[Congressional Record Volume 168, Number 11 (Tuesday, January 18, 2022)]
[Senate]
[Pages S229-S231]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
LEGISLATIVE SESSION
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NASA ENHANCED USE LEASING EXTENSION ACT OF 2021
Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President--of the Senate pro tempore, as well--Mr.
President, it is my understanding the Senate has received a message
from the House of Representatives to accompany H.R. 5746.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator is correct.
Mr. SCHUMER. I ask that the Chair lay before the Senate the House
message to accompany H.R. 5746.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The question is on agreeing to the motion
to lay before the Senate the message from the House.
The motion was agreed to.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will report the bill by title.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore laid before the Senate the following
message from the House of Representatives.
The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:
Resolved, That the House agree to the amendment of the
Senate to the bill (H.R. 5746) entitled ``An Act to amend
title 51, United States Code, to extend the authority of the
National Aeronautics and Space Administration to enter into
leases of nonexcess property of the Administration.'', with
an amendment.
Motion to Concur
Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I move to concur in the House amendment
to the Senate amendment to H.R. 5746.
Motion to Concur with Amendment No. 4903
Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I move to concur in the House amendment
to the Senate amendment to H.R. 5746 with an amendment.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will report.
The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:
The Senator from New York [Mr. Schumer] moves to concur in
the House amendment to the Senate amendment with an amendment
numbered 4903.
Mr. SCHUMER. I ask that further reading of the amendment be waived.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The amendment is as follows:
(Purpose: To add an effective date)
At the end add the following:
SEC. __. EFFECTIVE DATE.
This Act shall take effect on the date that is 1 day after
the date of enactment of this Act.
Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays on the motion
to concur with an amendment.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Is there a sufficient second?
There appears to be a sufficient second.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
Amendment No. 4904 to Amendment No. 4903
Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I have an amendment to the amendment,
which is at the desk.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will report.
The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:
The Senator from New York [Mr. Schumer] proposes an
amendment numbered 4904 to amendment No. 4903.
Mr. SCHUMER. I ask that further reading of the amendment be dispensed
with.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The amendment is as follows:
(Purpose: To modify the effective date)
On page 1, line 3, strike ``1 day'' and insert ``2 days''.
Motion to Refer Amendment No. 4905
Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I move to refer the House message to
accompany H.R. 5746 to the Committee on Rules, with instructions to
report back forthwith with an amendment.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will report the motion.
The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:
The Senator from New York [Mr. Schumer] refers the House
message to accompany H.R. 5746 to the Committee on Rules with
instructions to report back forthwith with an amendment
numbered 4905.
Mr. SCHUMER. I ask that further reading be dispensed with.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The amendment is as follows:
[[Page S230]]
(Purpose: To add an effective date)
At the end add the following:
SEC. __. EFFECTIVE DATE.
This Act shall take effect on the date that is 4 days after
the date of enactment of this Act.
Mr. SCHUMER. I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Is there a sufficient second?
There appears to be a sufficient second.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
Amendment No. 4906
Mr. SCHUMER. I have an amendment to the instructions, which is at the
desk.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will report.
The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:
The Senator from New York [Mr. Schumer] proposes an
amendment numbered 4906 to the instructions with the motion
to concur.
Mr. SCHUMER. I ask that further reading be dispensed with.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The amendment is as follows:
(Purpose: To modify the effective date)
On page 1, line 3, strike ``4'' and insert ``5''.
Mr. SCHUMER. I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Is there a sufficient second?
There appears to be a sufficient second.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
Amendment No. 4907 to Amendment No. 4906
Mr. SCHUMER. I have an amendment to the amendment, which is at the
desk.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will report.
The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:
The Senator from New York [Mr. Schumer] proposes an
amendment numbered 4907 to amendment No. 4906.
Mr. SCHUMER. I ask that further reading be dispensed with.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The amendment is as follows:
(Purpose: To modify the effective date)
On page 1, line 1, strike ``5'' and insert ``6''.
Cloture Motion
Mr. SCHUMER. I send a cloture motion to the motion to concur to the
desk.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The clerk will report the cloture motion.
The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:
Cloture Motion
We, the undersigned Senators, in accordance with the
provisions of rule XXII of the Standing Rules of the Senate,
do hereby move to bring to a close debate on the motion to
concur in the House amendment to the Senate amendment to H.R.
5746, a bill to amend title 51, United States Code, to extend
the authority of the National Aeronautics and Space
Administration to enter into leases of non-excess property of
the Administration.
Charles E. Schumer, Jacky Rosen, Cory A. Booker, Richard
J. Durbin, Jack Reed, Amy Klobuchar, Jeff Merkley,
Tammy Duckworth, Robert Menendez, Chris Van Hollen,
Richard Blumenthal, Sheldon Whitehouse, Patty Murray,
Benjamin L. Cardin, Elizabeth Warren, Christopher
Murphy, Ben Ray Lujan.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from New York.
Congregation Beth Israel Shooting
Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, before I begin the substance of my
remarks, I want to offer a few words in reaction to the terrible
hostage situation this weekend in Texas.
Saturday's hostage crisis at Congregation Beth Israel was a
horrifying reminder that the ancient poison of anti-Semitism continues
to this day. I am relieved that all of the hostages made it out alive,
and I commend the quick thinking of the first responders and of Rabbi
Charlie Citron-Walker, who acted valiantly, and all those present for
bringing this crisis to an end.
Moving forward, we must get to the bottom of what inspired the
terrorist attack on Saturday but increase our vigilance against all
forms of anti-Semitism and racially motivated violence.
Here in Congress, we must continue working to increase our investment
in nonprofit security grants to groups that are targets of hate. We
need to give our communities the tools they need to protect themselves
so they can live without fear of being targeted for just who they are.
On this day, I stand in solidarity with the congregation of Beth
Israel, the Jewish community of Greater Dallas-Ft. Worth, and with all
Jewish Americans for whom Saturday's attack was a traumatic reminder of
the hate we have yet to overcome.
Voting Rights
Mr. President, this is on defending democracy. The eyes of the Nation
will be watching what happens this week in the U.S. Senate.
Just a few days removed from what would have been Dr. Martin Luther
King, Jr.'s 93rd birthday, the Senate has begun debate on the Freedom
to Vote Act and the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act--for the
first time, the first time in this Congress.
Democrats have tried for months to hold a voting rights debate on the
floor, but we have been blocked each time by Republicans. We brought
commonsense proposals four times on the floor of the Senate and only
once did one Senator--Lisa Murkowski, to her credit--agree to even
begin debate on voting rights. On all three other votes, not a single
Republican joined us. Every one of them voted to block even a debate on
voting rights.
So, today, we are taking this step by using a message from the House.
Now, it is just a step, but an important step moving forward, in that
we will finally debate this one issue that is so central to the
American people, to our history, and to our democracy.
As we debate these measures, the Senate will confront a critical
question: Shall the Members of this Chamber do what is necessary to
pass these bills and bring them closer to the President's desk?
Today, we have just taken the first steps that will put everyone--
everyone--on the record. Much has been said over the past few days
about the prospects of passing voting rights legislation in this
Chamber. Senate Democrats are under no illusion that we face difficult
odds, especially when virtually every Senate Republican--every Senate
Republican--is staunchly against legislation protecting the right to
vote.
But I want to be clear. When this Chamber confronts a question this
important--one so vital to our country, so vital to our ideals, so
vital to the future of our democracy--you don't slide it off the table
and say, ``Never mind.'' Win, lose, or draw, Members of this Chamber
were elected to debate and to vote, especially on an issue as vital to
the beating heart of our democracy as voting rights. The public is
entitled to know where each Senator stands on an issue as sacrosanct as
defending our democracy. The American people deserve to see their
Senators go on record on whether they will support these bills or
oppose them. Indeed, that may be the only way to make progress on this
issue now, for the public to see where each of us in this Chamber
stands. The public deserves to see it, and that is exactly, precisely,
what the Senate is going to do this week.
Make no mistake about it. Using Dr. King as an inspiration, Democrats
will continue to fight on this issue until we succeed, and I believe
history will vindicate us.
Mr. President, the fight over voting rights is as old as the Republic
itself. Recently--well, let me say, when the Republic was founded, in
many States you had to be a White male Protestant property owner to
vote. As is obvious by who is in this Chamber, we have made progress--
inexorable progress--in expanding that franchise.
History does not regard those restrictions that occurred early on as
worthy, but we must continue the fight. We have not reached the place
where every person can vote easily and openly and honestly. So we have
to keep it up.
I have been reading the biography of Ulysses S. Grant by Ron Chernow.
The No. 1 thing the southern segregationists wanted to take away from
the newly freed slaves was the right to vote. Segregationists back then
knew that if recently freed Black slaves didn't have the right to vote
in the South, they would have no power at all: no power over laws, over
resources, over the future of the country. And that was the No. 1 thing
segregationists wanted to prevent: the right of the newly freed slaves
to vote.
It is why, a century later, Dr. King made a direct appeal to Congress
for acting on voting rights: ``Give us the
[[Page S231]]
ballot,'' he said in 1957, ``and we will no longer have to worry the
federal government about our basic rights.'' ``Give us the ballot'' and
all other rights will follow. With the ballot, he argued, voters could
end the worst of racial segregation. They could elect good men and good
women to government. They could subdue the dangers of the mob and keep
democracy alive. But the ballot had to come first. The ballot had to
come first.
Dr. King might as well have been speaking to us, because across the
United States, in 2022, ballot access is not being expanded; it is
being repressed. And our democracy is not safe; it is under attack.
A year ago, a violent mob incited by the President and his Big Lie
attacked this very building in order to reverse the results of a free
and fair election. Last week, for the first time, the Department of
Justice announced sedition charges against a number of the rioters who
were here that day.
A year later, at least 19 States have passed 33 laws that make it
harder for people to vote, using the Big Lie--the Big Lie, as false as
it is--as a justification. Those States together are home to 55 million
Americans, and new laws are certainly coming once the State
legislatures return to session this year. And the kind of violence--the
threats of violence--we saw on January 6 by that insurrectionist mob is
now being threatened increasingly against countless election workers
across the country.
Just this weekend, the Houston Chronicle reported that ``County
officials in urban areas across the State [of Texas] say they've been
forced to reject an unprecedented number of mail ballot applications
[thanks to the new Republican voter suppression law.]
And this past Saturday, Donald Trump once again repeated the same
conspiracy theories about the 2020 election that have paved the way for
voter suppression at the State level.
So, unfortunately, the dangers that face our democracy are alive and
well, and the laws that suppress the vote at the State level are being
enacted on a partisan basis.
We have seen periods of regression, in terms of voting rights and
equality and fairness to people of color. We have seen regression
occur. And this seems to be a period of regression in what the
legislatures are doing, and fight it we must.
So the Senate must act. We must step in and act. We must do
everything to pass voting rights legislation, just as this Chamber has
done in the past, just as the Constitution permits us to do. That is
why we will vote this week on the Freedom to Vote Act and the John
Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act. And if Republicans choose to
continue their filibuster of voting rights legislation, we must
consider and vote on the rule changes that are appropriate and
necessary to restore the Senate and make voting legislation possible.
As I have recounted already, these laws are urgently needed. We must
not--we cannot--allow another period of that regression, which we have
seen throughout American history.
Here is what some of the laws would do--our two laws would do:
They would set basic commonsense standards for all Americans for
access to the ballot as well as restore preclearance provisions that
were passed by this Chamber for decades on a bipartisan basis. They
would establish clear and consistent standards for early voting across
the country and make it easier for voters to access absentee ballots.
They would protect election workers from unlawful intimidation. We are
seeing so much of that now. It is disgraceful--disgraceful. They would
end the toxic practice of partisan gerrymandering, and they would take
new steps to fight the power of dark money corroding our elections.
Senate Democrats repeatedly tried, over the last year, to bring
Republicans to the table to debate these issues.
I will remind my colleagues that this is not the old Republican
Party. I would remind the American people how dramatically the
Republican Party has regressed. The Republican Party used to be one
that supported voting rights. Presidents Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and
George W. Bush worked to renew voting rights bills.
No, sadly, unfortunately, this is Donald Trump's Republican Party.
And it is the one now trying to take away the vote from younger Black
and Brown, elderly, minority, and low-income voters.
And yet every time we try to engage our Senate Republican colleagues,
they resist it. So we have no choice. We are moving ahead on our own.
Once again, no one denies the path ahead is an uphill struggle.
Republicans have been clear, they will entertain no bipartisan
compromise on voting rights, but long odds are no excuse for this
Chamber to avoid this important issue.
Again, Members of this Chamber were elected to debate and to vote. We
are going to vote. We are all going to go on the record. And
Republicans will have to choose which side they stand on--protecting
democracy or offering their implicit endorsement of Donald Trump's Big
Lie.
For months, Senate Republicans have come up with excuses and
subterfuges to avoid doing what they know is the right thing, just like
so many others have come up with similar lame excuses and subterfuges
in the past. But as history shows, doing the right thing will
eventually prevail. Justice will flow like mighty waters, as the
Prophet Amos has said.
The direction of voting rights in America is enough to have shaken
the faith of even the most optimistic champion of America--of
democracy. Sometimes it seems like for each step forward, the country
takes two steps back, but fights like this are not unusual in American
history.
The story of our country has been a long, arduous march toward
expanding the promise of freedom for all Americans. We find ourselves
in such a struggle today.
Dr. King had simple, powerful advice for his followers during moments
like this: Keep moving. Keep fighting. The road to justice is often
painful and full of setback, but we must keep moving. We must keep
moving, he said, against every obstacle and prodigious hilltop and
mountain of opposition. Let nothing slow you down. And even after you
cross the Red Sea only to find yourself in the desert, just keep moving
forward through the wilderness. ``And if you will do that with
dignity,'' he said, ``when the history books are written in the future,
the historians will have to look back and say, `There lived a great
people.'''
We will keep fighting in the same spirit to protect our democracy in
this day and age. And if we do that, I have faith that one day the
history books will likewise look back at this generation of Americans
and conclude, ``There lived a great people,'' too.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Lujan). The Senator from Vermont.
Congregation Beth Israel Shooting
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I applaud the remarks of our distinguished
majority leader, and I know it comes from the heart because what he is
saying publicly, he has also always said both publicly and privately.
And I also join with him in the condemnation of the attack on the
synagogue this weekend.
I know, in my State of Vermont, the faith community--the Jewish,
Protestant, Catholic--all came together with prayers for the safety of
the people in the synagogue. But more than just the safety of what
happened then, let us pray, all of us, whatever faith we have, that
such attacks do not continue in our country.
We have seen too many attacks against people based on their religion
or based on their race or based on their country of origin. That is
wrong.
In this country, in this country, especially--I was thinking of this
when I led the Senate this morning in the Pledge of Allegiance, and I
thought, ``[O]ne nation under God, indivisible, with liberty and
justice for all.'' Well, it is a constant battle to make sure that we
have liberty and justice for all, and we have to do that.
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