[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 142 (Saturday, August 7, 2021)]
[Senate]
[Page S6011]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
ZAMBIA
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise to discuss Zambia's upcoming
elections and the erosion of democracy under President Edgar Lungu. On
August 12, the people of Zambia will go to the polls to elect their
President and members of the National Assembly. They will do so under
the cloud of growing authoritarianism, with troops in the streets,
protesters in prison, and dissenting voices muzzled by censorship.
Indeed, many Zambians have good reason to be dissatisfied with their
present government and, in a free and fair vote, might very well reject
President Lungu's bid for reelection. But I fear they may not have that
opportunity.
For nearly 30 years, Zambians have enjoyed a relatively free and open
political environment. In 1991, Zambia's founding father Kenneth Kaunda
lost the country's first multiparty election in decades and gracefully
stepped aside after 27 years in power. President Kaunda died in June of
this year, at the age of 97, with a complicated legacy; he was a
liberator, but also held an iron grip on power for nearly three
decades. However, his final act of public service paved the way for
democracy to take root in his country in the years that followed.
Sadly, President Lungu is erasing that monumental contribution to the
Zambian people.
Since President Lungu's rise to power in 2014, he has used the organs
of the state to intimidate his political opponents and consolidate
power for his Patriotic Front--PF--party. Freedom House rates Zambia as
only ``partly free,'' citing laws and government actions which have had
the effect of restricting the activities of opposition parties,
limiting civil society participation, and curbing free expression.
Similarly, the U.S. Department of State, in its 2020 Country Reports on
Human Rights Practices, noted ``significant human rights issues'' in
Zambia, particularly in the area of elections and political
participation.
In March, the Zambian political analyst Dr. Sishuwa Sishuwa
published an essay in which he warned that ``Zambia may burn after the
August elections.'' He wrote that the public's distrust of Zambia's
institutions and the ruthless competition between its political elites
had contributed to a climate of fear and anger that could plunge the
country into chaos. The subversion of the independence of the courts
and other public institutions has led to a lack of confidence. Credible
allegations of corruption and impunity have been made against leaders.
A collapsing economy, mismanaged by President Lungu to the point of
defaulting on its foreign loans, has resulted in mass youth
unemployment and rising inequality. Dr. Sishuwa also noted Western
countries' declining assistance to Zambia and their silence on its
democratic backsliding. He painted a vivid image of a once-peaceful and
prosperous country on the brink of calamity. According to the Committee
to Protect Journalists, Zambian police began investigating Dr. Sishuwa
for sedition shortly after the essay's publication.
Indeed, political violence has already arrived on the streets of
Zambia. Fighting between supporters of the PF and the opposition United
Party for National Development--UPND--left at least two people dead
last week. Troops have been mobilized to restore order, but Zambian
security forces have also been accused of using deadly force against
peaceful protesters.
The United States has a clear interest in ensuring that Zambia
remains a free and stable country. We have provided approximately $500
million in assistance to Zambiaa every year. At a time of increasing
instability in Southern Africa, with unrest in South Africa and
Eswatini, crackdowns in Zimbabwe, a brutal insurgency in Mozambique,
and the rampant spread of COVID-19, the region cannot afford Zambia's
collapse. We know that instability anywhere has a rippling effect that
impacts U.S. interests and our allies.
Moreover, Zambia presents a test for the Biden administration's
commitment to promoting and protecting democracy abroad. I encourage
the administration to more address Zambia's democratic backsliding. I
hope that is corrected before elections commence. We should be clear
with President Lungu that the United States does not tolerate
authoritarianism and that the generosity of the American people is not
without limits. The United States should increase support for Zambian
civil-society and democracy and governance programming in Zambia.
Finally, the Biden administration can demonstrate its commitment to the
bilateral relationship by nominating a skilled and experienced diplomat
to serve as ambassador to Zambia.
While the United States stands with the Zambian people, ultimately,
responsibility for Zambia's democratic decline lies squarely with
President Lungu and his government. In the short term, President Lungu
must commit to holding free and fair elections on August 12 and ensure
transparency in the process by permitting election monitors to observe
the vote without restrictions. He must also publicly commit to accept
the outcome of the election, and step aside should he lose. Regardless
of the outcome, the PF, UPND, and all other parties must work together
to restore the integrity and independence of public institutions, end
impunity for state violence, and address corruption. They must do this
by partnering with civil society, restoring freedom of the press, and
respecting civil liberties. They must accept that dissent and protest
are not a threat to their power, but rather proof of a healthy polity.
This will be a long and difficult process which will test the courage
and patriotism of Zambia's elites. Next week's elections may be the
first step towards Zambia's renewal or else the next step towards its
ruin. Perhaps President Lung can take inspiration from Kenneth Kendal's
final act of leadership and put his country before his own political
interests.
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