[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 216 (Wednesday, December 15, 2021)]
[Senate]
[Pages S9167-S9175]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
NATIONAL DEFENSE AUTHORIZATION ACT FOR FISCAL YEAR 2022--Resumed
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Under the previous order, the
Senate will resume consideration of the House message to accompany S.
1605, which the clerk will report.
The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:
House message to accompany S. 1605, a bill to designate the
National Pulse Memorial located at 1912 South Orange Avenue
in Orlando, Florida, and for other purposes.
Pending:
Schumer motion to concur in the amendment of the House of
Representatives to the bill.
Schumer motion to concur in the amendment of the House of
Representatives to the bill, with Schumer amendment No. 4880
(to the House amendment), to add an effective date.
Schumer amendment No. 4881 (to amendment No. 4880), to
modify the effective date.
Recognition of the Minority Leader
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Republican leader is
recognized.
Kentucky
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, in the aftermath of Western Kentucky's
devastating tornado outbreak, I have maintained close contact with
State and local officials. My staff has been on the ground since the
outset of the crisis, helping residents access Federal resources and
keeping me up-to-date with any developments. Toward the end of the
week, I will travel back to Kentucky to meet with my constituents and
visit the areas affected.
The stories coming out of Kentucky are harrowing. But in recent days,
we also heard about the generosity, the hard work, and the hope that
are helping our State recover.
Kentuckians desperately need help to rebuild, so our universities,
normally bitter rivals on the court, are rallying together to raise
money and gather supplies for relief efforts.
This Christmas is shaping up to be exceptionally difficult for
children all across Western Kentucky, so churches
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are organizing toy drives to help make the holidays a little bit
brighter. Western Kentucky community organizations are stretched to the
limit, so businesses based in the Commonwealth, from distilleries to
car manufacturers, to insurance companies, have stepped up and donated
literally millions. Remarkable stories of survival and resiliency have
trickled out of the disaster zone.
Last weekend's storm destroyed much of the First Christian Church in
Mayfield, but the congregation discovered their communion table and
altar cross fully intact while picking through the rubble. A symbol of
hope and rebirth survived amid so much pain.
Across town, the Mayfield Health and Rehabilitation nursing home was
physically devastated when it took a direct hit from the tornado on
Friday night, but all 74 of the facility's elderly residents survived
with only minor injuries. As one staff member said, this was ``truly a
miracle.''
And in Bremen, KY, when a man visited the wreckage of his home on
Saturday, he discovered his grand piano mostly undamaged--undamaged--
despite the storm. Amid the surrounding devastation, he sat down to
play and to sing hymns. His songs, shared on social media, warmed the
hearts of thousands.
These stories of hope have ricocheted across the Commonwealth,
bringing smiles and strength to communities that need them most. And
they give me faith that Kentucky will recover from this crisis stronger
than ever.
S. 1605
Now, Mr. President, on an entirely different matter, today, the
Senate will pass this year's National Defense Authorization Act by a
big bipartisan margin.
I have talked for weeks about the importance of this legislation,
given the global threats and international challenges that face our
country from China to Russia, to the fight against terrorists in the
Middle East.
I will also be proud to vote for this bill because of the enormous
impact it will have on my home State. The proud servicemembers based in
Kentucky play an outsized role in our national defense. From deploying
across the world to fighting COVID-19 here at home, they do amazing
work to keep America safe.
In the past week, they have stepped up to provide critical support as
Kentucky deals with the aftermath of our devastating tornadoes. Our
Commonwealth's heroes and their families deserve our full support, and
I am proud that this year's National Defense Authorization Act delivers
for them.
Nearly $1 billion for the Assembled Chemical Weapon's Alternative
Program that supports the chemical munitions destruction mission at the
Blue Grass Army Depot; robust funding to deter Russia in Europe; the
emission of Fort Knox's Fifth Corps Headquarters; continued investments
in research and modernization that will guarantee our soldiers,
including those at Fort Campbell, are prepared to counter emerging
threats like China.
We have also built on our previous efforts to lift up Kentucky's
military families. The bill provides additional funding for modern,
high-quality childcare facilities, including $27 million for a new
childcare development center at Fort Knox. It authorizes an across-the-
board 2.7-percent pay raise for our troops.
This bill is critically important to the servicemembers who make
immense sacrifices to keep our Nation safe. I am proud to support it
and help cement the Commonwealth's role as America's most military-
friendly State.
Inflation
Mr. President, now one final matter, I described yesterday how
inflation is hurting families all across our country. Since then, yet
another key economic indicator has set an unfortunate record.
In the last year, wholesale prices grew at their fastest pace on
record. Anyone with a shred of sense knows this is the absolute wrong
time--wrong time--to unleash a multitrillion-dollar taxing-and-spending
spree.
Every single day brings new evidence our Democratic colleagues should
give the country a break. But the cost of Washington Democrats' latest
obsession isn't the only problem. The context of what they want to pass
is actually just as bad.
We have known since the start of the COVID pandemic that Democrats
saw it as an opportunity to transform American society. They have
actually been quite candid about that. And their reckless taxing-and-
spending spree they are writing behind closed doors is a Trojan horse
to let the radical left dictate intimate details to American families.
There is a long list of policies inspired by the authors of the Green
New Deal. A whole slew of new programs and mandates are aimed at
fitting the entire country's systems for producing and consuming energy
into sort of a California-shaped box: special subsidies for expensive
lifestyle choices like electric vehicles and electric bicycles; new
redtape to strangle the most reliable and affordable sources of
American energy; subsidies for supply chains that China dominates so
that America borrows in order to ``Build Back Beijing''; and don't
forget the so-called Civilian Climate Corps, just what we need at a
time of inflation and labor shortages--a Potemkin make-work program for
liberal activists.
Of course, Washington Democrats intend to grab greater control over
the development of America's young people long before they are eligible
for made-up green jobs. Their spree contains a massive ``toddler
takeover'' that insults the diversity of American families and their
aspirations. It only throws money at a subset of secular childcare
centers that woke bureaucrats happen to favor.
Forget faith-based options, forget flexible part-time arrangements,
forget being remotely fair to families with a parent at home, Democrats
want to bring their inflation into childcare and make daycare more
expensive, more inflexible, and more unfair.
And then there is the latest offensive in a long campaign to restrict
more of American's healthcare choices. Democrats' plan would mean more
one-size-fits-all programs, more government control, a wet blanket over
the world-leading innovation pipeline that creates new cures, and a
further gamble with seniors' Medicare when the trust fund is already in
danger of insolvency.
Then there are the massive tax hikes our colleagues want to use to
cover the bill--all those radical changes, all those Big Government
intrusions into family life, compared with the crushing tax hikes that
would hit our country like a ton of bricks.
There are new surcharges on individual taxpayers. There are tax hikes
for passthrough businesses. There is a brandnew, radical scheme to make
American industry less competitive that Senate Democrats scribbled down
with no hearings or committee process.
President Biden promised he wouldn't raise taxes one penny on anyone
making less than $400,000. But experts agree that Democrats' tax hikes
would break that promise. People with far less income would be
affected.
So for goodness' sake, in 2022, their bill would give a bigger
percentage tax cut to people making more than $1 million every year
than the families that pull in between $75,000 and $100,000. That is
according to the Joint Committee on Taxation.
The average person who makes upward of $1 million gets a bigger tax
break--a bigger tax break--from Democrats' bill than the average
household that makes just under--just under--six figures.
In large part, that is because of an absurdly expensive tax giveaway
that Democrats want to hand out to benefit high-income earners in blue
States. Their SALT policy would make the Federal Government subsidize
the property tax bills of people with mansions who choose to live in
high-tax States.
It is an insane proposition, and it is struggling to even earn
support from Democrats' rank and file. But their leaders from New York
and California are obsessed with it, so go figure.
But SALT is only just the beginning of the gravy train this bill
steers toward Democrats' pet projects and causes. There is also a tax
code tweak that would create a special deduction for union dues, while
letting one for charitable contributions actually expire. Another
special incentive--to the tune of $10 billion--would help liberal
colleges and universities indoctrinate students in new ``environmental
justice'' programs, whatever that is. Still,
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others would pour $29 billion into funding a ``National Green Bank,''
$2.5 billion into increasing--listen to this--``tree equity,'' $1.67
billion to bail out news outlet, and an extra billion on top for
``improving climate resilience'' of Pacific salmon--an extra billion on
top for ``improving climate resilience'' of Pacific salmon.
And then, of course, there are the extra special ways Democrats want
to use this bill to fulfill more personal hometown priorities. Speaker
Pelosi didn't end up getting to earmark millions of Federal dollars for
redeveloping a park in her district. Ah, but she did secure one
Congressman's vote by upping the funding for a defunct regional
commission that largely benefits his district by 13,000 percent. That
is old-school vote-buying, a slap in the face to taxpayers.
Our own colleague, the Democratic leader, has pledged to ``use all of
[his] power'' to personally steer tens of billions of dollars toward a
hometown New York City housing authority with a long and storied
reputation of corruption, mismanagement, and scandal.
So it is hard to wrap your head around all this; that is, unless you
subscribe to Washington Democrats' apparent core principle--core
principle: When the American people are footing the bill, the menu is
all-you-can-eat.
Mr. LEAHY. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Lujan). The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Debt Limit
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, the House came together with the Senate to
raise the debt limit, which I think was good because another closedown
of our government would have been disastrous. So I am proud, as
President pro tempore, to sign the joint resolution that raises the
debt limit, and that will go now to the President. The Speaker signed
it, I have signed it, and now the President will be able to sign the
bill. I was very, very proud to do that.
S. 1605
Mr. President, on another matter, we are going to soon have the
opportunity to vote on passage of the fiscal year 2022 National Defense
Authorization Act, the NDAA. As they do every year, I am sure Senators
will get out press releases touting all of the things in this bill that
they support, as I do: a pay raise for the military, increases for
medical research, investments to counter Chinese aggression. These are
things all worth talking about, but let's be honest and go beyond the
rhetoric, tell the American people about what we are doing and what we
are not.
We can stand here on the Senate floor--we can do it back home--and
declare our unwavering support for our troops and their families, can
claim to support a strong national defense, but until we put our money
where our mouth is and provide the funding we say we support, then
those words ring hollow. It is only rhetoric.
Now, the NDAA is an important piece of legislation, and I applaud
those Senators who put it together. It sets overarching policy for the
Department of Defense. It guides our national security. But--but--make
sure people understand that what it does not do is provide the funding
to implement the policies it sets. It says what the policies will be;
it declares what the funding should be; but there is not one penny--not
one penny--in this bill. That is the job of the Appropriations
Committee.
As we prepare to vote for the NDAA, Republicans have not come to the
table to negotiate top-line spending numbers so that we can actually
enact an appropriations bill to pay for our national defense. Some have
said that they would be fine if the government ended up operating under
a full-year continuing resolution. Fortunately, there are some key
Republicans, as with all Democrats, who don't want a continuing
resolution; they would like to get the bills done. But we have to
actually do it. We can't talk about it. We can't be private and say
``Oh, yeah, I am for you on that,'' but we actually do it.
So I suggest that if people are wondering whether a continuing
resolution helps us, do the math. A full-year CR would not only reduce
defense spending by $35 billion compared with what is in the NDAA bill,
but it would actually cut defense spending below last year's level.
Just think about that.
We can talk about all the wonderful things we are doing, but if we
don't pass the appropriations bill, if we only have a continuing
resolution, we cut defense spending below last year's levels. So
instead of the $35 billion that they are touting and one minute waving
the flag and declaring they support our troops and our military and
then the next day have no problem in cutting the funds--if we refuse to
go ahead and actually pass the appropriations bills and go instead to a
continuing resolution, we are cutting funds. It almost makes me think
of Alice in Wonderland. I wonder if we are going through the looking
glass.
Democrats have put a fair offer on the table to get us through this
morass. It provides a 5-percent increase for defense programs compared
to last fiscal year, a 13-percent increase for all other programs. The
5-percent increase for defense we picked because it is equal to the
increase contained in the NDAA that we are going to vote on today.
I would predict that the large majority of Senators, Republicans and
Democrats alike, will vote for the NDAA with that 5 percent increase.
Well, stop holding up the appropriations bill that actually has the
money--that has the money. The NDAA is a promissory note; the
appropriations bill is the cash.
The money we have in appropriations is equal to the increase for
defense programs that Republicans unanimously endorsed when the NDAA
was marked up in the Senate Armed Services Committee. It is equal to
the increase that just passed the House. In the U.S. Congress, that is
as close to a consensus as I have seen around here, and I have been
here a few years.
One Republican House appropriator has even said publicly that he
wants an appropriations deal at the NDAA levels because the NDAA fully
funds our defense needs for the coming year. I want him to know that is
the offer the Democrats put on the table 2 months ago. So far, I have
heard deafening silence.
We have to go for it. We have people in both parties who understand
the need for an appropriations bill. I recommend we all get together
and get it done because the men and women who serve in the military
deserve more than lipservice.
Any Senator who votes for this authorization bill today should have
no problem embracing an offer that provides the money to actually pay
for it. They certainly should not be putting us on a course for a full-
year continuing resolution, which would cause cuts in our national
defense and, I believe, would weaken our national security.
Secretary Austin has said that a full-year's CR would be unsound,
misappropriate billions of dollars, and erode the U.S. military
advantage relative to China. The Secretary also noted that investments
in research, infrastructure, and public health are equally critical to
our national security.
I ask unanimous consent that Secretary Austin's full statement be
printed in the Record at the end of my statement.
The strength of our military and national security is built on the
strength of our people. Without domestic investments in education,
healthcare, research, economic development, and science, we can't
maintain our military. Without combating the opioid, substance abuse,
and mental health crises facing our country today, we will no longer be
able to recruit the best of the best. We need full-year appropriations
bills to make these investments so people can sit and see what we have
and where we are going with it.
Recently, some Members on the other side of the aisle have taken to
the floor of the Senate to decry a lack of progress on the
appropriations bills. They criticize Democrats for not bringing bills
to the floor. But let's be real. The only reason we have been unable to
move more bills through committee or bring bills to the floor for
debate is because Republicans have said they oppose them until we have
a top line. OK. Then negotiate the very top line they require to move
bills instead of refusing to negotiate that top line. Come
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on. You can't put barriers across the highway and then complain that
traffic is stopped.
I have been calling for bipartisan and bicameral negotiations with
the White House to reach an agreement on top lines since March--March,
April, May, June, July, August, September, October, November, and now
December. It is probably time enough to get moving.
In October, I released a comprehensive proposal, with the support of
House Democrats, on a path forward. I would ask the Republicans to join
us at the negotiating table. We have a job to do. We are 10 weeks into
the fiscal year. Let's step up and make a serious offer on a top-line
agreement. We Democrats have done that. Republicans need to do that
now--not one that panders to the extremes of their base--and do it in
the next few weeks.
I have been here for a lot of years. Most of the time I have been
here, I have been on the Senate Appropriations Committee. I have seen
Republicans and Democrats come together. I have seen Senators from the
left and the right come together, knowing that you have to have a
consensus, knowing that you don't pass appropriations bills on sound
bites and on a wish list; you do it with substantive work.
Our staff has been working throughout recesses and everything else to
have this, so let's get to work. Let's negotiate full-year
appropriations bills that address our country's many needs, including
our country's national defense. We have done this over and over again
over the years. We can easily do it now.
I have talked with the leaders of both parties. I think we are ready.
I think anybody who fully understands how appropriations work know that
a continuing resolution for the year is not the way to go. It doesn't
help the country. It doesn't help the people whom we represent. It
certainly doesn't help the credibility of the U.S. Senate. And we are
in a position where the House wants to work with us. Let's get to work
and spend a few days doing that. Let's pass the omnibus with the
individual appropriations bills in it. It has been done in the past. It
can be done again.
My staff has been working night and day and weekends. We have
everything together. I have talked with several Senators on both sides
of the aisle. They want to go forward. Well, let's go forward for the
sake of the country, for the sake of this body that I respect so much.
Every single day, when I walk here into the Senate, I think what a
privilege it is to be here. But with that privilege comes a
responsibility--a responsibility to the people of this country, the
people we represent. We can fulfill that responsibility by passing
these appropriations bills.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
Immediate Release
statement by secretary of defense lloyd j. austin iii on the impact of
a full-year continuing resolution--dec. 6, 2021
The Department of Defense once again faces the threat of a
continuing resolution to fund our programs and operations
into the new year. While the short-term CR passed by Congress
was a necessary measure to keep the government open and
provide additional time to reach agreement on full-year
appropriations bills, some have even suggested a CR could
last an entire year, an unprecedented move that would cause
enormous, if not irreparable, damage for a wide range of
bipartisan priorities--from defense readiness and
modernization, to research and development, to public health.
A full-year CR would be a fiscally unsound way of funding
the Department of Defense and government as a whole. It would
misalign billions of dollars in resources in a manner
inconsistent with evolving threats and the national security
landscape, which would erode the U.S. military advantage
relative to China, impede our ability to innovate and
modernize, degrade readiness, and hurt our people and their
families. And it would offer comfort to our enemies, disquiet
to our allies, and unnecessary stress to our workforce.
Essentially, in terms of real dollars, a CR would represent
a budget cut--and a significant one at that.
I urge Congress to reach a bipartisan, bicameral agreement
on FY 2022 appropriations, and avoid a full-year CR, in the
coming weeks.
First and most importantly, failure to reach an agreement
would put our military and their families under additional
and needless stress. It would mean that providing the 2.7
percent pay increase the President proposed and they so
richly deserve--as well as housing allowances and other new
benefits--would come at the expense of suspending many of
their change-of-station moves and force us to limit the
numbers of new recruits we bring in. And it would result in
over five billion dollars in cuts to our operating accounts,
too, hurting the readiness of our troops and curtailing our
ability to cover the health-care needs of military families.
More than 100 military construction projects--many of which
directly impact the quality of life of our people--would also
be delayed if Congress maintains current funding levels under
a full-year CR. And make no mistake about it, the impacts of
those delays would be felt not only across the Department,
but also in local communities around the country as job
opportunities are lost and revenue for local businesses
diminishes.
Of course, failing to reach an agreement on appropriations
would also significantly impact the programs, the
technologies and the initiatives we are trying to undertake
to ensure we remain the most capable military in the world.
The Department's efforts to address innovation priorities
such as cyber, artificial intelligence and hypersonics
programs would be slowed.
At a time when our adversaries are advancing their concepts
and capabilities to erode our strategic advantages . . . and
as we begin to knit together a truly groundbreaking vision of
integrated deterrence . . . our hands will be tied. We will
be forced to spend money on things we don't need and stop
spending money on investments we desperately do need.
And I'd note that as important as full-year appropriations
are for the Department of Defense, investments at the State
Department, in research and development at the major research
agencies, and in infrastructure and public health are equally
critical to our national security.
Again, I strongly urge Congress to seize this opportunity
to sustain American competitiveness, advance American
leadership, and enable our forces by immediately reaching a
bipartisan, bicameral agreement on full-year 2022
appropriations. It's not only the right thing to do, it's the
best thing they can do for our nation's defense.
Mr. LEAHY. I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Recognition of the Majority Leader
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader is recognized.
S. 1605
Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, on NDAA, for the past six decades,
Congress has worked on a bipartisan basis to pass an annual Defense
bill without fail. After today, this year will be no different.
Later this morning, the Senate will hold a vote to pass NDAA
legislation for fiscal year 2022 that has been negotiated on a
bipartisan, bicameral basis. After it is approved by this Chamber, the
bill will go to the President's desk for his signature.
With so many priorities to balance, I thank my colleagues for working
hard over these last few months, both in committee and on the floor, to
get NDAA done. I want to particularly recognize my colleague Chairman
Reed for his work shepherding this important process through.
Build Back Better Act
Mr. President, now, for a Build Back Better update, this week,
Democrats also continue working on getting the Senate into a position
where we can vote on the President's Build Back Better legislation. We
are also continuing to hold conversations, as Senate Democrats, on the
urgent work of advancing the Freedom to Vote Act and the John Lewis
Voting Rights Advancement Act.
There is universal view in our caucus that we need to pass
legislation to protect our democracy. What the Republican legislatures
are doing--on a purely partisan basis--is undermining, destroying our
democracy.
We believe that we can restore the Senate to work the way it is
supposed to and at the same time deal with voting rights. And that is
what we are aiming to do.
Judicial Nominations
Mr. President, now, on judicial nominations, in addition to our
legislative agenda, the Senate is also making good progress this week
on confirming more of President Biden's nominees, both to his
administration and the Federal bench.
Today, we will vote to confirm two more of the President's judicial
nominees, and it is possible I will file cloture on more today. At the
district
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level, we will confirm Samantha Elliott to serve as district judge for
the District of New Hampshire. And we will also vote on the
confirmation of Jennifer Sung to sit as a circuit judge for the U.S.
Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit.
Throughout her career, Ms. Sung has proven herself to be an
exceptional and impartial adjudicator, a valiant advocate for working
Americans, and I am confident she will be an excellent judge who adds
to the personal and professional diversity of the Ninth Circuit.
For much of her time in private practice, Ms. Sung dedicated herself
to representing workers in disputes against unscrupulous employers. The
folks she has fought for over her career haven't been privileged
individuals. On the contrary, they have been everyday working
Americans: low-income workers, minority workers, and largely
underserved communities--folks who just want a fair shake.
As a member of the Oregon Employment Relations Board, where she has
served in a quasi-judicial role adjudicating disputes between workers
and management, Ms. Sung has displayed immense skill striking a
delicate balance between protecting the interests of working Americans
while applying the law fairly and impartially and without
preconception. This balance is crucial for anyone under consideration
for the bench, and that is the point.
We are having, of course, demographic diversity. Ms. Sung represents
that as an Asian American. But we are also having professional
diversity, where people from different walks of life and different
experiences serve in these very important courts, not just prosecutors
and people from big law firms. So this is a very, very important change
that we are making to the bench.
This year, we have made progress in adding that new level of
diversity to the bench, but we still have a lot of work to do to make
our courts reflect the diversity and richness of our democracy.
And on one more judge, Ali Nathan, earlier this morning it was my
honor to come before the Senate Judiciary Committee to introduce Ali
Nathan, nominated by President Biden, on my recommendation, to serve as
circuit judge for the Second Circuit Court of Appeals.
Judge Nathan is a remarkable and barrier-breaking nominee for the
Federal bench. A graduate of Cornell Law School, a clerk for both the
Ninth Circuit and the Supreme Court, under Justice Stevens, and a
member of President Obama's White House counsel and the Office of the
Solicitor General in New York, Judge Nathan's resume is nothing short
of impeccable.
I can happily say that this will be the second time I have
recommended Judge Nathan to serve on the bench. A decade ago, I urged
President Obama to consider Ali Nathan to serve as district judge in
the Southern District.
I am glad President Obama listened. And after a decade of admirable
service on the bench, it is clear that appointing her was the right
decision. And, one more important point, if confirmed to the Second
Circuit, Judge Nathan would only be the second LGBTQ woman to serve as
a Federal appellate judge in the United States--another important step
in tearing down the barriers in the halls of justice.
If confirmed, I am confident that Judge Nathan will serve with
distinction and excellence on the Second Circuit.
So, thanks to Senate Democrats, President Biden has more total
circuit and district judge nominees confirmed before December 15 of his
first year than any President since Ronald Reagan. By the end of the
day, the tally will stand at 31 new judges confirmed in 2021.
Let me repeat that. By the end of today, the Senate will have
confirmed 31 judges in President Biden's first year--20 to the district
courts and 11 to serve as appellate judges on the Federal circuit.
Four years ago, under President Donald Trump, Republicans lacked any
robust legislative agenda and focused almost entirely on rubberstamping
the parade of far-right, unqualified, and highly ideological
nominations to the Federal bench.
This year, we are administering the antidote: All year long the
Democratic majority has begun rebalancing our courts with mainstream,
highly qualified, and diverse judges--historically diverse both in
their profession and personhood.
Over half of the new judges are women, over half are people of color,
and all of them are immensely qualified by virtue of their skills,
their experience, and their unique perspectives they bring to the
Federal bench.
We are going to continue working as much as we can for the rest of
this year to confirm more judges. And you can be sure that we will push
even harder in 2022.
Mr. President, one more point on Republican nomination obstruction,
besides judicial nominees, we have a responsibility in this Chamber to
confirm President Biden's nominees to his administration. Every
President--and this one too--deserves to have his administration
filled, and for years in the past, both sides have worked together when
possible. But this year, we are seeing a new low from Senate
Republicans. Because of the cynical blockade of a handful of Members on
the other side, the Senate now faces a backlog of at least 150
nominees, many of whom would have sailed through the Chamber in years
past.
We have now had to file cloture on twice as many nominees at this
point in President Biden's administration as Republicans had to do
under President Trump.
Let's be clear about the nominees at issue. We aren't talking about
partisan firebrands or candidates who come out of left field. The bulk
of these men and women are uncontroversial, by the book, professional
public servants. Many of these nominees would work on issues like
supply chains and national security, which our Republican colleagues
say they want to address. But now those lives, and the lives of their
families, have been thrown into total limbo, all because a handful of
Republicans have hijacked the rules of the Senate to slow the
confirmation process to a glacial pace, against precedent and common
sense.
We have been working over the past day to secure a lift on many of
these holds. I want to echo what Senator Menendez has made clear: If
the Senator from Texas offers a proposal that does not include lifting
all State, Treasury, and USAID nominees, we cannot come to an
agreement.
Democrats are working to clear as much of the backlog as possible by
consent. If we can't make too much progress, we may need to stay and
hold votes on nominees this weekend and next week until we do.
I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I also ask unanimous consent that prior to
the vote, I be able to complete my remarks, followed by Senator Inhofe,
followed by Senator Reed.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
S. 1605
Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I am pleased that today we will finally
move to a vote on the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal
Year 2022. Thanks to the Democrats' focus on their reckless Build Back
Better tax-and-spending spree, consideration of the NDAA, one of the
most important bills we consider every year, was delayed for months.
Of course, once we finally got onto the bill, Democrats rushed the
process. Senators of both parties filed a total of 1,000 amendments on
this bill, but not one--not a single one--of those amendments received
a vote on the Senate floor.
But at least we are finally here set to pass this critical
legislation. I am pleased the Republicans were able to strengthen this
bill in committee and in the so-called preconference negotiations. This
includes removing troublesome provisions like red-flag laws that would
summarily suspend the Second Amendment rights of our men and women in
uniform.
Thanks in large part to Republican efforts, the final bill is $25
billion above President Biden's inadequate budget request.
[[Page S9172]]
We have made a lot of progress over the past several years on
rebuilding our military, which, I might add, after years of
underfunding and budgetary uncertainty, combined with heavy operational
demands, had been left underequipped, undermanned, and underprepared to
meet the threats of the 21st century. The situation had gotten so bad
that in 2018, the bipartisan National Defense Strategy Commission
released a report warning that our readiness had eroded to the point
where we might struggle to win a war against a major power like Russia
or China--an especially chilling warning considering the mounting
destabilization from both of these countries today. The Commission
noted that we would be especially vulnerable if we were ever called on
to fight a war on two fronts.
But, as I said, over the past several years, we made a lot of
progress on restoring military readiness. Unfortunately, President
Biden's inadequate budget request threatened to undo some of that
progress. So I am pleased--very pleased--that, thanks in large part to
Republican efforts, Democrats and Republicans have agreed on a final
number that will continue our reinvestment in our military so that our
men and women in uniform will have the resources they need to address
the threats of the 21st century.
With both China and Russia flexing their military power and the
growing danger of a further Russian invasion of Ukraine, it is
critically important that we ensure that our Nation is always prepared
to defend itself and our vital national interests, whatever the threat.
On the subject of Ukraine, I am very pleased the final bill we will
vote on today includes an additional $50 million in military assistance
for Ukraine. Ukraine has spent years dealing with a Russian invasion
that threatens to push further into its sovereign territory, and we
should be supporting the efforts of this free nation to defend itself
from Russian aggression.
I am particularly proud to announce that this year's NDAA contains
the necessary funding to continue essential preparation for the B-21
mission at Ellsworth Air Force Base in South Dakota.
We found out in June of this year that Ellsworth had officially been
named ``Main Operating Base 1'' for the future B-21 bomber, home of the
Raider. This designation not only means Ellsworth will be the first
base to host the B-21 Raider but will also host the formal training
unit and the first operational squadron. The stealth B-21 bomber will
eventually replace the Air Force's B-1s, which have been a proven
workhorse within Global Strike Command but must be divested to free up
capacity and resources for an even more agile and capable bomber fleet.
Once operational, the B-21 Raider will be a critical part of our
Nation's long-range strike capabilities and nuclear deterrent well into
the future. I am incredibly proud that South Dakota and Ellsworth were
chosen to serve as the first operating base for the B-21s.
When I first came to the Senate, the outlook for Ellsworth wasn't so
rosy. I had barely arrived here in the Senate when Ellsworth was placed
on the base realignment and closure, or BRAC, list. It was an all-hands
effort by the congressional delegation and Ellsworth and State and
community leaders to make the case to the Bush administration and BRAC
Commission to remove Ellsworth from the closure list.
Many thought that South Dakota might not have the clout to make this
stand, that we didn't wield enough influence. We were only given about
a 12-percent chance of pulling through, but we were determined that we
weren't going to lose Ellsworth. We stood our ground, and we won the
day. Ellsworth was removed from the BRAC list that August, and we got
right to work on building up the base so that we would never again find
ourselves in the same position.
In 2007, we saw the Air Force Financial Services Center open at
Ellsworth, and 2011 saw the arrival of the 89th Attack Squadron and its
command and control stations for MQ-9 Reapers. In 2015, a decade-long
mission paid off with the quadrupling of the training airspace for the
base. The Powder River Training Complex is now the largest training
airspace in the continental United States and can be used for large-
force exercises that draw combat aircraft from across this country. It
is also well-suited for B-21 training, which is undoubtedly one of the
reasons Ellsworth was chosen as the first home of the Raider.
I am committed to ensuring that Ellsworth has everything it needs for
its new mission so that it can continue to serve as one of our Nation's
essential military assets for decades to come. To that end, I worked to
ensure that this year's National Defense Authorization Act contain not
only full funding for B-21 development but full funding for the first
of many equipment and support facilities that will be needed for the B-
21 mission at Ellsworth, including a low observable coating and
restoration facility, a wash rack and maintenance hangar, expanding the
flight simulator facility, and more. It is imperative that these and
follow-on military construction projects at Ellsworth stay on pace to
ensure the B-21, once fielded, can begin operations alongside the
current B-1 mission at Ellsworth to enable a smooth transition from one
mission to the next.
The National Defense Authorization Act also ensures adequate support
for our B-1s in South Dakota and in Texas and deployed on Bomber Task
Force missions so that they have the resources they need until they are
replaced by the B-21s.
I will continue to do everything I can here in Congress to support
our B-1s at Ellsworth and advance the B-21 mission.
Providing for our Nation's defense is one of our most serious
responsibilities as Members of Congress. We have an obligation to
ensure that our Nation is prepared to meet any threat, whether the
danger comes from terrorism, rogue states, or major powers. We have an
obligation to ensure that our men and women in uniform have the
resources they need to confront the threats that we ask them to face.
I am frustrated that it took us so long to move to consideration of
this year's National Defense Authorization Act, but I am happy we did
at least manage to secure a solid piece of legislation, and I look
forward to voting for this bill later today.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Oklahoma.
Mr. INHOFE. Mr. President, I am very pleased that the Senate is
finally voting on the fiscal year 2022 Defense authorization bill. It
is the most significant bill of the year.
There is an old document that nobody reads anymore called the
Constitution. It kind of tells us what we are supposed to be doing
around here, and sometimes we forget. We are talking about national
defense. That is what we are supposed to be doing. That is why Congress
has passed a defense authorization bill for the last 60 years. This
will be the 61st year in a row. It will pass. It will pass in about
another half hour from now. It is going to pass because it has passed
in the past, and everyone realizes this is the most important thing we
do here. A lot of people don't say that, but it is true.
Every year, we come together--the House and the Senate, the
Republicans and the Democrats--and put our differences aside and build
this bill together and show our servicemembers that we really support
them. I think that is so important.
All we have to do is argue about this bill, and what we are doing is
reflecting on the people who are out there on the line, out there
making the sacrifice and losing their lives in many cases. It is
important that they know this is the most important thing we do, and
that is exactly what we did this year.
It looked a little different this year because the Senate didn't take
up the bill until after Veterans Day. I was critical of Senator Chuck
Schumer. We filed our bill--Senator Reed and I filed this on September
22. We didn't take it up until November 17. That is 2 months that was
wasted that we could have used and used very productively. We don't
need to do that. We can't let that happen again.
It is the most important bill we do all year, and it shouldn't be
left to the last minute. That is especially the case right now because
we face threats like we have never before in my lifetime faced. We have
China and Russia. They are growing and modernizing their militaries at
a rate that we have never
[[Page S9173]]
seen before and using their new technology to menace their neighbors.
We are seeing Russia build up forces on the Ukrainian border, most
likely intended to be used for them to attack. We feel that is what is
happening now.
We have seen evidence that China is testing hypersonic missile
technology that we don't even have. We don't have hypersonic missile
technology like the Chinese have. Those of us who have studied what
happened in World War II, we swore we weren't going to let this happen.
And for a long period of time, we had the best of everything. In one
area where America should have the best of everything, we didn't have
the best of everything.
So we have seen threats and are seeing threats now that we haven't
seen before. Yes, on the Ukrainian border--we know what is happening
there. We know 100,000 people are ready to go in. The Russians are
there. Now we are seeing China use things that we don't even have
today.
At the same time, following a disastrous withdrawal, terrorist
organizations are resurging in Afghanistan. I think we all remember in
Afghanistan--what happened when the President went in and we had a
withdrawal when we shouldn't have had a withdrawal. Our allies and
partners are questioning our credibility and commitment because of that
debacle.
Iran continues to expand its nuclear program, and North Korea
continues its own provocations.
In short, we have no shortage of challenges to our security and our
military supremacy. The security situation with both China and Russia
has gotten far worse since the Armed Services Committee first advanced
this bill back in July. It has gotten worse over the last few days and
certainly every week.
I can't think of a more necessary bill to pass right now, as we are
going to do in another short period of minutes. This Defense
authorization bill is the most important bill we have. I worked
together with Chairman Reed, Senator Reed, Chairman Smith, Ranking
Member Rogers, and the Armed Services Committees in both Chambers to
build a bill that will help us respond to all these threats. We worked
together. We worked together in the committee for a long time.
People think, well, this is only something that we are doing--those
of us who are in the position to be providing the leadership in our
military--that we do once a year, but I can tell you right now, after
we do this--I think it will get passed today and will be signed--we
will start again on next year already.
Our final product is a responsible, bipartisan path forward to
strengthen the national security and gives our troops the resources,
training, equipment, and benefits they deserve. We are talking about
our troops. They need it. We don't want them to have close fights out
there. We don't want them to have equipment that isn't the best
equipment.
I am afraid that we are in a situation right now where that is the
case. The first and most important way to do that is by boosting the
defense top line by $25 billion. That is what we did. The very first
thing that we did was to bring that up to something where it is $25
billion over President Biden's request.
I know defense isn't Biden's top priority, but we showed that it is a
bipartisan priority in this Congress. In fact, it was the 2018 NDS.
This is the NDS. This is the National Defense System. This is in 2018,
and we had six of the smartest Democrats in this field and six of the
smartest Republicans. We got together and put together this thing
called Providing for the National Defense. This was the Defense
Strategy Commission. It is one we have been following since that time,
and it shows that we can get things done. This is what we refer to.
This is our pattern, and a budget cut like the President wanted isn't
going to get us there.
In total, this bill authorizes almost $778 billion for the Department
of Defense and for nuclear programs at the Department of Energy. This
increase supports many of the military's unfunded priorities, things
they need that President Biden's inadequate budget couldn't meet, plus
things Congress agrees that the Department must fund in critical areas.
And we provided a 35-percent increase above the President's budget
for military construction, the largest MILCON that we have had in over
10 years. We also provided a $4.7 billion increase for shipbuilding,
allowing our military to purchase five new battle-force ships, which
will be key in our priority theater, in the Indo-Pacific. And I think
we know what the Chinese have been doing with their ship program.
We bolstered support to key allies, like Taiwan and Ukraine. This
year's NDAA actually increases funding for the Ukrainian Security
Assistance Initiative by $50 million, giving Ukraine some $300 million
in defense, which is also in our defense too.
And the bill includes strong bipartisan support for our nuclear
deterrent, which is the cornerstone of our national security. We fully
fund the nuclear modernization, which is a top priority for our
military and will solidify support for a key leg of our nuclear triad.
Our triad system is one that we have adhered to, and it is something
that is working. This actually supports a key leg of that nuclear
triad, which is the Ground-Based Strategic Deterrent.
The bill works at every turn to maintain our military supremacy and
in some areas to spur us to catch up in other areas where we have
fallen behind. We have fallen behind China and Russia in certain areas,
and we don't like that. And this is what we are trying to correct at
the current time.
One area where we do that is in cyber security. We have people, not
just experts on the outside. There is one of the members of our Senate
Armed Services Committee, Senator Mike Rounds, who probably knows more
about cyber security than any one of the advisers that are out there.
The bill creates a whole-of-government approach, the public-private
partnership to detect and disrupt our adversary's cyber operations.
We also accelerate innovation in key emerging technologies, like
artificial intelligence, hypersonic weapons, quantum computing, and 5G.
We are doing these things. We are just not doing it as fast as we
should, and this is one of the reasons that we are going to pass the
most important bill of the year in just a few minutes.
Our bill takes numerous steps to harden our industrial base and
remove Russia and China from our national security supply chain.
Of course, our top priority, this year and any year, is our troops,
the brave men and women who have volunteered to lay down their lives,
on the line, for our country. This year's bill gives them a well-
deserved pay raise and improves health. By the way, these are things
that people who sometimes talk about the fact that we are spending some
money--I don't know how many times I have heard people say: Well, we
spend more on defense than China and Russia together.
Well, that is true, but we do something that China and Russia doesn't
do. The most expensive item we have is taking care of our troops,
making sure that the kids of our troops have schools to go to that are
good schools, that we have good housing.
They don't care about things like that, but we do, and we spend more
on our military, and people try to use that against us. Well, our
people are first, and we are the only country that believes that.
It prevents servicemembers from being dishonorably discharged for
refusing the coronavirus vaccine. This is something where we changed a
system that otherwise would have offered a dishonorable discharge, and
it is in this bill.
So it is a good bill. It is not perfect. No bill is perfect. There
are some things I would have had in this bill and I am sure that
Senator Reed would have had in this bill that didn't make it.
Before we close, I do want to thank the good people who work so hard
on this bill on the floor. People don't realize that. You go back to
the real world and you talk to real people, as I do when I go back to
Oklahoma, and they point out that they don't believe that people are
really working. But in the case of the military, they are.
I just have to say the hours that they work. I had occasion to talk
to the group about John Wason--John Wason is the minority staff
director--and about the number of hours that he works and that his team
works. And I am going to read the names of this
[[Page S9174]]
team. Senator Reed is going to be reading the names of the majority on
the team.
But I think it is important that people understand that we have
committee staff who work hard, and we are very thankful for the people
who provide all that effort.
On his team, John Wason has Rick Berger, Tom Goffus, Scott
Richardson, Greg Lilly, Marta Hernandez, Jennie Wright, Adam Barker,
Allen Edwards, Katie Magnus, Sean O'Keefe, Brad Patout, Jason Potter,
Brian Slatterly, Katie Sutton, Eric Trager, Adam Trull, T.C. Williams,
Robert Winkler, and Annie Caputo.
From my staff I had Luke Holland, Dan Hillenbrand, Don Archer, Dan
Holder, Sam Trizza, Esther Salters, Jake Johnson, Jake Hinch, Alexandra
Slocum, Victor Sarmiento, Dixon Yonan, Leacy Burke--what would we do
without Leacy Burke?--Laurie Fitch, and Naomi Walker.
And sometimes we forget about the hard-working floor staff. Nobody
ever mentions that. We have a lot of the same people who have been
there for a number of years, and we couldn't operate without them. And
they were really busy on this bill. And that is Robert Duncan, Chris
Tuck, Tony Hanagan, Katherine Foster, Brian Canfield, Max Boyd, and
Maddie Sanborn.
I am grateful for all of their services.
And don't forget: This is only half of the battle. After this, we
have to go through and after we have made the priorities that we have
made, the appropriators will get busy and do what they have done to be
a part of this effort, which is the most significant effort that we are
having.
So today I encourage all of my colleagues to support this year's
National Defense Authorization bill--I know they will--and extend our
60-year track record of getting this bill done. And let's tell the
troops that we love them and we support them.
With that, I yield to Chairman Jack Reed.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Rhode Island.
Mr. REED. Mr. President, I rise to express my support for the fiscal
year 2022 National Defense Authorization Act. I am pleased, as we all
are, that we will be voting soon on passage.
I would like to thank Ranking Member Inhofe for his leadership and
his thoughtfulness on this bill. He has been an excellent partner
throughout this whole process.
Our Nation faces an enormous range of security challenges, and it is
more important than ever that we provide our military men and women
with the support they need to keep Americans safe.
To that end, this bill makes great progress. It addresses a broad
range of pressing issues, from strategic competition with China and
Russia, to disruptive technologies like hypersonics, AI, and quantum
computing, to modernizing our ships, aircraft, and vehicles. It
provides our servicemembers with the resources and support they need to
defend our Nation, while at the same taking care of their families.
Importantly, this bill authorizes a well-deserved 2.7-percent pay
raise for both military members and the DOD civilian workforce. It also
increases parental leave to 12 weeks for all servicemembers and creates
a new 2-week bereavement leave benefit for both military and Federal
civilian employees.
I want to especially note that this bill includes historic, sweeping
reforms to the Uniform Code of Military Justice and how the military
investigates and prosecutes sexual assault and other offenses,
including murder, manslaughter, kidnapping, and many other crimes. Just
as my Senate colleagues, the President's Independent Review Commission,
and survivors advocate groups have called for, this bill takes
prosecutorial power away from the chain of command for these cases. Our
bill creates ``special trial counsel,'' highly specialized prosecutors
who will have exclusive, binding, and final decision-making authority
over whether to prosecute these offenses. This is a sea change for the
military justice system, and I am grateful to my colleagues in both
Chambers and on both sides of the aisle for working together to achieve
this historic reform for the well-being of our military women and men.
Indeed, we listened to survivors, advocates, and experts because we
owe it to our servicemembers to get this policy right. The world is as
dangerous and complex as it has ever been. We depend on the military to
answer the call in these challenging times, and we owe it to them to
ensure the policies we enact on this matter and others preserves this
Nation's military power and cohesion. I respect those who might see
this matter differently, but this bill makes our country and our troops
more secure because we listened to advocates and experts to reach a
compromise with the House of Representatives.
This year's defense bill also makes excellent progress toward meeting
the challenges of long-term strategic competition with China and
Russia. It invests in the people, platforms, infrastructure, and game-
changing technologies that will define the future. It extends and
modifies the Pacific Deterrence Initiative, or PDI, and reiterates the
Senate's intent to improve our force posture in the Indo-Pacific,
increase readiness and presence, and build the capabilities of our
partners and allies to counter the increasing aggression of China.
Similarly, this year's bill authorizes the continuation of the
European Deterrence Initiative, or EDI, in recognition of the vital
need to support our allies and partners in Europe as we work toward the
shared goals of deterring Russian aggression, addressing strategic
competition, and mitigating shared security concerns.
With respect to our services, we have taken steps to improve their
capabilities and their ability to fight and win. Across the Army, Navy,
Air Force, Marine Corps, and Space Force, this bill makes significant
efforts to improve the readiness of our aircraft, ships, vehicles,
missiles, and weapons systems. It authorizes significant increases in
military construction projects, modernizing our nuclear triad and
missile defense systems, and investing in cutting-edge technologies
such as artificial intelligence, microelectronics, advanced materials,
5G, and biotechnology.
And with regard to our withdrawal from Afghanistan, we must capture
the lessons of the last two decades to ensure that our future
counterterrorism efforts in Afghanistan and elsewhere continue to hold
violent extremists at bay. To that end, I am pleased that this bill
includes the Afghanistan War Commission Act, an amendment spearheaded
by Senator Duckworth.
This bill was originally crafted by the Armed Services Committee
after a series of thoughtful hearings, discussions, and debates on both
sides of the aisle. Through the committee markup process, we considered
more than 300 amendments and ultimately adopted 143 amendments. Senator
Inhofe and I introduced this bill to the full Senate with the intent of
adding more amendments on the floor. Although we were not able to come
to an agreement to debate and vote on several amendments on the floor,
we were ultimately able to adopt amendments from Senators on both sides
of the aisle in the final legislation.
Over the past several weeks, the Senate and House Armed Services
Committees have worked around the clock to come to an agreement on this
final version of this bill. I am proud of the improvements we made
throughout this process, and I was pleased to see the House vote last
week in an overwhelmingly bipartisan fashion, 363 to 70, to pass the
bill. We have produced a strong NDAA that both parties and both
chambers can support, and the President will be able to sign.
I would like to take this opportunity to recognize the phenomenal
staff who have made this bill possible. I want to specifically
recognize the director for the Democratic staff, Elizabeth King, and
the director for the Republican staff, John Wason. They have led their
staffs and collaborated admirably with bipartisanship, diligence, and
utmost professionalism.
I would also like to thank members of the Armed Services Committee
staff: Jody Bennett, Carolyn Chuhta, Jon Clark, Jenny Davis, Jonathan
Epstein, Jorie Feldman, Creighton Greene, Gary Leeling, Kirk McConnell,
Maggie McNamara Cooper, Bill Monahan, Mike Noblet, John Quirk, Andy
Scott, Arun Seraphin, Cole Stevens, Soleil Sykes, Keri Lyn Michalke,
Hailey Becker, Patrick Shilo, Alison Warner, Leah Brewer, Debbie
Chiarello, Joe Gallo,
[[Page S9175]]
Leslie Ashton, Cami Pease, Brittany Amador, Griffin Cannon, Nate Green,
Brandon Kasprick, Sofia Kamali, Tom Maggiacomo, and, once again, staff
director Elizabeth King.
From my personal office, I would like to thank Neil Campbell and
Elyse Wasch.
Also, let me thank the floor staff and the leadership staff. Gary
Myrick, Tricia Engle, Dan Tinsley, Brad Watt, Stephanie Paone, Nate
Oursler, Rachel Jackson, and Liza Patterson. You have been part of this
process for the last several weeks, and you have done a remarkable job.
We thank you for that very, very much.
I would like to thank Senator Inhofe again for his partnership
throughout this process, and I would thank Chairman Smith and Ranking
Member Rogers from the House Armed Services Committee for their
collaboration as well.
Finally, I urge all of my colleagues to vote for this excellent bill.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the motion to concur
with amendment No. 4880 is withdrawn.
Vote on Motion to Concur
The question is on agreeing to the motion to concur.
Mr. REED. Mr. President, the yeas and nays are requested.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There appears to be a sufficient second.
The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. THUNE. The following Senator is necessarily absent: the Senator
from Wyoming (Ms. Lummis).
The result was announced--yeas 88, nays 11, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 499 Leg.]
YEAS--88
Baldwin
Barrasso
Bennet
Blackburn
Blumenthal
Blunt
Boozman
Brown
Burr
Cantwell
Capito
Cardin
Carper
Casey
Cassidy
Collins
Coons
Cornyn
Cortez Masto
Cotton
Cramer
Crapo
Cruz
Daines
Duckworth
Durbin
Ernst
Feinstein
Fischer
Graham
Grassley
Hagerty
Hassan
Hawley
Heinrich
Hickenlooper
Hirono
Hoeven
Hyde-Smith
Inhofe
Johnson
Kaine
Kelly
Kennedy
King
Klobuchar
Lankford
Leahy
Lujan
Manchin
Marshall
McConnell
Menendez
Moran
Murkowski
Murphy
Murray
Ossoff
Peters
Portman
Reed
Risch
Romney
Rosen
Rounds
Rubio
Sasse
Schatz
Schumer
Scott (FL)
Scott (SC)
Shaheen
Shelby
Sinema
Smith
Stabenow
Sullivan
Tester
Thune
Tillis
Toomey
Tuberville
Van Hollen
Warner
Warnock
Whitehouse
Wicker
Young
NAYS--11
Booker
Braun
Gillibrand
Lee
Markey
Merkley
Padilla
Paul
Sanders
Warren
Wyden
NOT VOTING--1
Lummis
The motion was agreed to.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Jersey.
Change of Vote
Mr. BOOKER. Mr. President, on rollcall vote No. 499, I voted aye. It
was my intention to vote nay. Therefore, I ask unanimous consent that I
be permitted to change my vote since it will not affect the outcome.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
(The foregoing tally has been changed to reflect the above order.)
____________________