[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 192 (Tuesday, November 2, 2021)]
[House]
[Pages H6079-H6080]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
PHARMACY BENEFIT MANAGER ACCOUNTABILITY
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from
Tennessee (Mrs. Harshbarger) for 5 minutes.
Mrs. HARSHBARGER. Mr. Speaker, one of the top concerns for Americans
is the high cost of prescription drugs. Congress must do something to
lower these prescription drug prices. We know the American people want
lower prices, but they don't want to sacrifice access to lifesaving
treatments.
Prior to representing the great people of east Tennessee in Congress,
I served for 35 years as a community pharmacist, so I know a thing or
two about safeguarding patient access to affordable medicines and
solving patient problems.
We absolutely need to reform the ways pharmaceutical manufacturers
price their products and sometimes manipulate the system. But there is
another part of the drug pricing equation that doesn't get nearly as
much attention, and that is the role of the pharmacy benefit managers,
or PBMs, their lack of transparency, their market dominance, and the
effects of their business practices on drug prices and patient choices.
PBMs were created as middlemen to reduce administrative costs for
insurers, validate patients' eligibility, administer plan benefits, and
negotiate
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costs between pharmacies and health plans. But they have morphed into
one of the most highly concentrated and least accountable profit
centers in the healthcare industry. Over time, these PBMs have been
allowed to operate and consolidate their market powers virtually
unchecked.
Medicare, Medicaid, and commercial health plans all use PBMs to
manage drug benefits. That is more than 260 million American lives.
{time} 1100
These pharmacy benefit managers wield enormous power as middlemen on
numerous fronts. They choose what drugs are covered and not covered by
insurance; they negotiate purchasing deals with drug makers; they
determine copays for consumers; they decide which pharmacies are
included in prescription plans and which are not; they decide how much
pharmacies are reimbursed for the drugs they sell, where, by the way, a
lot of pharmacies dispense drugs to a patient, and they are reimbursed
less than what they paid for the drug.
In 2020, the top six PBMs handled more than 95 percent of total U.S.-
equivalent prescription claims. Curiously, this market power
concentration and vertical integration with the insurance carriers was
allowed by our Federal Trade Commission over the last 15 years, the
very agency whose mission it is to safeguard Americans from
concentrated corporate power.
What are the effects on drug spending? Between 2015 and 2018, nearly
half of the increase in total brand drug spending went to payers,
including PBMs, according to an analysis from Berkeley Research Group.
Such a huge slice of yearly drug spending going to middlemen has
catapulted the U.S. PBM market to be valued at more than half a
trillion dollars, and that is with a ``T''. Analysts see PBMs
continuing to prosper in the coming years.
The virtually unchecked powers of PBMs have enabled them to: Number
one, charge drug manufacturers hefty rebates for preferred placement on
formularies. The higher the list price, the higher the rebates, but no
one knows where these rebates go.
Number two is to impose restrictive take-it-or-leave-it contracts
with community pharmacists.
Number three is charge community pharmacies outrageous clawbacks or
DIR fees, often totally unpredictable, where PBMs claw back or take
back moneys they have already reimbursed pharmacies, often weeks or
months after a patient transaction. The typical community pharmacy now
pays roughly $81,000 a year in DIR fees, making it all but impossible
to set a budget for the future.
These and other business practices happen in relative secrecy with no
real oversight. No one is really able to follow the dollars on how and
where the money flows; not the payer, not the pharmacist, and certainly
not the patient.
I have introduced bipartisan legislation, the PBM Accountability
Study Act, H.R. 1829, which would have the U.S. Government
Accountability Office study the roles PBMs play in drug pricing and
spending, their market concentrations, and states of competition. My
bill also requires GAO to make recommendations on lowering drug costs,
improving transparency, and improving competition in the PBM industry.
This is a commonsense, bipartisan bill, and I invite all of my
colleagues to cosponsor and help with this important legislation.
I sincerely hope we can work together to include the provisions of
this bill and other PBM reforms in any drug-pricing legislation that we
consider this year.
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