[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 21 (Wednesday, February 2, 2022)]
[Senate]
[Page S465]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                                Ukraine

  Madam President, on another matter, today, more than 100,000 Russian 
troops are holding positions along Ukraine's eastern borders. More have 
been deployed to Belarus to threaten Ukraine from the north. For the 
second time in a decade, Vladimir Putin's campaign to forcibly redraw 
the map of the European continent is on the verge of massive 
escalation.
  For those of us who remember the Cold War, this strongman routine 
from stale Kremlin autocrats is quite familiar. But Ukraine is not a 
captive nation trapped behind the Iron Curtain; it is a free, 
democratic, and sovereign European country.
  The proper response from the West should not be a mystery. The United 
States and our allies need to do four things right now.
  First, we need to cut through the bureaucratic caution, inertia, and 
redtape that is slowing the delivery of military, economic, and 
humanitarian assistance to Ukraine. This help needs to arrive before--
before--a Russian escalation so our friends can defend themselves and 
prepare for what could be a cold and bloody winter.
  Ukraine is a proud, independent nation that wants to defend itself, 
but after years of combating Russian aggression while simultaneously 
trying to tackle major political and economic reform, Ukraine needs 
help. It needs weapons. It needs communications equipment. It needs 
logistical and intelligence support.
  We should be building the logistical networks now to prepare to keep 
flowing support to Ukraine in the event of escalation. I have been 
encouraged by the United Kingdom and other allies who are already 
making serious commitments to this effort.
  Second, we need to bolster the defenses of our Eastern European NATO 
allies most threatened by Russia. This is a decision that the NATO 
alliance as a whole should make, but if it doesn't, the United States 
and other partners should not wait for consensus to act. We should 
strive for unity but not at the expense of security. Our most nervous 
allies cannot get unilateral veto power over the policy of the greatest 
Nation in world history.
  Yesterday, I was glad to hear that U.S. forces are finally moving to 
reinforce our eastern flank allies. I urged President Biden to take the 
step nearly 2 months ago. I hope this belated action will lead other 
NATO allies to follow our lead.
  Third, we need to impose overdue sanctions now--right now--to 
confront a litany of Russian threats, including their use of energy as 
a geostrategic weapon. At the same time, let's make clear we are 
prepared to impose even more devastating costs should Russia continue 
its aggression.
  Again, we may have differences of opinion with parts of Europe, but 
we have priorities here that run deeper than matching our most timid 
allies.
  As we consider sanctions, we should be honest about our past 
mistakes. In 2014, the Obama administration and our EU partners tried 
to use sanctions to halt the conflict, deter further aggression against 
Ukraine, and compel Russia to comply with the Minsk accords. Those 
sanctions are still in place, but they failed on all counts.
  For Ukrainians, this is not a frozen conflict but an ongoing one. 
Russia's continued aggression is self-evident. Its Minsk commitments 
remain unfulfilled. We need to learn these lessons, avoid empty 
symbolism, and get ready to impose serious costs that could actually 
change Putin's calculus. But we also know that sanctions alone are not 
enough. Putin's behavior is a reminder that there is no substitute for 
hard power. Deterrence is stronger when our enemies question whether 
their military plans can succeed.
  Fourth and finally, we and our NATO allies need to take a hard look 
at growing security threats and commit to investing in defense 
capabilities to actually meet those threats. This means revisiting the 
2-percent pledge. It means having hard conversations about building 
real military capabilities.
  When the Biden administration abandoned Afghanistan last year, China 
and Russia were paying close attention. Now, Russia is testing our 
resolve in Eastern Europe, and China once again is taking notes. Our 
adversaries understand their best path to outmaneuver America is to 
outspend our commitment to defense.
  So I hope President Biden will act swiftly to equip our European 
friends, reinforce our NATO allies, and punish Russian escalation. We 
must also pay serious attention to equipping the U.S. military for the 
next threat. It is past time--past time--to invest in modernization, 
hypersonic weapons, and our nuclear arsenal, and to encourage our 
European allies to wake up--wake up--follow our lead, and stand side by 
side against common threats.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Casey). The assistant majority leader.
  Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Senators 
Braun, Murray, and I be able to complete our remarks prior to the 
scheduled votes.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.