[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 20 (Tuesday, February 1, 2022)]
[Senate]
[Pages S431-S433]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                                Ukraine

  Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. President, I am here today to talk about the 
escalating aggression by Russia against Ukraine, an ally and a 
sovereign country whose territorial integrity is once again under 
attack. In our generation, this is where the fight for freedom is being 
held; this is where it is being waged. It is going to affect not just 
Ukraine and Eastern Europe but countries all over the world, depending 
on the outcome.

  Today, I am going to address what I think the appropriate role is for 
us as Americans, what more we can do to help avoid what could become an 
international disaster and a humanitarian crisis.
  Russia is the aggressor here, having invaded Ukraine twice in the 
past 8 years, illegally annexing Crimea, inserting troops and offensive 
military weaponry into the Donbas region of Ukraine, initiating cyber 
attacks against public and private entities in Ukraine, and using 
disinformation to try to destabilize the democratically elected 
Government of Ukraine.
  Now they have gone further by amassing more than 100,000 troops under 
the command of 100 tactical groups on Russia's Ukrainian border. This 
Russian deployment includes rockets and tanks and artillery and is no 
longer just on the eastern border of Ukraine, but it is now across the 
borders, including the northern border, where Russian combat troops and 
heavy equipment have gone into Belarus. And on the Belarus-Ukrainian 
border, a Russian presence is being felt. It is also in Crimea and in 
the Black Sea area, where Russia is taking advantage of their illegal 
annexation to move troops in those areas close to Ukraine.
  I will give you a little history about how we got here. Eight years 
ago, the people of Ukraine made a clear choice. They stood up to a 
Russian-backed, corrupt government in 2014 and made a conscious 
decision to turn to the West, to the European Union, to us, the United 
States of America.
  I was in Ukraine in 2014, shortly after what is called the 
Euromaidan, also the Revolution of Dignity. The barricades were still 
there. And in the center of town, the Maidan, in Kyiv, was occupied 
still by Ukrainian patriots, insisting that Ukraine chart its own 
course. The Ukrainian people had rejected authoritarianism and, 
instead, embraced freedom, embraced democracy, freedom of speech, 
freedom to gather, freedom for the respect of law, respect for the 
judicial institutions in the country, and free markets.
  Now, have they stumbled along the way sometimes with regard to 
reforms, including of the judicial system? Yes, of course. Most 
fledgling democracies do; all of them do. But they have made tremendous 
progress, and they are on their way toward becoming what they wanted to 
become at the time 8 years ago--again, this Revolution of Dignity that 
is called the Euromaidan--more like a Western European or Eastern 
European country that is part of the EU.
  Despite Russia's unrelenting efforts to destabilize Ukraine over the 
past 8 years, the people of Ukraine have remained committed to this 
independent, sovereign, and democratic principle, that vision.
  And Ukrainians today are actually increasingly patriotic and opposed 
to the Russian efforts to destabilize their country. According to 
polling data, this sentiment is especially true among young people, 
which makes sense because they have tasted the fruits of freedom--free 
enterprise, the ability to express themselves, the ability to connect 
with the rest of the free world. They don't want state control. They 
don't want repression. They don't want fear. Instead, they want liberty 
and prosperity.
  Moscow and Russia would have the world believe that somehow this 
massive, unwarranted Russian buildup is about trying to shore up its 
border against threats from Ukraine and from NATO, the North Atlantic 
Treaty Organization. Nothing could be further from the truth, of 
course. This is patently false. Ukraine's military posture has always 
been defensive. Unlike Russia, Ukraine has upheld its commitments under 
the Minsk agreements, which were designed to ensure a cease-fire in the 
Donbas region, the eastern part of Ukraine. NATO, of course, is 
defensive. It is not an offensive group and is no threat to Russian 
territorial integrity.
  My hope is that Congress can come together this week--Republicans, 
Democrats, Senate, and House--and issue a strong message to the people 
of Ukraine that we stand with them in their fight for freedom; to 
Russia that if they choose to invade, the armed conflict will carry a 
heavy cost, and the sanctions that would result from that would be 
devastating; and then to the world that the United States stands with 
its allies, not just in Eastern Europe but throughout the freedom-
loving countries of the world.
  I am hoping Congress will pass an extensive sanctions package, 
including increased security funding for Ukraine, more resources for 
cyber security, and funding for the Global Engagement Center at the 
U.S. State Department to help push back on Russian disinformation.
  I want to say a word about our allies. In many respects, I believe 
that what Vladimir Putin has done by these aggressive actions we talked 
about is to strengthen the transatlantic alliance,

[[Page S432]]

including those countries that are part of NATO, and go beyond that, 
countries in other parts of the world that understand that this is 
about the cause of freedom. So many have stepped up. Denmark is 
providing F-16 jets to nearby Lithuania. Spain is sending ships to join 
a NATO fleet. France is getting ready to send troops to Romania, they 
say. The United Kingdom has sent anti-tank weapons directly to Kyiv and 
supported Ukraine in so many ways.
  When I was in Ukraine recently, I was there to see a cargo plane 
unload anti-tank weapons from the UK to Ukraine. And recently, the 
United States has not just increased our military assistance to Ukraine 
to help it defend itself, but also we have placed 8,500 of our troops 
on heightened alert to go to be with our NATO allies in the region in 
Eastern Europe. They, of course, welcome that.
  Ukraine, by the way, has never asked for U.S. troops or NATO troops 
to defend Ukraine. They have asked for help to be able to defend 
themselves. And that is an important distinction.
  On the Russian pipeline to Europe called Nord Stream--I think it was 
a bad idea before all this started and I think it is even a worse idea 
now--Russia provides Germany with roughly one-third of their natural 
gas supply already, a dependency that will increase substantially with 
the activation of the Nord Stream 2 Pipeline.
  Let's not forget, this multimillion-dollar pipeline is one that this 
body, the U.S. Senate, chose not to impose sanctions on just a few 
weeks ago after we had already done so once before on a bipartisan 
basis. I will say the vote last week was not 60 votes, but it was a 
majority of this body voting to impose sanctions because, again, the 
Nord Stream 2 Pipeline is a bad idea in terms of the dependency of 
Europe on Russia.
  Once the pipeline is complete, it will supply a lot of Russian gas to 
Germany, the rest of Europe, and Russia will use it as a political 
weapon. We have seen this. This is no surprise that they would do it. 
They did in it in Moldova, and of course they have done it in Ukraine.
  Even today, German prices are being affected by what Russia decides 
is appropriate. Germany has told us privately that they are willing to 
shut down the pipeline if Russia invades Ukraine, but they should say 
so publicly and clearly.
  I am also concerned about Germany's resistance to approving arms 
sales to Ukraine. Again, Ukraine just wants the help to be able to 
defend itself. A great example of this is some artillery pieces that 
were made in East Germany decades ago. Those artillery pieces, those 
howitzers, are now in the hands of the Estonians. The Estonians want to 
provide these weapons to the Ukrainians. The Ukrainians want them. Even 
though they are older howitzers, they need them. They need the 
artillery. And yet, because they were made in Germany--in East 
Germany--decades ago, under the licensing agreement, Germany has to 
approve Estonia sending Ukraine these weapons they so desperately need. 
That approval has not been forthcoming.
  To me, this is outrageous that Ukraine is not receiving the weapons 
it needs because another country that is part of the NATO alliance is 
saying that they are not going to approve the transfer. I hope that 
will change. I hope very soon we will see that transfer approved.
  Germany, by the way, might say--as I have heard from some, and I have 
had conversations about this with them--that they don't like to send 
weapons into hot spots. Well, they are certainly happy to send weapons 
into the Middle East. In fact, last year, as I understand it, it was 
their largest year ever of exports of military weapons made in Germany 
to other countries, including to countries like Egypt, as an example.
  So we need to be sure that we are doing all we can to avoid Russia 
making this terrible mistake. And a big part of this should be all the 
countries in the region, certainly our NATO allies, standing up and 
providing military assistance to Ukraine and making clear that if 
something happens, that the consequences will be devastating because of 
sanctions.
  The cost of freedom in Eastern Europe is at stake here, but so is, 
really, the stability of all of Europe. The Ukrainian officials 
themselves have talked about this. The Foreign Minister, Foreign 
Minister Kuleba, whom I met with recently in Ukraine, stated that 
Germany is taking a stance that ``does not correspond with the level of 
our relations and the current security situation.''
  I agree.
  People listening may be wondering: Why should the United States get 
engaged here? Why is this Senator from Ohio passionate about this?
  Well, first, in Ohio, we have a lot of Ukrainians I have gotten to 
know over the years, and it is not just about the Ukrainian Americans 
in Ohio; it is about people from all over that part of the world--
Central Europe, Eastern Europe, certainly the Baltics, Lithuania, 
Latvia. The people whom I talk to tell me that this is, again, a 
seminal moment, not just in the history of Ukraine, but in the history 
of our world because, again, it is the fight for freedom being played 
out right before our eyes. These nationality groups, including, of 
course, the Ukrainian Americans, are deeply concerned that this 
continued aggression unchecked will lead to other countries, including 
the Baltics, including Poland and others, being subject to the same 
kind of pressure from Russia.
  But it is also because I believe what happens in Ukraine does affect 
the cause of freedom more broadly. Countries all over the world are 
watching. Authoritarian countries are watching. Democratically elected 
countries are watching. And they are wondering, in the 21st century, 
are we going to allow something like this to occur, when one country 
looks to another and says that I want that country so I am going to 
invade and take that land?
  Again, until we had the invasion of Crimea only 8 years ago, this 
hadn't happened in almost 80 years since World War II on the continent 
of Europe.

  This is something that countries are watching to get a message to see 
whether the United States is going to continue to be the country that 
joins with others, including our NATO alliance but a much broader group 
of freedom-loving countries to stand up for the cause of freedom and to 
stand up for the right of a sovereign country to be able to protect its 
own borders.
  I recently joined a bipartisan delegation led by me and my good 
friend Senator Jeanne Shaheen. Senator Murphy, who is on the floor 
tonight, was also with us. We personally met with President Zelensky. 
We also met with four or five other Cabinet officials, including the 
Secretary of Defense. We talked about the U.S. commitment to provide 
military assistance to ensure Ukraine can defend itself and deter the 
threat. If you talk to these individuals and you talk to the military 
officials we talked to and the commanders--and I have also been to the 
line of contact, where this hot water is going on with Russia even 
today in the Donbas region. I have been there. I have talked to the 
troops. You will see that there is a commitment, a strong commitment by 
the Ukrainians to defend themselves. They get that this is a critical 
time in their history.
  We tried to send a clear message on a bipartisan basis. I believe we 
did. I believe that this time--this time--unlike 2014, when, frankly, 
Ukraine and the world wasn't ready, that the situation is very 
different. The military is prepared. The people of Ukraine have a 
strong sense of nationalism and a deep patriotism and they will fight 
and this will be a bloody conflict that we all want to avoid.
  The other thing I will say about Ukraine is they are our friends. 
They are our allies. They share our values. When the United States was 
looking for help in Iraq and Afghanistan, some NATO partners came 
through, but so did Ukraine. Ukrainian troops were shoulder to shoulder 
with American troops during some very tough situations in those 
countries. These are our friends. This is a country that has allied 
with us because they believe that that is the best future for the 
Ukrainian people.
  It is time for us to stand with them in response to this unwarranted 
and unprovoked Russian aggression. My hope is that Congress will act on 
a bipartisan and bicameral basis--the House and Senate, Republicans and 
Democrats--and send a strong message to Russia that would avoid a 
bloody conflict, deter them from taking the

[[Page S433]]

actions that they are contemplating and making a terrible mistake, but 
also that we would send a strong message to the people of Ukraine to 
give them strength during this time, and, finally, a message to the 
global community that the lamp of freedom will not be extinguished.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Rhode Island.