[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 26 (Wednesday, February 9, 2022)]
[House]
[Pages H1079-H1087]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                           GLOBAL RESPECT ACT

  Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 900, I call up 
the bill (H.R. 3485) to impose sanctions on foreign persons responsible 
for violations of internationally recognized human rights against 
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LGBTQI) 
individuals, and for other purposes, and ask for its immediate 
consideration in the House.
  The Clerk read the title of the bill.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 900, in lieu of 
the amendment in the nature of a substitute recommended by the 
Committee on Foreign Affairs printed in the bill, an amendment in the 
nature of a substitute consisting of the text of Rules Committee Print 
117-30 is adopted, and the bill, as amended, is considered read.
  The text of the bill, as amended, is as follows:

                               H.R. 3485

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``Global Respect Act''.

     SEC. 2. FINDINGS.

       Congress finds the following:
       (1) The dignity, freedom, and equality of all human beings 
     are fundamental to a thriving global community.
       (2) The rights to life, liberty, and security of the 
     person, the right to privacy, and the right to freedom of 
     expression and association are fundamental human rights.
       (3) An alarming trend of violence directed at LGBTQI 
     individuals around the world continues.
       (4) Approximately one-third of all countries have laws 
     criminalizing consensual same-sex relations, and many have 
     enacted policies or laws that would further target LGBTQI 
     individuals.
       (5) Every year thousands of individuals around the world 
     are targeted for harassment, attack, arrest, and murder on 
     the basis of their sexual orientation or gender identity.
       (6) Those who commit crimes against LGBTQI individuals 
     often do so with impunity, and are not held accountable for 
     their crimes.
       (7) In many instances police, prison, military, and 
     civilian government authorities have been directly complicit 
     in abuses aimed at LGBTQI citizens, including arbitrary 
     arrest, torture, and sexual abuse.
       (8) Celebrations of LGBTQI individuals and communities, 
     such as film festivals, Pride events, and demonstrations are 
     often forced underground due to inaction on the part of, or 
     harassment by, local law enforcement and government 
     officials, in violation of freedoms of assembly and 
     expression.
       (9) Laws criminalizing consensual same-sex relations 
     severely hinder access to HIV/AIDS treatment, information, 
     and preventive measures for LGBTQI individuals and families.
       (10) Many countries are making positive developments in the 
     protection of the basic human rights of LGBTQI individuals.

     SEC. 3. SANCTIONS ON INDIVIDUALS RESPONSIBLE FOR VIOLATIONS 
                   OF HUMAN RIGHTS AGAINST LGBTQI PEOPLE.

       (a) In General.--Not later than 180 days after the date of 
     the enactment of this Act and biannually thereafter, the 
     President shall transmit to the appropriate congressional 
     committees a list of each foreign person the President 
     determines, based on credible information, including 
     information obtained by other countries or by nongovernmental 
     organizations that monitor violations of human rights--
       (1) is responsible for or complicit in, with respect to 
     persons based on actual or perceived sexual orientation, 
     gender identity, or sex characteristics--
       (A) cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment;
       (B) prolonged detention without charges and trial;
       (C) causing the disappearance of such persons by the 
     abduction and clandestine detention of such persons; or
       (D) other flagrant denial of the right to life, liberty, or 
     the security of such persons; or
       (2) acted as an agent of or on behalf of a foreign person 
     in a matter relating to an activity described in paragraph 
     (1).
       (b) Form; Updates; Removal.--
       (1) Form.--The list required by subsection (a) shall be 
     transmitted in unclassified form and published in the Federal 
     Register, except that the President may include a foreign 
     person in a classified, unpublished annex to such list if the 
     President--
       (A) determines that--
       (i) it is vital for the national security interests of the 
     United States to do so; and
       (ii) the use of such annex, and the inclusion of such 
     person in such annex, would not undermine the overall purpose 
     of this section to publicly identify foreign persons engaging 
     in the conduct described in subsection (a) in order to 
     increase accountability for such conduct; and
       (B) not later than 15 days before including such person in 
     a classified annex, provides to the appropriate congressional 
     committees notice of, and a justification for, including or 
     continuing to include each foreign person in such annex 
     despite the existence of any publicly available credible 
     information indicating that each such foreign person engaged 
     in an activity described in subsection (a).
       (2) Updates.--The President shall transmit to the 
     appropriate congressional committees an update of the list 
     required by subsection (a) as new information becomes 
     available.
       (3) Removal.--A foreign person may be removed from the list 
     required by subsection (a) if the President determines and 
     reports to the appropriate congressional committees not later 
     than 15 days before the removal of such person from such list 
     that--
       (A) new, credible information is discovered confirming that 
     such person did not in fact engage in the activity for which 
     the person was included in such list;
       (B) such person has been prosecuted appropriately for the 
     activity in which such person engaged; or
       (C) such person has credibly demonstrated a significant 
     change in behavior, has paid an appropriate consequence for 
     the activities in which such person engaged, and has credibly 
     committed to not engage in an activity described in 
     subsection (a).

[[Page H1080]]

       (c) Public Submission of Information.--The President shall 
     issue public guidance, including through United States 
     diplomatic and consular posts, setting forth the manner by 
     which the names of foreign persons that may meet the criteria 
     to be included on the list required by subsection (a) may be 
     submitted to the Department of State for evaluation.
       (d) Requests From Chair and Ranking Member of Appropriate 
     Congressional Committees.--
       (1) Consideration of information.--In addition to the 
     guidance issued pursuant to subsection (c), the President 
     shall also consider information provided by the Chair or 
     Ranking Member of each of the appropriate congressional 
     committees in determining whether to include a foreign person 
     in the list required by subsection (a).
       (2) Requests.--Not later than 120 days after receiving a 
     written request from the Chair or Ranking Member of one of 
     the appropriate congressional committees with respect to 
     whether a foreign person meets the criteria for being 
     included in the list required by subsection (a), the 
     President shall transmit a response to such Chair or Ranking 
     Member, as the case may be, with respect to the President's 
     determination relating to such foreign person.
       (3) Removal.--If the President removes from the list 
     required by subsection (a) a foreign person that had been 
     included in such list pursuant to a request under paragraph 
     (2), the President shall provide to the relevant Chair or 
     Ranking Member of the appropriate congressional committees 
     any information that contributed to such decision.
       (4) Form.--The President may transmit a response required 
     by paragraph (2) or paragraph (3) in classified form if the 
     President determines that it is necessary for the national 
     security interests of the United States to do so.
       (e) Inadmissibility of Certain Individuals.--
       (1) Ineligibility for visas and admission to the united 
     states.--A foreign person on the list required by subsection 
     (a), and each immediate family member of such person, is--
       (A) inadmissible to the United States;
       (B) ineligible to receive a visa or other documentation to 
     enter the United States; and
       (C) otherwise ineligible to be admitted or paroled into the 
     United States or to receive any other benefit under the 
     Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101 et seq.).
       (2) Current visas revoked.--
       (A) In general.--The Secretary of State, or the Secretary 
     of Homeland Security (or a designee of one such Secretaries) 
     shall, in accordance with section 221(i) of the Immigration 
     and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1201(i)), revoke any visa or 
     other entry documentation issued to a foreign person on the 
     list required by subsection (a) and to each immediate family 
     member of such person regardless of when the visa or other 
     entry documentation is issued.
       (B) Effect of revocation.--A revocation under subparagraph 
     (A) shall--
       (i) take effect immediately; and
       (ii) automatically cancel any other valid visa or entry 
     documentation that is in the foreign person's possession.
       (3) Sense of congress with respect to additional 
     sanctions.--It is the sense of Congress that the President 
     should impose additional targeted sanctions with respect to 
     foreign persons on the list required by subsection (a) to 
     push for accountability for flagrant denials of the right to 
     life, liberty, or the security of the person, through the use 
     of designations and targeted sanctions provided for such 
     conduct under other existing authorities.
       (4) Exceptions.--
       (A) Exception with respect to national security.--This 
     section shall not apply with respect to--
       (i) activities subject to the reporting requirements under 
     title V of the National Security Act of 1947 (50 U.S.C. 3091 
     et seq.); or
       (ii) any authorized intelligence or law enforcement 
     activities of the United States.
       (B) Exception to comply with international obligations.--
     Sanctions under paragraphs (1) and (2) shall not apply with 
     respect to a person if admitting or paroling the person into 
     the United States is necessary to permit the United States to 
     comply with the Agreement regarding the Headquarters of the 
     United Nations signed at Lake Success June 26, 1947, and 
     entered into force November 21, 1947, between the United 
     Nations and the United States or other applicable 
     international obligations.
       (5) Waiver.--The President may waive the application of 
     sanctions or restrictions imposed with respect to a foreign 
     person under this section if the President certifies to the 
     appropriate congressional committees, not later than 15 days 
     before such waiver is to take effect, that the waiver is 
     vital to the national interest of the United States.
       (f) Report to Congress.--Not later than one year after the 
     date of the enactment of this Act and annually thereafter, 
     the President, acting through the Secretary of State, shall 
     submit to the appropriate congressional committees a report 
     on--
       (1) the actions taken to carry out this section, 
     including--
       (A) the number of foreign persons added to or removed from 
     the list required by subsection (a) during the year preceding 
     each such report, the dates on which such persons were so 
     added or removed, and the reasons for so adding or removing 
     such persons; and
       (B) an analysis that compares increases or decreases in the 
     number of such persons added or removed year-over-year and 
     the reasons therefor; and
       (2) any efforts by the President to coordinate with the 
     governments of other countries, as appropriate, to impose 
     sanctions that are similar to the sanctions imposed under 
     this section.
       (g) Definitions.--In this section:
       (1) Appropriate congressional committees.--The term 
     ``appropriate congressional committees'' means--
       (A) the Committee on Armed Services, the Committee on 
     Foreign Affairs, the Committee on Homeland Security, and the 
     Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives; 
     and
       (B) the Committee on Armed Services, the Committee on 
     Foreign Relations, the Committee on Homeland Security and 
     Governmental Affairs, and the Committee on the Judiciary of 
     the Senate.
       (2) Immediate family member.--The term ``immediate family 
     member'' has the meaning given such term for purposes of 
     section 7031(c) of division K of the Consolidated 
     Appropriations Act, 2021.

     SEC. 4. DISCRIMINATION RELATED TO SEXUAL ORIENTATION, GENDER 
                   IDENTITY, OR SEX CHARACTERISTICS.

       (a) Tracking Violence or Criminalization Related to Sexual 
     Orientation or Gender Identity.--The Assistant Secretary of 
     State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor shall designate 
     one or more Bureau-based senior officer or officers who shall 
     be responsible for tracking violence, criminalization, and 
     restrictions on the enjoyment of fundamental freedoms in 
     foreign countries based on actual or perceived sexual 
     orientation, gender identity, or sex characteristics.
       (b) Annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices.--The 
     Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 is amended--
       (1) in section 116(d) (22 U.S.C. 2151n(d))--
       (A) in paragraph (11)(C), by striking ``and'' after the 
     semicolon at the end;
       (B) in paragraph (12)--
       (i) in subparagraph (B), by striking ``and'' after the 
     semicolon at the end; and
       (ii) in subparagraph (C)(ii), by striking the period at the 
     end and inserting ``; and''; and
       (C) by adding at the end the following new paragraph:
       ``(13) wherever applicable, information relating to 
     violence or discrimination that affects fundamental freedoms, 
     including widespread or systematic violation of the freedoms 
     of expression, association, or assembly, of individuals in 
     foreign countries that is based on actual or perceived sexual 
     orientation, gender identity, or sex characteristics.''; and
       (2) in section 502B(b) (22 U.S.C. 2304(b)), by inserting 
     after the ninth sentence the following new sentence: 
     ``Wherever applicable, such report shall also include 
     information relating to violence or discrimination that 
     affects the fundamental freedoms, including widespread or 
     systematic violation of the freedoms of expression, 
     association, or assembly, of individuals in foreign countries 
     that is based on actual or perceived sexual orientation, 
     gender identity, or sex characteristics.''.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The bill, as amended, shall be debatable for 
1 hour equally divided and controlled by the Chair and ranking minority 
member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs or their respective 
designees.
  The gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks) and the gentlewoman from New 
York (Ms. Tenney) each will control 30 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York.


                             General Leave

  Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 
5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and 
include extraneous material on H.R. 3485.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from New York?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, this is a very important day with a very important bill, 
and I rise today in strong support of H.R. 3485, the Global Respect 
Act, as amended, and introduced by my friend and great American, 
Congressman   David Cicilline.
  Mr. Speaker, we live in a country that espouses that all human beings 
are created equal, endowed with equal rights, no matter what we look 
like, how we pray, or where we come from.
  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights tells us, ``all human 
beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.'' The 
International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights states that, ``All 
persons are equal before the law and are entitled without any 
discrimination to the equal protection of the law.''
  And our own Declaration of Independence famously says, ``We hold 
these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that 
they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights, that 
among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.''
  Mr. Speaker, the Global Respect Act brings us closer to realizing 
these treasured ideals.
  Today, unfortunately, shamelessly, millions of people are living in 
fear. In countless countries, LGBTQI-plus people face punishment simply 
for being who they are. They are subject to brutal beatings, imprisoned 
for lifetimes,

[[Page H1081]]

tortured, hanged, and stoned. When human rights abuses are being 
committed, the United States of America must do its part to hold the 
perpetrators accountable. And that is why Congressman Cicilline 
introduced H.R. 3485, the Global Respect Act.
  This legislation is critical, straightforward, and overdue. It 
requires the President to identify foreign individuals responsible for 
these human rights violations against LGBTQI-plus people and to prevent 
them from entering the United States of America.
  In addition, the Global Respect Act requires the State Department to 
designate at least one senior officer responsible for tracking 
violence, criminalization, and restrictions on the freedoms of LGBTQI-
plus people abroad. This legislation also requires the Department of 
State to include information relating to violence or discrimination 
against LGBTQI-plus communities in its annual human rights reports.
  Now, unfortunately, several of my colleagues on the other side of the 
aisle say they oppose the bill because they claim it is duplicative of 
Magnitsky sanctions. While Global Magnitsky is a landmark tool in the 
fight against human rights abuses, rarely has it been used by 
administrations to sanction those who persecute LGBTQI-plus persons. 
This bill simply builds on existing human rights-related authorities to 
ensure that human rights abusers are held accountable everywhere on 
this planet.
  They also argue the language of the bill is overly broad when, in 
fact, the words they quibble with come directly from what has already 
been enacted in the United States Code, drawing word-from-word the 
definition of ``gross violation of human rights.''
  There are critics out there who say this bill infringes on religious 
beliefs. I wholeheartedly, 1,000 percent, reject this notion. The 
Global Respect Act is about holding accountable individuals responsible 
for committing human rights abuses against LGBTQI-plus people; 
Individuals who commit the absolute worst crimes, such as murder, 
forced detentions, and disappearances of persons. This bill is clear in 
that it targets heinous acts, and does not authorize any action against 
an individual based solely upon religious belief.
  Mr. Speaker, I can't thank Congressman   David Cicilline enough for 
his work, for his commitment, for his dedication on presenting this 
legislation so that equality and human rights are protected. I also 
recognize the courageous LGBTQI-plus activists who are out there and 
who dared to stand up and claim their basic human rights in the face of 
violence, discrimination, persecution, simply for whom they love.
  Mr. Speaker, I have a brother who had to stand up for who he is. He 
is a human being. And we should not allow any violations of human 
rights here in the United States or anyplace we know as planet Earth.
  So when LGBTQI-plus people are murdered simply for existing, the 
world is watching. And the world is watching what we do. And the world 
is watching how we react to it. And the world is watching what we say, 
and what we stand for when we say we have value for human beings. That 
is what is at stake here.
  This should not be a partisan issue. It has never been a partisan 
issue. This should be an issue about all human beings, protecting human 
beings, the human race, because when you break it down, we are all the 
same. And that is why I am heartened that this legislation is in fact 
bipartisan. And I am heartened and proud that this legislation passed 
out of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs by a voice vote. One of 
the proudest moments I have is introducing and being on this floor 
today as chair of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs to strongly 
support this bill.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Ms. TENNEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

  Mr. Speaker, we all believe that all people have inherent dignity and 
possess equal human rights. We all reject violence directed at 
individuals on the basis of their race, religion, biological sex, or 
sexual orientation. The problem with this bill, however, is that it 
borrows language from two existing laws: the Global Magnitsky Act and 
the so-called Section 7031(c) sanctions, and then creates a new 
reporting mechanism that is not focused on the human rights of all, but 
rather the human rights of particular groups.
  I don't see why we should focus on some human rights violations more 
than any others. Every person's human rights are of equal value and 
certain violations of those rights should not be subordinate to others.
  Furthermore, the bill's broad language has the potential to sweep in 
nonviolent conduct and impose visa restrictions on individuals engaged 
in that conduct.
  For example, it speaks about ``complicity'' and ``cruel treatment,'' 
vague terms. Is a parent overseas who rejects her minor child's wish 
for a sex change operation complicit in cruelty? Is the Pope engaged in 
``degrading treatment'' when he expresses opposition to same-sex 
marriage based on the tenets of his religious faith?
  Mr. Speaker, there are no safeguards in the bill that address these 
situations. When free speech, religious freedom, and parental rights' 
protections were proposed to be added to the bill, the Democrats balked 
and voted against it. They preach tolerance until they are asked to 
vote on it.
  Regardless of the author's intent, which I think is good, there are 
people that will use the bill to target their political and ideological 
opponents in the culture wars. The bill's author will say that there 
should be no problem since it just uses the very same language as other 
human rights statutes, but those existing provisions already address 
and punish the conduct this bill targets.

                              {time}  0930

  So, the real question is, why is this bill so necessary? In the 
committee report, Democrats acknowledge the bill is redundant. But in 
search of some--any, perhaps--rationale, they claim that not enough 
sanctions have been rolled out that cover crimes committed against 
LGBT-identifying individuals. That is simply not true.
  We know, for example, under the Trump administration, groups and 
individuals from Chechnya were sanctioned under Global Magnitsky for 
human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings and the torture 
of LGBT-identifying individuals.
  The former Gambian President was also sanctioned after having rounded 
up people based on sexual orientation and after making shocking 
statements against LGBT-identifying individuals. These sanctions, as I 
said, were imposed under the Trump administration, but even more have 
been imposed, using the Global Magnitsky Act, under President Biden.
  We know, based on a recent Global Magnitsky report to Congress that 
came out a few weeks ago, individuals last year in places like Cuba, 
Uganda, and even Bangladesh have been sanctioned, and all are 
associated with groups or conduct targeting LGBT-identifying 
individuals.
  So, this bill is clearly unnecessary. It reflects and represents the 
administration's aggressive attempts to push the envelope regarding 
culture war issues at every possible juncture, not only domestically 
but abroad.
  That is distracting and requires diplomats to devote time and 
resources to culture war issues at the expense of attention paid to 
China, Russia, Iran, the quagmire in Afghanistan, and the crisis at our 
southern border.
  It is disappointing that as Ukraine is on the verge of being invaded 
by Russia, as North Korea continues to conduct ballistic missile tests, 
as illegal aliens stream through our southern border--some on our 
terror watch list--the majority has decided now is the time to bring 
this bill forward.
  The State Department agrees. It has reviewed the Global Respect Act 
and recommended extensive changes, signaling it, too, sees this bill as 
superfluous, potentially misguided, and definitely duplicative. Other 
groups have said much the same, including The Heritage Foundation, the 
Center for Family and Human Rights, Concerned Women for America, and 
the Family Research Council.
  Although I agree with the sentiment that human rights violations of 
any kind are deplorable and despicable, the devil is really in the 
details on this bill. We oppose this bill for the reasons I have 
stated.

[[Page H1082]]

  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I just want to state that the notion that 
this bill is not supported by the administration is just blatantly 
false.
  Just last week, the Biden administration released a Statement of 
Administration Policy in full support of the bill and noted the urgent 
need to address threats to the human rights of LGBTQI-plus, not just 
abroad but right here in the United States of America.
  Mr. Speaker, I am honored to yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from 
Rhode Island (Mr. Cicilline), the author of this bill.
  Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I 
rise in support of H.R. 3485. I want to begin by expressing my profound 
gratitude to Chairman Meeks for his consistent, passionate, and 
powerful support of this bill and of the LGBTQI community broadly. He 
has been such a champion for our community. We would not be here today 
on this floor without his support, and we are grateful for that.
  Mr. Speaker, I also want to recognize Congressman Brian Fitzpatrick, 
Senator Shaheen, and Senator Portman for their partnership and 
leadership in making this legislation bipartisan and bicameral.
  Of course, I want to recognize and thank President Biden for his 
incredible commitment to LGBTQI equality here at home and around the 
world.
  With today's vote, the U.S. House will send a strong message across 
the world that every member of the LGBTQI community deserves to live 
with dignity and free from violence, unlawful detention, torture, and 
other forms of brutality.
  H.R. 3485, the Global Respect Act, builds on existing sanction 
authorities by requiring the President to deny visas to foreign 
nationals who commit gross human rights violations against members of 
the LGBTQI community. Let me be clear. This bill protects LGBTQI people 
from murder, torture, and other forms of violence.
  If you reject this proposal, you are saying people like me can be 
murdered and tortured with no consequence. Whether that is your 
intention or not, that is the impact of your vote.
  In past years, we have seen a dangerous increase in violence against 
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex people and their 
families.
  So, when my colleague on the other side of the aisle says, ``What is 
the need for this?'' tell that to the victims who are being tortured, 
detained, and murdered because of who they are.
  In too many places, violence against this community is pervasive and 
even sanctioned or directed by government officials.
  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ``all human 
beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.'' As with any 
form of social or legal marginalization, whether based on sex, race, 
religion, ethnicity, or other status, the denial of human rights of 
LGBTQI people is not only wrong but negatively affects health outcomes, 
social stability, the rule of law, and economic potential.
  This bill sends a signal to not just the abusers but also signals to 
the victims and survivors that the United States stands with them, as 
we have throughout the course of human history, in standing up for 
human rights.
  Victims like Camila Diaz Cordova, a 29-year-old transgender woman 
from El Salvador who was arrested, beaten, and thrown from a moving 
vehicle after being deported from the United States--she died several 
days later; or the young gay man who fled from Sudan to Egypt after 
threats of public outing and violence, only to experience kidnapping 
and further stigmatization and violence in his new home; or I.J., a 
victim of Ramzan Kadyrov's systematic rounding up and torture of men 
and women thought to be gay in Chechnya.

  In recounting the attack, I.J. said: ``They threw me to the floor and 
beat me. They beat my chest and my face with their feet, and they hit 
my head against the floor. One of them said: `Do not beat him until the 
shock stage. At that point, he will stop feeling pain. We don't need 
that.' They addressed me with female pronouns and demanded that I tell 
them the names of other gay people I knew. They threatened to kill me 
if I didn't.''
  In public reports, we heard of ISIS officials throwing gay men off 
rooftops and then stoning them to death.
  These are just some examples of the many, many stories.
  The Global Respect Act is simple. It is straightforward. It gives the 
executive branch greater tools to punish those who murder and torture 
members of the LGBTQI community.
  I want to take a quick moment to tell you what this bill does not do. 
It doesn't duplicate existing rights legislation such as the Global 
Magnitsky Act because Global Magnitsky is obviously a very important 
tool for human rights, but it is voluntary. It has only been used once 
for LGBTQI human rights violations, despite many documented cases.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
  Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Rhode Island.
  Mr. CICILLINE. The Global Respect Act is different because it 
requires sanctions if a foreign national commits gross human rights 
violations against LGBTQI people.
  It doesn't have overly broad language. As the chairman said, it has 
language that comes from 22 U.S.C. 2304. It doesn't create any new 
definitions. It has the definition in existing law of what gross human 
rights violation is.
  It doesn't prevent speech or religious beliefs. This bill targets 
conduct and actions. The Global Magnitsky has never, nor will this bill 
ever, be used to impede anyone's right to say or believe anything. It 
is their actions, the gross human rights violations, that are at issue.
  My friend on the other side of the aisle said it is cancel culture. 
When did preventing murder, torture, and violence, and standing up for 
human rights, become cancel culture?
  We have a long tradition in this country of doing this all around the 
world. The Global Respect Act honors that history, that responsibility 
that we have as a world superpower to continue to protect and stand up 
for human rights in the face of unspeakable human violence.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this bill, and I 
end where I began, with enormous gratitude to our extraordinary 
chairman for his leadership on this issue.
  Ms. TENNEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman's passion, and I support his 
support of condemning and sanctioning these terrible acts against the 
LGBT community.
  I just wanted to let the Speaker know, in the newest Global Magnitsky 
Act report, which was just released a few weeks ago and covers 2021, 
sanctions were imposed on Cuban police; in Uganda, the Chief of the 
Military Intelligence; also in Bangladesh, the Rapid Action Battalion.
  All of these were associated with LGBT causes, which means this act 
is being used to sanction those who commit acts of violence of any kind 
against people of the LGBT community. I just wanted to make sure that 
the gentleman is aware of that. The State Department is already 
reporting and already doing this, and it is being done.
  Though I support everything that he is stating here, it is already 
being done. In the interest of good legislation, we don't want to 
overburden our bureaucrats and people that are working on these issues. 
Also, reporting, they have indicated that additional reporting 
requirements only take more time out of the organization.
  I do appreciate the messaging from the gentleman from Rhode Island. 
It is very important that we signal to the world that we condemn acts 
against the LGBT community. The problem is, we already have this, and 
we already have the ability and two tools that are very effective and 
used internationally to condemn these acts.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, let me just say this real quick. I don't mind 
burdening anyone if it is going to save somebody's life. There are 
certain burdens that we have to carry, and this is one of them.
  Mr. Speaker, I, with pride, yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
Nevada (Ms. Titus), a strong fighter for human rights.

[[Page H1083]]

  

  Ms. TITUS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the Global Respect Act 
that is being led by my friend, Mr. Cicilline. I thank him for his 
passion and his leadership in the committee on this issue.
  Since the Supreme Court's landmark decision legalizing same-sex 
marriage in 2015, we have sought out domestic opportunities to ensure 
that individuals' basic rights are not infringed upon simply because of 
their sexual orientation. We have to make more progress not just here 
at home but around the world, where we take leadership on this issue.
  Throughout the last century, we have stood for human rights, and in 
2016, I was proud to support the Global Magnitsky Act, which imposed 
certain restrictions, as you have heard mentioned already. Magnitsky, 
however, did not go far enough to protect the LGBTQ-plus community.
  In at least 42 countries, there remain legal barriers to freedom of 
expression on sexual orientation and gender identity. In at least 51 
countries, there are specific laws and policies against the 
formation, establishment, or registration of NGOs working on sexual 
orientation issues. Nor has Magnitsky dissuaded the persecution of 
LGBTQI communities whose rights continue to be violated.

  That is why I was grateful to have a part in working on this Global 
Respect Act legislation because it will impose needed visa sanctions on 
foreign people responsible for such actions.
  My own legislation, the GLOBE Act, I think would take a step further 
to assert U.S. global leadership in this area and provide the 
administration with additional tools to carry out those things 
established in this landmark legislation. Some of those would be: 
ensuring that foreign assistance and global health programs don't 
discriminate against LGBTQ-plus populations, and also ensuring fair 
access to asylum for LGBTQ people.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman and the sponsor, and I urge 
everyone to vote for this much-needed and very important bill.
  Ms. TENNEY. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
North Carolina (Ms. Manning).
  Ms. MANNING. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the 
Global Respect Act, including my amendment to ensure accountability for 
torture.
  As a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I am proud to work with 
my colleagues, Chairman Meeks and Congressman Cicilline, to protect and 
defend human rights and uphold our values around the world.
  Mr. Speaker, this bipartisan bill would require the President to 
identify and impose visa sanctions on foreign individuals responsible 
for human rights violations against LGBTQ-plus people.
  My amendment would direct sanctions against those responsible for one 
of the most horrific acts of violence: torture. No one should face 
violence because of who they are or who they love.

                              {time}  0945

  We must hold those responsible for gross violations of human rights 
accountable no matter what. This important legislation ensures that the 
United States continues to protect the human rights of all people, 
including LGBTQ people targeted by some of the world's worst and most 
oppressive regimes.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting the Global 
Respect Act.
  Ms. TENNEY. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. MEEKS. I am prepared to close, Mr. Speaker.
  Ms. TENNEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  Mr. Speaker, again, I support the underlying idea behind the bill, 
and I really appreciate the passion of the sponsor and those speaking 
out on behalf of it and protecting the human rights of all individuals 
living abroad and holding violators accountable. But as I have said, we 
have a strong difference of opinion about whether a bill that is 
duplicative of current law is necessary.
  I think the Global Respect Act, at the moment, the way it is drafted 
is counterproductive insofar as it would create a separate regime aimed 
at protecting human rights of some rather than human rights of all. And 
I fear it could be used to target the left's political opponents in the 
culture wars.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to oppose this bill, and I yield 
back the balance of my time.
  Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  Mr. Speaker, let me start by commending and thanking the Biden 
administration for its strong support in moving this legislation.
  What is noted in his support is that legislation like this is needed 
at a time especially when countries are undertaking steps to further 
marginalize or harm LGBTQ-plus community members and that the 
administration looks forward to working with Congress on what I know 
will be a bipartisan vote.
  I also happen to agree with President Biden and echo his statement 
that in a time when a global rise in authoritarianism and hate persists 
that it is critical that we send a strong message to the world that the 
United States of America, the world's greatest democracy--that the 
United States of America, who leads with its values--that the United 
States of America can speak up and speak out striving to be a more 
perfect Union, and that the United States of America can lead the world 
to say that we are going to stop the persecution of human beings simply 
for who they are.
  This is the year 2022, Mr. Speaker. I would think by now we would 
have learned that our voices should never be shut when we see 
violations of human rights. One of the things that I pledged when I 
became chair of this committee was that human rights would be on the 
front burner because if we can't come together no matter what party we 
are in, no matter what religion we have, no matter what ethnicity we 
have, and no matter where we come from on this planet, if we can't come 
together and say that we are going to stand up, speak out, and stop 
where individuals are being persecuted and prosecuted--murdered--that 
is the least that we can do.
  I don't care how difficult it is. I don't care if it puts a burden on 
the administration to do it because those are our values, that is what 
should take precedence.
  I have seen too much right here in the United States--individuals 
just walking down the street holding hands with whom they love, and 
someone walks up and does something horrific to them.
  We have had to pass these bills and laws in our country so that they 
can live their life. If we see it happening to anyone else, then we 
have got to make sure that voice is heard and stop individuals who are 
persecuting and prosecuting people from anyplace else on this planet 
from coming to this country.
  Send a message. Don't send it once, send it twice. If it takes three 
or four times, then so be it. That is what this is all about. The 
camera of history is recording this, looking to see what we do and what 
we say.
  How do we react to a human tragedy?
  Generations yet unborn will be saying: What did the United States 
Congress do when they knew?
  No one denies what is taking place all over the world when it comes 
to LGBTQI-plus individuals. Nobody denies that they are being killed. 
No one denies that they are being tortured. Nobody denies that they are 
treated in an inhumane way. That is not being denied.
  So as long as it exists, we should use every tool available to make 
sure that we wipe it off the planet Earth, and that is what   David 
Cicilline, this great Congressman, intended when he offered this bill.
  This should be an historic moment and a proud moment for the United 
States Congress to say: We have stood up and led the world to stop 
human rights violations to people just like us, human beings.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, as a senior member of the House and the 
Committee on Homeland Security, and as Chair of the Judiciary 
Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, and Homeland Security, and a member 
of the Equality Caucus, I rise in strong support of H.R. 3485, the 
Global Respect Act of 2021.
  I strongly support H.R. 3485 the Global Respect Act, which would 
mandate the listing of, and visa restrictions on foreign persons 
responsible for or complicit in human rights violations against 
lesbian, gay, bisexual,

[[Page H1084]]

transgender, queer, and intersex (LGBTQI+) persons.
  Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+) people around 
the world continue to face discrimination, violence, and bigotry.
  Sixty-eight countries criminalize same-sex sexual relations, which 
means that more than one-third of United Nations Member States 
criminalize consenting, adult, same-sex sexual relations.
  In up to nine countries, same-sex sexual relations may be punishable 
by death, and so-called anti-LGBTQ+ ``propaganda'' laws inhibit LGBTQ+ 
advocacy in at least three countries.
  While many countries have made tremendous strides in embracing 
equality for LGBTQI+ community members, other countries remain stagnant 
or, worse, are undertaking steps to further marginalize or harm LGBTQI+ 
community members.
  That is why I support H.R. 3485, a bi-partisan bill, which requires 
the Administration to provide Congress with a list of foreign 
individuals found responsible for human rights violations against 
LGBTQI+ persons abroad, and equally important, mandates that 
individuals included on this list are ineligible for visas to, or entry 
into, the United States.
  The U.S. Department of State's annual Country Reports on Human Rights 
Practices has documented hostility toward LGBTQ+ citizens in every 
region of the world.
  These violations include murder, rape, torture, death threats, 
extortion, imprisonment, and loss of employment and access to health 
care, as well as restrictions on freedoms of assembly, press, and 
speech.
  The Global Respect Act would provide a means to prevent individuals 
who violate the human rights of LGBTQ+ people from entry into the 
United States.
  The Global Respect Act also would require the Executive Branch to 
biannually send Congress a list of foreign persons responsible for, 
complicit in, or who have incited extrajudicial killing, torture, or 
other gross violations of human rights based on actual or perceived 
sexual orientation or gender identity.
  As I stated, there is teeth in the legislation because it requires 
the denial or revocation of visas to individuals placed on the list, 
with waivers only for national security or to allow attendance at the 
United Nations;
  Finally, the legislation requires the annual State Department Report 
on Human Rights to include a section on LGBTQ+ international human 
rights, as well as an annual report to Congress on the status of the 
law's effectiveness; and requires the Assistant Secretary of State for 
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor to designate a staffer responsible 
for tracking violence, criminalization, and restrictions on the 
enjoyment of fundamental freedoms in foreign countries based on actual 
or perceived sexual orientation or gender identity.
  Mr. Speaker, I strongly support this legislation and urge all Members 
to join me in voting for H.R. 3485, the Global Respect Act.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate has expired.
  Each further amendment printed in part A of House Report 117-241 not 
earlier considered as part of amendments en bloc pursuant to section 3 
of House Resolution 900, shall be considered only in the order printed 
in the report, may be offered only by a Member designated in the 
report, shall be considered as read, shall be debatable for the time 
specified in the report equally divided and controlled by the proponent 
and an opponent, may be withdrawn by the proponent at any time before 
the question is put thereon, shall not be subject to amendment, and 
shall not be subject to a demand for division of the question.
  It shall be in order at any time after debate for the chair of the 
Committee on Foreign Affairs or his designee to offer amendments en 
bloc consisting of further amendments printed in part A of House Report 
117-241, not earlier disposed of. Amendments en bloc shall be 
considered as read, shall be debatable for 20 minutes equally divided 
and controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the 
Committee on Foreign Affairs or their respective designees, shall not 
be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject to a demand for 
division of the question.


      Amendments En Bloc Offered by Mr. Cicilline of Rhode Island

  Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 900, I offer 
the amendments en bloc.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will designate the amendments en 
bloc.
  Amendments en bloc consisting of amendment Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6, 
printed in part A of House Report 117-241, offered by Mr. Cicilline of 
Rhode Island:


            amendment no. 1 offered by mr. crist of florida

       Page 9, after line 21, insert the following:
       (_) Exception for certain immediate family members.--
       (i) In general.--A covered individual shall not be subject 
     to sanctions under this section if the President certifies to 
     the appropriate congressional committees, in accordance with 
     clause (ii), that such individual has a reasonable fear of 
     persecution based on--

       (I) actual or perceived sexual orientation, gender 
     identity, or sex characteristics;
       (II) race, religion, or nationality; or
       (III) political opinion or membership in a particular 
     social group.

       (ii) Determination and certification.--A certification 
     under clause (i) shall be made not later than 30 days after 
     the date of the determination required by such clause. Any 
     proceedings relating to such determination shall not be 
     publicly available.
       (iii) Covered individual.--For purposes of this 
     subparagraph, the term ``covered individual'' means an 
     individual who is an immediate family member of foreign 
     person on the list required by subsection (a).


        amendment no. 2 offered by mr. gottheimer of new jersey

       At the end of the bill, add the following:

     SEC. __. STUDY REQUIRED.

       Not later than 1 year after the date of the enactment of 
     this Act, the Secretary of State shall submit to Congress a 
     report that comprises of sections from each regional bureau 
     detailing past risks to LGBTQI individuals, with a summary on 
     the differences between regions with respect to such risks.


          amendment no. 3 offered by mr. harder of california

       Page 11, after line 17, insert the following:
       (__) Rule of Construction.--Nothing in this section may be 
     construed to allow the imposition of sanctions with respect 
     to, or otherwise authorize any other action against, any 
     foreign person based solely upon religious belief.


        amendment no. 4 offered by ms. manning of north carolina

       Page 3, line 15, insert ``torture or'' before ``cruel''.


          amendment no. 5 offered by ms. porter of california

       Page 10, after line 24, insert the following:
       (_) Form; Publication.--The report required by subsection 
     (f) shall be submitted in unclassified form but may include a 
     classified annex. The unclassified portion of such report 
     shall be published on a publicly available website of the 
     Department of State.


           amendment no. 6 offered by ms. williams of georgia

       Page 10, after line 24, insert the following:
       (_) Report on Prevention.--Not later than 180 days after 
     the date of the enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State 
     shall submit to the appropriate congressional committees a 
     report describing steps the Department can take to improve 
     coordination with foreign governments, civil society groups, 
     and the private sector, to prevent the commission of the 
     human rights violations described in section 3(a)(1) against 
     persons based on actual or perceived sexual orientation, 
     gender identity, or sex characteristics.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 900, the 
gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Cicilline) and the gentlewoman from 
New York (Ms. Tenney) each will control 10 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Rhode Island.
  Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Before I address the en bloc amendments, I just want to respond 
quickly to a claim that has been made again on this floor that was made 
in the Rules Committee by my friend on the other side of the aisle that 
the Magnitsky Act has already adequately covered LGBTQI human rights 
violations. I am going to say it one more time: That is simply, 
factually incorrect.
  All of the cases that my friend cited, Mr. Speaker, do not involve 
LGBTQI people, save one. There is one specific LGBTQI case in which 
sanctions were imposed in 2019 against the Chechen leader for 
kidnapping, torturing, and killing members of the LGBTQI community.
  The cases she makes reference to in Bangladesh, in Cuba, and in 
Uganda involve judicial corruption, and they involve a government 
crackdown on democracy, but they don't involve individuals who were 
targeted or brutalized because they were members of the LGBTQI 
community.
  So there is, in fact, not sufficient use of Magnitsky. That is what 
the Global Respect Act will fix. It will make visa sanctions against 
such individuals a mandatory requirement.
  So this idea of pulling other human rights cases and saying, Isn't 
this enough?
  It is not. This is a growing, serious, and deadly problem.
  Mr. Speaker, I move these amendments which, taken together, both

[[Page H1085]]

strengthen the bill and make a strong statement that the United States 
stands with the LGBTQI community around the world.
  This package of amendments clarifies that torture is a part of the 
definition of a human rights violation. This definition, which we have 
used since the passage of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, makes it 
clear that it is actions--torture, cruel, inhuman, or degrading 
treatment or punishment--that lead to sanctions.
  These amendments firmly state that the value of religious freedom is 
protected. The United States has long been a leader of protecting 
freedom of religion, and our foreign policy must uphold that tradition. 
The Harder amendment within the en bloc makes it clear that no one--I 
repeat, no one--will be sanctioned due to their religious beliefs; 
instead, only those who commit egregious acts of violence--torture, 
enforced disappearances, or extrajudicial killings--will be denied 
entry to the United States.
  Despite what some of my colleagues may say, religious freedom is not 
in conflict with the promotion of global LGBTQI rights. This amendment 
acknowledges this truth and upholds the rights of all people regardless 
of their religion, sexual orientation, gender identity, or sex 
characteristics to be protected from violence and brutality.
  These amendments will also provide the Biden-Harris administration 
with additional tools to continue its historic work to build the 
international coalition of countries protecting LGBTQI people. It is 
important that we stand with countries around the world, including 
those like Botswana, which legalized same-sex relationships in 2019, to 
strengthen equality around the globe.
  With today's vote, the U.S. House will send a strong message around 
the world that every member of the LGBTQI community deserves to live 
with dignity and free from violence, unlawful detention, torture, and 
other forms of brutality.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Ms. TENNEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, just to respond a little bit to the sponsor, and, again, 
I can't say enough that we support and echo the sentiments of 
protecting the rights of the LGBT community around the world and at 
home.
  But this bill actually mirrors the Global Magnitsky Act, and the 
language is the same. So it is kind of hard to argue we should just 
have another set of standards and require even more reporting from a 
State Department that is overwhelmed by issues around the world when we 
already have this.
  Mr. Speaker, if you look at these instances, the State Department 
doesn't disclose necessarily what the nature of it is because of the 
confidentiality, but if you actually go into a Google search and look 
at the reporting in each of these countries, they are all based on 
conduct against people with LGBT leanings, and that is why the act was 
used. The State Department preserves confidentiality.

                              {time}  1000

  So in the end, yes, we are using this act right now, today, to 
condemn and to sanction this activity against the LGBTQ communities 
around the world. So I oppose the en bloc of amendments. While some of 
the amendments are well-intentioned, they are ultimately duplicative 
and unnecessary, again, just like the underlying act. They require the 
Department of State to do what it is already doing in practice.
  For example, the Gottheimer amendment No. 2 requires a study 
examining risks to LGBTQI individuals. The State Department publishes 
its annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices each year, 
including this data, and they just provided another report recently.
  Human rights officers who are stationed at our embassies and 
consulates around the world meet routinely with local activists and 
local officials to gain this information. They talk to individuals on 
the ground to compile these reports, which are detailed and 
comprehensive. Each regional bureau in the Department is involved in 
this process. This amendment, therefore, calls for the Department to do 
what it is already doing, and is burdensome on the Foreign Service 
officers and career officials.
  Other amendments, like the Harder amendment No. 7, also very well-
intentioned and also messaging in a very positive way, show that the 
Democrats know they have overreached on the bill. The Harder amendment 
prevents sanctions against any individual based solely upon religious 
belief.
  I agree with this sentiment, but at markup, Democrats rejected a very 
similar religious freedom and free speech amendment offered by 
Representative Scott Perry. The rationale was: Well, this bill just 
isn't about that. Well, it seems one of their colleagues disagrees.
  While I appreciate the Democrats are willing to acknowledge some of 
the flaws in the bill, the Harder amendment is also insufficient. The 
amendment speaks only of religious belief. It does not speak to 
situations in which religious adherents manifest or express their 
beliefs in daily life.
  So under Representative Harder's amendment, a person who expresses 
belief in the traditional family, or in conventional human biology, 
could still be sanctioned because sanctions would not be based on 
beliefs but, rather, on actions.
  This amendment is not as robust as the measure that Representative 
Perry put forward at markup, and we have no choice but to oppose it.
  This en bloc does not contain amendments that would enhance the 
legislation, in our opinion. Instead, these amendments seek to add 
safeguards to a bill that, as I have explained, is duplicative, 
unnecessary, and even dangerous insofar as it can be used by the left 
to target political opponents in the international culture wars.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentlewoman from Georgia (Ms. Williams).
  Ms. WILLIAMS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of my 
amendment to proactively prevent human rights abuses against LGBTQI 
individuals.
  As the Congresswoman representing the LGBTQI capital of the South, 
this amendment is just another way that my district is leading the way 
to achieve human rights and equity for all. Decades of advocacy, from 
Atlanta's first gay pride march in 1971, to annual events like Black 
Pride and Southern Fried Queer Pride have made Atlanta the city ``too 
busy to hate.''
  Atlanta gets a perfect score from the Human Rights Campaign, and the 
community that the Black and LGBTQ-plus activists have created in 
Atlanta is the kind of world that we want everywhere. At home, we have 
a saying, ``Atlanta influences everything,'' and my amendment is 
designed to do just that by extending human rights protections beyond 
my city and our Nation's borders.
  With my amendment, the State Department will study how it can better 
coordinate internationally to prevent international human rights abuses 
based on sexual orientation, gender identity, and sex characteristics 
before those abuses occur. This will create a better world for everyone 
no matter where they live, who they love, or how they identify.
  Ms. TENNEY. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my 
time.
  Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I am prepared to close.
  Ms. TENNEY. Madam Speaker, I yield back balance of my time.
  Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I just want to respond quickly to two 
things before I close. The first is, again, the Global Respect Act, 
like Magnitsky, does not punish and cannot be invoked for speech. It is 
very clear. It has never been used in that way, and it specifically 
targets conduct. But out of an abundance of caution, to reassure our 
colleagues on the other side of the aisle, Mr. Harder offers an 
amendment that makes that explicit, that says that no one will be 
sanctioned due to their religious beliefs. Instead, only those who 
commit egregious acts of violence, including: torture, enforced 
disappearance, or extrajudicial killings will be denied entry into the 
United States.
  This notion of like, well, we were concerned about this religion 
issue, but when it is explicitly addressed because it is offered by a 
Democrat through the

[[Page H1086]]

amendment process and not a Republican, it doesn't satisfy my friends 
on the other side of the aisle. It is very disappointing; very 
disappointing.
  This Global Respect Act legislation is designed to address a real 
problem, and I will just say one last time, in section 3 of the bill, 
the language in the bill includes gross violations of internationally 
recognized human rights as codified in 22 U.S.C. 2304. What is that? 
Not your view on marriage, not whether you like someone. It is defined 
as: ``. . . torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or 
punishment, prolonged detention without charges and trial, causing the 
disappearance of persons by the abduction and clandestine detention of 
those persons, and other flagrant denial of the right to life, liberty, 
or the security of person.''
  This is a well-established definition for gross human rights 
violations. This bill simply says, if you engage in that kind of 
behavior, you do not have a right to enter the United States of 
America. We will deny you a visa because we stand for human rights.
  So I urge my colleagues to support the en bloc amendment, support 
this bill, be proud today that the United States is standing again for 
the protection of human rights of all people here in the United States, 
and around the world.
  Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. DelBene). Pursuant to House Resolution 
900, the previous question is ordered on the amendments en bloc offered 
by the gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Cicilline).
  The question is on the amendments en bloc.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. HIGGINS of Louisiana. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas 
and nays.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution 
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 223, 
nays 207, not voting 3, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 42]

                               YEAS--223

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown (MD)
     Brown (OH)
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Carter (LA)
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Cherfilus-McCormick
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Delgado
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fitzpatrick
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Golden
     Gomez
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Harder (CA)
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Katko
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stansbury
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Underwood
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Vela
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                               NAYS--207

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Bost
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Cammack
     Carey
     Carl
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Curtis
     Davidson
     Davis, Rodney
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Donalds
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Ellzey
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fleischmann
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Gonzales, Tony
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Hagedorn
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hinson
     Hollingsworth
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Jacobs (NY)
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kinzinger
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Letlow
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mace
     Malliotakis
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Posey
     Reed
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Roy
     Rutherford
     Scalise
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Taylor
     Tenney
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Turner
     Upton
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Young
     Zeldin

                             NOT VOTING--3

     Calvert
     Murphy (NC)
     Salazar

                              {time}  1052

  Mr. KELLER changed his vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
  So the en bloc amendments were agreed to.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.


    members recorded pursuant to house resolution 8, 117th congress

     Aguilar (Correa)
     Amodei (Balderson)
     Baird (Bucshon)
     Bass (Takano)
     Bera (Correa)
     Bergman (Stauber)
     Bowman (Jeffries)
     Boyle, Brendan F. (Beyer)
     Brooks (Moore (AL))
     Brownley (Meng)
     Clarke (NY) (Kelly (IL))
     Cohen (Beyer)
     Crist (Wasserman Schultz)
     Cuellar (Correa)
     DeSaulnier (Raskin)
     Doggett (Raskin)
     Dunn (Joyce (PA))
     Fallon (Ellzey)
     Frankel, Lois (Meng)
     Fulcher (Simpson)
     Garamendi (Correa)
     Gimenez (Cammack)
     Gohmert (Weber (TX))
     Gonzalez (OH) (Balderson)
     Gonzalez, Vicente (Correa)
     Gosar (Gaetz)
     Grijalva (Garcia (IL))
     Hagedorn (Carl)
     Huffman (Gomez)
     Issa (Garcia (CA))
     Johnson (SD) (Bice (OK))
     Kahele (Case)
     Keating (Cicilline)
     Kelly (PA) (Balderson)
     Khanna (Gomez)
     Kinzinger (Rice (SC))
     Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
     Kuster (Bonamici)
     Larson (CT) (Cicilline)
     Lawson (FL) (Evans)
     Lofgren (Jeffries)
     Loudermilk (Fleischmann)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     Lucas (Mullin)
     Malinowski (Pallone)
     McEachin (Wexton)
     Moore (WI) (Raskin)
     Napolitano (Correa)
     Omar (Garcia (IL))
     Payne (Pallone)
     Pingree (Bonamici)
     Porter (Wexton)
     Reed (McHenry)
     Roybal-Allard (Correa)
     Ruiz (Correa)
     Ruppersberger (Beyer)
     Rush (Kaptur)
     Schneider (Kelly (IL))
     Sewell (Cicilline)
     Sires (Pallone)
     Soto (Wasserman Schultz)
     Strickland (Takano)
     Suozzi (Raskin)
     Trone (Beyer)
     Vargas (Correa)
     Waters (Jeffries)
     Watson Coleman (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL) (Cicilline)
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The previous question is ordered on the 
bill, as amended.
  The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the bill.
  The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was 
read the third time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on passage of the bill.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Ms. TENNEY. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

[[Page H1087]]

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution 
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 227, 
nays 206, not voting 0, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 43]

                               YEAS--227

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown (MD)
     Brown (OH)
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Carter (LA)
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Cherfilus-McCormick
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Delgado
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fitzpatrick
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Golden
     Gomez
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Harder (CA)
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Katko
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kinzinger
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meijer
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Reed
     Rice (NY)
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan
     Salazar
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stansbury
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Underwood
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Vela
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                               NAYS--206

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Bost
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carey
     Carl
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Curtis
     Davidson
     Davis, Rodney
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Donalds
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Ellzey
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fleischmann
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Gonzales, Tony
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Hagedorn
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hinson
     Hollingsworth
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Jacobs (NY)
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Letlow
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mace
     Malliotakis
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Murphy (NC)
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Posey
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Roy
     Rutherford
     Scalise
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Taylor
     Tenney
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Turner
     Upton
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Young
     Zeldin

                              {time}  1111

  So the bill was passed.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.


    Members Recorded Pursuant to House Resolution 8, 117th Congress

     Aguilar (Correa)
     Amodei (Balderson)
     Baird (Bucshon)
     Bass (Takano)
     Bera (Correa)
     Bergman (Stauber)
     Bowman (Jeffries)
     Boyle, Brendan F. (Beyer)
     Brooks (Moore (AL))
     Brownley (Meng)
     Calvert (Garcia (CA))
     Clarke (NY) (Kelly (IL))
     Cohen (Beyer)
     Crist (Wasserman Schultz)
     Cuellar (Correa)
     DeSaulnier (Raskin)
     Doggett (Raskin)
     Dunn (Joyce (PA))
     Fallon (Ellzey)
     Frankel, Lois (Meng)
     Fulcher (Simpson)
     Garamendi (Correa)
     Gimenez (Cammack)
     Gohmert (Weber (TX))
     Gonzalez (OH) (Balderson)
     Gonzalez, Vicente (Correa)
     Gosar (Gaetz)
     Grijalva (Garcia (IL))
     Hagedorn (Carl)
     Huffman (Gomez)
     Issa (Garcia (CA))
     Johnson (SD) (Bice (OK))
     Kahele (Case)
     Keating (Cicilline)
     Kelly (PA) (Balderson)
     Khanna (Gomez)
     Kinzinger (Rice (SC))
     Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
     Kuster (Bonamici)
     Larson (CT) (Cicilline)
     Lawson (FL) (Evans)
     Lofgren (Jeffries)
     Loudermilk (Fleischmann)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     Lucas (Mullin)
     Malinowski (Pallone)
     McEachin (Wexton)
     Moore (WI) (Raskin)
     Napolitano (Correa)
     Omar (Garcia (IL))
     Payne (Pallone)
     Pingree (Bonamici)
     Porter (Wexton)
     Reed (McHenry)
     Roybal-Allard (Correa)
     Ruiz (Correa)
     Ruppersberger (Beyer)
     Rush (Kaptur)
     Salazar (Kim (CA))
     Schneider (Kelly (IL))
     Sewell (Cicilline)
     Sires (Pallone)
     Soto (Wasserman Schultz)
     Strickland (Takano)
     Suozzi (Raskin)
     Trone (Beyer)
     Vargas (Correa)
     Waters (Jeffries)
     Watson Coleman (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL) (Cicilline)

                          ____________________