)
Lieu
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Luria
Lynch
Malinowski
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Manning
Matsui
McBath
McCollum
McEachin
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meijer
Meng
Mfume
Moore (WI)
Morelle
Moulton
Mrvan
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Neguse
Newman
Norcross
O'Halleran
Ocasio-Cortez
Omar
Pallone
Panetta
Pappas
Pascrell
Payne
Perlmutter
Peters
Phillips
Pingree
Pocan
Porter
Pressley
Price (NC)
Quigley
Raskin
Reed
Rice (NY)
Ross
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan
Salazar
Sanchez
Sarbanes
Scanlon
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schrier
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sewell
Sherman
Sherrill
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (WA)
Soto
Spanberger
Speier
Stansbury
Stanton
Stevens
Strickland
Suozzi
Swalwell
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres (NY)
Trahan
Trone
Underwood
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wexton
Wild
Williams (GA)
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NAYS--206
Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Bentz
Bergman
Bice (OK)
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (NC)
Boebert
Bost
Brady
Brooks
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burchett
Burgess
Calvert
Cammack
Carey
Carl
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Cawthorn
Chabot
Cheney
Cline
Cloud
Clyde
Cole
Comer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Curtis
Davidson
Davis, Rodney
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Donalds
Duncan
Dunn
Ellzey
Emmer
Estes
Fallon
Feenstra
Ferguson
Fischbach
Fitzgerald
Fleischmann
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franklin, C. Scott
Fulcher
Gaetz
Gallagher
Garbarino
Garcia (CA)
Gibbs
Gimenez
Gohmert
Gonzales, Tony
Gonzalez (OH)
Good (VA)
Gooden (TX)
Gosar
Granger
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Greene (GA)
Griffith
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Hagedorn
Harris
Harshbarger
Hartzler
Hern
Herrell
Herrera Beutler
Hice (GA)
Higgins (LA)
Hill
Hinson
Hollingsworth
Hudson
Huizenga
Issa
Jackson
Jacobs (NY)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson (SD)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Keller
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
Kim (CA)
Kustoff
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Latta
LaTurner
Lesko
Letlow
Long
Loudermilk
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Mace
Malliotakis
Mann
Massie
Mast
McCarthy
McCaul
McClain
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
Meuser
Miller (IL)
Miller (WV)
Miller-Meeks
Moolenaar
Mooney
Moore (AL)
Moore (UT)
Mullin
Murphy (NC)
Nehls
Newhouse
Norman
Obernolte
Owens
Palazzo
Palmer
Pence
Perry
Pfluger
Posey
Reschenthaler
Rice (SC)
Rodgers (WA)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rose
Rosendale
Rouzer
Roy
Rutherford
Scalise
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sessions
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smucker
Spartz
Stauber
Steel
Stefanik
Steil
Steube
Stewart
Taylor
Tenney
Thompson (PA)
Tiffany
Timmons
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Van Drew
Van Duyne
Wagner
Walberg
Walorski
Waltz
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Williams (TX)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Young
Zeldin
{time} 1111
So the bill was passed.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Members Recorded Pursuant to House Resolution 8, 117th Congress
Aguilar (Correa)
Amodei (Balderson)
Baird (Bucshon)
Bass (Takano)
Bera (Correa)
Bergman (Stauber)
Bowman (Jeffries)
Boyle, Brendan F. (Beyer)
Brooks (Moore (AL))
Brownley (Meng)
Calvert (Garcia (CA))
Clarke (NY) (Kelly (IL))
Cohen (Beyer)
Crist (Wasserman Schultz)
Cuellar (Correa)
DeSaulnier (Raskin)
Doggett (Raskin)
Dunn (Joyce (PA))
Fallon (Ellzey)
Frankel, Lois (Meng)
Fulcher (Simpson)
Garamendi (Correa)
Gimenez (Cammack)
Gohmert (Weber (TX))
Gonzalez (OH) (Balderson)
Gonzalez, Vicente (Correa)
Gosar (Gaetz)
Grijalva (Garcia (IL))
Hagedorn (Carl)
Huffman (Gomez)
Issa (Garcia (CA))
Johnson (SD) (Bice (OK))
Kahele (Case)
Keating (Cicilline)
Kelly (PA) (Balderson)
Khanna (Gomez)
Kinzinger (Rice (SC))
Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
Kuster (Bonamici)
Larson (CT) (Cicilline)
Lawson (FL) (Evans)
Lofgren (Jeffries)
Loudermilk (Fleischmann)
Lowenthal (Beyer)
Lucas (Mullin)
Malinowski (Pallone)
McEachin (Wexton)
Moore (WI) (Raskin)
Napolitano (Correa)
Omar (Garcia (IL))
Payne (Pallone)
Pingree (Bonamici)
Porter (Wexton)
Reed (McHenry)
Roybal-Allard (Correa)
Ruiz (Correa)
Ruppersberger (Beyer)
Rush (Kaptur)
Salazar (Kim (CA))
Schneider (Kelly (IL))
Sewell (Cicilline)
Sires (Pallone)
Soto (Wasserman Schultz)
Strickland (Takano)
Suozzi (Raskin)
Trone (Beyer)
Vargas (Correa)
Waters (Jeffries)
Watson Coleman (Pallone)
Wilson (FL) (Cicilline)
____________________