[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 114 (Wednesday, June 30, 2021)]
[House]
[Pages H3322-H3335]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                              {time}  1345
ESTABLISHING THE SELECT COMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE JANUARY 6TH ATTACK 
                      ON THE UNITED STATES CAPITOL

  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 504, I call 
up the resolution (H. Res. 503) establishing the Select Committee to 
Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States Capitol, and 
ask for its immediate consideration.

[[Page H3323]]

  The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 504, the 
resolution is considered read.
  The text of the resolution is as follows:

                              H. Res. 503

       Whereas January 6, 2021, was one of the darkest days of our 
     democracy, during which insurrectionists attempted to impede 
     Congress's Constitutional mandate to validate the 
     presidential election and launched an assault on the United 
     States Capitol Complex that resulted in multiple deaths, 
     physical harm to over 140 members of law enforcement, and 
     terror and trauma among staff, institutional employees, 
     press, and Members;
       Whereas, on January 27, 2021, the Department of Homeland 
     Security issued a National Terrorism Advisory System Bulletin 
     that due to the ``heightened threat environment across the 
     United States,'' in which ``[S]ome ideologically-motivated 
     violent extremists with objections to the exercise of 
     governmental authority and the presidential transition, as 
     well as other perceived grievances fueled by false 
     narratives, could continue to mobilize to incite or commit 
     violence.'' The Bulletin also stated that--
       (1) ``DHS is concerned these same drivers to violence will 
     remain through early 2021 and some DVEs [domestic violent 
     extremists] may be emboldened by the January 6, 2021 breach 
     of the U.S. Capitol Building in Washington, D.C. to target 
     elected officials and government facilities.''; and
       (2) ``Threats of violence against critical infrastructure, 
     including the electric, telecommunications and healthcare 
     sectors, increased in 2020 with violent extremists citing 
     misinformation and conspiracy theories about COVID-19 for 
     their actions'';

       Whereas, on September 24, 2020, Director of the Federal 
     Bureau of Investigation Christopher Wray testified before the 
     Committee on Homeland Security of the House of 
     Representatives that--
       (1) ``[T]he underlying drivers for domestic violent 
     extremism - such as perceptions of government or law 
     enforcement overreach, sociopolitical conditions, racism, 
     anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, misogyny, and reactions to 
     legislative actions - remain constant.'';
       (2) ``[W]ithin the domestic terrorism bucket category as a 
     whole, racially-motivated violent extremism is, I think, the 
     biggest bucket within the larger group. And within the 
     racially-motivated violent extremists bucket, people 
     subscribing to some kind of white supremacist-type ideology 
     is certainly the biggest chunk of that.''; and
       (3) ``More deaths were caused by DVEs than international 
     terrorists in recent years. In fact, 2019 was the deadliest 
     year for domestic extremist violence since the Oklahoma City 
     bombing in 1995'';

       Whereas, on April 15, 2021, Michael Bolton, the Inspector 
     General for the United States Capitol Police, testified to 
     the Committee on House Administration of the House of 
     Representatives that--
       (1) ``The Department lacked adequate guidance for 
     operational planning. USCP did not have policy and procedures 
     in place that communicated which personnel were responsible 
     for operational planning, what type of operational planning 
     documents its personnel should prepare, nor when its 
     personnel should prepare operational planning documents.''; 
     and
       (2) ``USCP failed to disseminate relevant information 
     obtained from outside sources, lacked consensus on 
     interpretation of threat analyses, and disseminated 
     conflicting intelligence information regarding planned events 
     for January 6, 2021.''; and

       Whereas the security leadership of the Congress under-
     prepared for the events of January 6th, with United States 
     Capitol Police Inspector General Michael Bolton testifying 
     again on June 15, 2021, that--
       (1) ``USCP did not have adequate policies and procedures 
     for FRU (First Responder Unit) defining its overall 
     operations. Additionally, FRU lacked resources and training 
     for properly completing its mission.'';
       (2) ``The Department did not have adequate policies and 
     procedures for securing ballistic helmets and vests 
     strategically stored around the Capitol Complex.''; and
       (3) ``FRU did not have the proper resources to complete its 
     mission.'': Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved,

     SECTION 1. ESTABLISHMENT.

       There is hereby established the Select Committee to 
     Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States 
     Capitol (hereinafter referred to as the ``Select 
     Committee'').

     SEC. 2. COMPOSITION.

       (a) Appointment of Members.--The Speaker shall appoint 13 
     Members to the Select Committee, 5 of whom shall be appointed 
     after consultation with the minority leader.
       (b) Designation of Chair.--The Speaker shall designate one 
     Member to serve as chair of the Select Committee.
       (c) Vacancies.--Any vacancy in the Select Committee shall 
     be filled in the same manner as the original appointment.

     SEC. 3. PURPOSES.

       Consistent with the functions described in section 4, the 
     purposes of the Select Committee are the following:
       (1) To investigate and report upon the facts, 
     circumstances, and causes relating to the January 6, 2021, 
     domestic terrorist attack upon the United States Capitol 
     Complex (hereafter referred to as the ``domestic terrorist 
     attack on the Capitol'') and relating to the interference 
     with the peaceful transfer of power, including facts and 
     causes relating to the preparedness and response of the 
     United States Capitol Police and other Federal, State, and 
     local law enforcement agencies in the National Capital Region 
     and other instrumentalities of government, as well as the 
     influencing factors that fomented such an attack on American 
     representative democracy while engaged in a constitutional 
     process.
       (2) To examine and evaluate evidence developed by relevant 
     Federal, State, and local governmental agencies regarding the 
     facts and circumstances surrounding the domestic terrorist 
     attack on the Capitol and targeted violence and domestic 
     terrorism relevant to such terrorist attack.
       (3) To build upon the investigations of other entities and 
     avoid unnecessary duplication of efforts by reviewing the 
     investigations, findings, conclusions, and recommendations of 
     other executive branch, congressional, or independent 
     bipartisan or nonpartisan commission investigations into the 
     domestic terrorist attack on the Capitol, including 
     investigations into influencing factors related to such 
     attack.

     SEC. 4. FUNCTIONS.

       (a) Functions.--The functions of the Select Committee are 
     to--
       (1) investigate the facts, circumstances, and causes 
     relating to the domestic terrorist attack on the Capitol, 
     including facts and circumstances relating to--
       (A) activities of intelligence agencies, law enforcement 
     agencies, and the Armed Forces, including with respect to 
     intelligence collection, analysis, and dissemination and 
     information sharing among the branches and other 
     instrumentalities of government;
       (B) influencing factors that contributed to the domestic 
     terrorist attack on the Capitol and how technology, including 
     online platforms, financing, and malign foreign influence 
     operations and campaigns may have factored into the 
     motivation, organization, and execution of the domestic 
     terrorist attack on the Capitol; and
       (C) other entities of the public and private sector as 
     determined relevant by the Select Committee for such 
     investigation;
       (2) identify, review, and evaluate the causes of and the 
     lessons learned from the domestic terrorist attack on the 
     Capitol regarding--
       (A) the command, control, and communications of the United 
     States Capitol Police, the Armed Forces, the National Guard, 
     the Metropolitan Police Department of the District of 
     Columbia, and other Federal, State, and local law enforcement 
     agencies in the National Capital Region on or before January 
     6, 2021;
       (B) the structure, coordination, operational plans, 
     policies, and procedures of the Federal Government, including 
     as such relate to State and local governments and 
     nongovernmental entities, and particularly with respect to 
     detecting, preventing, preparing for, and responding to 
     targeted violence and domestic terrorism;
       (C) the structure, authorities, training, manpower 
     utilization, equipment, operational planning, and use of 
     force policies of the United States Capitol Police;
       (D) the policies, protocols, processes, procedures, and 
     systems for the sharing of intelligence and other information 
     by Federal, State, and local agencies with the United States 
     Capitol Police, the Sergeants at Arms of the House of 
     Representatives and Senate, the Government of the District of 
     Columbia, including the Metropolitan Police Department of the 
     District of Columbia, the National Guard, and other Federal, 
     State, and local law enforcement agencies in the National 
     Capital Region on or before January 6, 2021, and the related 
     policies, protocols, processes, procedures, and systems for 
     monitoring, assessing, disseminating, and acting on 
     intelligence and other information, including elevating the 
     security posture of the United States Capitol Complex, 
     derived from instrumentalities of government, open sources, 
     and online platforms; and
       (E) the policies, protocols, processes, procedures, and 
     systems for interoperability between the United States 
     Capitol Police and the National Guard, the Metropolitan 
     Police Department of the District of Columbia, and other 
     Federal, State, and local law enforcement agencies in the 
     National Capital Region on or before January 6, 2021; and
       (3) issue a final report to the House containing such 
     findings, conclusions, and recommendations for corrective 
     measures described in subsection (c) as it may deem 
     necessary.
       (b) Reports.--
       (1) Interim reports.--In addition to the final report 
     addressing the matters in subsection (a) and section 3, the 
     Select Committee may report to the House or any committee of 
     the House from time to time the results of its 
     investigations, together with such detailed findings and 
     legislative recommendations as it may deem advisable.
       (2) Treatment of classified or law enforcement-sensitive 
     matter.--Any report issued by the Select Committee shall be 
     issued in unclassified form but may include a classified 
     annex, a law enforcement-sensitive annex, or both.
       (c) Corrective Measures Described.--The corrective measures 
     described in this subsection may include changes in law, 
     policy,

[[Page H3324]]

     procedures, rules, or regulations that could be taken--
       (1) to prevent future acts of violence, domestic terrorism, 
     and domestic violent extremism, including acts targeted at 
     American democratic institutions;
       (2) to improve the security posture of the United States 
     Capitol Complex while preserving accessibility of the Capitol 
     Complex for all Americans; and
       (3) to strengthen the security and resilience of the United 
     States and American democratic institutions against violence, 
     domestic terrorism, and domestic violent extremism.
       (d) No Markup of Legislation Permitted.--The Select 
     Committee may not hold a markup of legislation.

     SEC. 5. PROCEDURE.

       (a) Access to Information From Intelligence Community.--
     Notwithstanding clause 3(m) of rule X of the Rules of the 
     House of Representatives, the Select Committee is authorized 
     to study the sources and methods of entities described in 
     clause 11(b)(1)(A) of rule X insofar as such study is related 
     to the matters described in sections 3 and 4.
       (b) Treatment of Classified Information.--Clause 11(b)(4), 
     clause 11(e), and the first sentence of clause 11(f) of rule 
     X of the Rules of the House of Representatives shall apply to 
     the Select Committee.
       (c) Applicability of Rules Governing Procedures of 
     Committees.--Rule XI of the Rules of the House of 
     Representatives shall apply to the Select Committee except as 
     follows:
       (1) Clause 2(a) of rule XI shall not apply to the Select 
     Committee.
       (2) Clause 2(g)(2)(D) of rule XI shall apply to the Select 
     Committee in the same manner as it applies to the Permanent 
     Select Committee on Intelligence.
       (3) Pursuant to clause 2(h) of rule XI, two Members of the 
     Select Committee shall constitute a quorum for taking 
     testimony or receiving evidence and one-third of the Members 
     of the Select Committee shall constitute a quorum for taking 
     any action other than one for which the presence of a 
     majority of the Select Committee is required.
       (4) The chair of the Select Committee may authorize and 
     issue subpoenas pursuant to clause 2(m) of rule XI in the 
     investigation and study conducted pursuant to sections 3 and 
     4 of this resolution, including for the purpose of taking 
     depositions.
       (5) The chair of the Select Committee is authorized to 
     compel by subpoena the furnishing of information by 
     interrogatory.
       (6)(A) The chair of the Select Committee, upon consultation 
     with the ranking minority member, may order the taking of 
     depositions, including pursuant to subpoena, by a Member or 
     counsel of the Select Committee, in the same manner as a 
     standing committee pursuant to section 3(b)(1) of House 
     Resolution 8, One Hundred Seventeenth Congress.
       (B) Depositions taken under the authority prescribed in 
     this paragraph shall be governed by the procedures submitted 
     by the chair of the Committee on Rules for printing in the 
     Congressional Record on January 4, 2021.
       (7) Subpoenas authorized pursuant to this resolution may be 
     signed by the chair of the Select Committee or a designee.
       (8) The chair of the Select Committee may, after 
     consultation with the ranking minority member, recognize--
       (A) Members of the Select Committee to question a witness 
     for periods longer than five minutes as though pursuant to 
     clause 2(j)(2)(B) of rule XI; and
       (B) staff of the Select Committee to question a witness as 
     though pursuant to clause 2(j)(2)(C) of rule XI.
       (9) The chair of the Select Committee may postpone further 
     proceedings when a record vote is ordered on questions 
     referenced in clause 2(h)(4) of rule XI, and may resume 
     proceedings on such postponed questions at any time after 
     reasonable notice. Notwithstanding any intervening order for 
     the previous question, an underlying proposition shall remain 
     subject to further debate or amendment to the same extent as 
     when the question was postponed.
       (10) The provisions of paragraphs (f)(1) through (f)(12) of 
     clause 4 of rule XI shall apply to the Select Committee.

     SEC. 6. RECORDS; STAFF; TRAVEL; FUNDING.

       (a) Sharing Records of Committees.--Any committee of the 
     House of Representatives having custody of records in any 
     form relating to the matters described in sections 3 and 4 
     shall provide copies of such records to the Select Committee 
     not later than 14 days of the adoption of this resolution or 
     receipt of such records. Such records shall become the 
     records of the Select Committee.
       (b) Staff.--The appointment and the compensation of staff 
     for the Select Committee shall be subject to regulations 
     issued by the Committee on House Administration.
       (c) Detail of Staff of Other Offices.--Staff of employing 
     entities of the House or a joint committee may be detailed to 
     the Select Committee to carry out this resolution and shall 
     be deemed to be staff of the Select Committee.
       (d) Use of Consultants Permitted.--Section 202(i) of the 
     Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946 (2 U.S.C. 4301(i)) 
     shall apply with respect to the Select Committee in the same 
     manner as such section applies with respect to a standing 
     committee of the House of Representatives.
       (e) Travel.--Clauses 8(a), (b), and (c) of rule X of the 
     Rules of the House of Representatives shall apply to the 
     Select Committee.
       (f) Funding; Payments.--There shall be paid out of the 
     applicable accounts of the House of Representatives such sums 
     as may be necessary for the expenses of the Select Committee. 
     Such payments shall be made on vouchers signed by the chair 
     of the Select Committee and approved in the manner directed 
     by the Committee on House Administration. Amounts made 
     available under this subsection shall be expended in 
     accordance with regulations prescribed by the Committee on 
     House Administration.

     SEC. 7. TERMINATION AND DISPOSITION OF RECORDS.

       (a) Termination.--The Select Committee shall terminate 30 
     days after filing the final report under section 4.
       (b) Disposition of Records.--Upon termination of the Select 
     Committee--
       (1) the records of the Select Committee shall become the 
     records of such committee or committees designated by the 
     Speaker; and
       (2) the copies of records provided to the Select Committee 
     by a committee of the House under section 6(a) shall be 
     returned to the committee.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The resolution shall be debatable for 1 
hour, equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority 
member of the Committee on Rules or their respective designees.
  The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern) and the gentlewoman 
from Minnesota (Mrs. Fischbach) each will control 30 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Massachusetts.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Madam Speaker, 175 days ago, as we gathered here in this spot, the 
House floor became a crime scene. The U.S. Capitol, this temple of 
democracy, was ransacked. Property was damaged, and more importantly, 
lives were lost.
  Insurrectionists tried to stop our democracy in its tracks. A mob 
wanted to prevent the certification of a free and fair election in 
America, and they resorted to violence to do it.
  I will never forget that day. I was one of the last Members off this 
House floor, as we were being taken to a secure location away from the 
mayhem.
  As I was walking out, I looked over and saw these people--homegrown 
terrorists, I call them--literally smashing the doors with their bare 
fists and breaking the glass to try to get at us.
  They weren't here to peacefully protest. They were fueled by rage and 
here to cause harm. I looked in their eyes, and I saw hate.
  Many of my colleagues feared for their lives. Some called loved ones 
to say good-bye. The staff that worked here barricaded their office 
doors. They ran down these marble halls, trying one door after the 
next, just searching for safety. Others hid in closets, terrified.
  When those of us who are elected to Congress put our names on the 
ballot, we are prepared to take all kinds of incoming. But the staff 
here--the cafeteria workers, the cleaning crew, the people who make our 
democracy function day in and day out--they do not. But, still, they 
found themselves in danger, afraid for their lives.
  We must speak the truth of what happened that day, Madam Speaker. 
Shockingly, there is an effort by some in this Congress to whitewash 
and minimize what went on. One of my colleagues even suggested it was 
somehow just a normal tourist visit, as if facts don't matter, as if we 
all didn't see with our own eyes what happened.
  History will judge how we respond to the events of that day, and the 
glare of history should be cast most harshly on the minority leader, 
who worked overtime to prevent a bipartisan, bicameral commission from 
being formed to examine what happened on January 6.
  A bipartisan commission emerged out of the Homeland Security 
Committee with a bipartisan vote. Everything the minority leader asked 
for in this commission, he got it. He got it all. But then, I guess, 
Donald Trump called him, and he began walking back his support and 
whipping against his own ranking member's bipartisan deal.
  It has been 25 weeks since an insurrection in our country. A 
commission should be already at work right now, getting the facts about 
this attack on our democracy so it will never, ever, ever happen again.
  Sadly, a majority of Republicans objected to that happening. Now, 
they may have delayed uncovering the truth, Madam Speaker. But, Madam 
Speaker, the truth will not stay buried forever. That is why we are 
here today, because the facts matter.

[[Page H3325]]

  A select committee will finally get to the truth about the events of 
January 6. It is modeled after a select committee formed when my 
Republican colleagues were in charge.
  I hope I am wrong, but if past is prologue, many of my Republican 
friends will stand up today and say no. They will oppose this select 
committee and say they want a different approach.
  Well, let me again remind them: We already gave them exactly what 
they asked for with the commission, and even that wasn't good enough. I 
think, for some on the other side, nothing that gets to the truth will 
ever be good enough because they do not want the truth.
  Michael Fanone, a Metropolitan Police Department officer for nearly 
two decades, responded to the insurrection on January 6. In a letter 
that he wrote to all of us, he said: ``I struggle daily with the 
emotional anxiety of having survived such a traumatic event, but I also 
struggle with the anxiety of hearing those who continue to downplay the 
events of that day and those who would ignore them altogether with 
their lack of acknowledgment. The indifference shown to my colleagues 
and I is disgraceful.''
  Madam Speaker, I include the full text of his letter in the Record.

                                                      May 5, 2021.
       To All Elected Members of the United States Government, My 
     name is Michael Fanone and I have been a sworn officer with 
     the Metropolitan Police Department for almost two decades. On 
     January 06, 2021, I participated in the defense of the United 
     States Capitol and as a result of my efforts was severely 
     injured. I was pulled out into the crowd, away from my fellow 
     officers, beaten with fists, metal objects, stripped of my 
     issued badge, radio and ammunition magazine and electrocuted 
     numerous times with a Taser. I am writing to you so that you 
     may better understand my experience that day.
       I am assigned to the First District's Crime Suppression 
     Team and while my daily responsibilities involve combating 
     violent crime and narcotics related offenses. I, like many 
     other officers, took it upon myself to respond to the 
     numerous calls for help coming from my colleagues at the 
     Capitol Complex. Upon my arrival my partner, Jimmy Albright, 
     and I searched for an area where we could be of most 
     assistance and eventually found our way to the West Terrace 
     Lower Tunnel entrance to the Capitol. The fighting here was 
     nothing short of brutal. I observed approximately thirty 
     police officers standing shoulder-to-shoulder maybe four or 
     five abreast using the weight of their own bodies to hold 
     back the onslaught of violent attackers. Many of these 
     officers were injured, bleeding and fatigued but they 
     continued to fight.
       In the midst of this fighting, I observed Commander Ramey 
     Kyle, cool, calm, and collected giving commands to his 
     officers. ``Hold the line.'' It was the most inspirational 
     moment of my entire life. Even as I write this it brings me 
     to tears. I tried to render assistance to some of the injured 
     officers asking them if they needed a break. There were no 
     volunteers, only those that identified injured colleagues who 
     may be in need of assistance. I have never experienced such 
     bravery, courage and selflessness.
       Since then I have struggled with many aspects of that day. 
     As the physical injuries gradually subsided in crept the 
     psychological trauma. In many ways I still live my life as if 
     it is January 07, 2021. I struggle daily with the emotional 
     anxiety of having survived such a traumatic event but I also 
     struggle with the anxiety of hearing those who continue to 
     downplay the events of that day and those who would ignore 
     them altogether with their lack of acknowledgement. The 
     indifference shown to my colleagues and I is disgraceful.
       It has been 119 days since 850 Metropolitan Police (MPDC) 
     Officers responded to the Capitol and stopped a violent 
     insurrection from taking over the Capitol Complex saving 
     countless Members of Congress and their staff from almost 
     certain injury and even death. The time to fully recognize 
     these Officers actions is NOW!
           Sincerely,
                                                   Michael Fanone.

  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I am tired of the delays. Quite frankly, 
I am sick and tired of the fact that there are too many people in this 
Chamber who continue to put party over country and propagate the lies, 
distortions, and falsehoods that led to January 6. It is disgusting.
  For Congress to do nothing in response to a literal insurrection 
would allow our democracy to be chipped away at from the inside. Not on 
my watch.
  Our system of government is fragile. It is not a given; it is a 
choice. Looking down on us from the gallery right now are 
representatives of the D.C. Metropolitan Police and the U.S. Capitol 
Police, and I want to thank them and their colleagues for their service 
and for protecting us and our democracy on January 6.
  To my colleagues on the other side of the aisle who are about to vote 
``no'' on this, please, no lectures on respect for the police because a 
``no'' vote is a vote to cover for those who brutally attacked the 
police on January 6.
  I say to my colleagues in this House, they will be watching as we 
cast our votes. History will be watching. I pray that we have the moral 
courage to do what is right, that we choose truth and that we choose to 
defend our democracy.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to H. Res. 503, 
and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  There is no doubt that what transpired on January 6 was a dark day, 
but instead of a good-faith effort to reach an objective conclusion, 
Speaker Pelosi and House Democrats have placed partisan, divisive 
politics ahead of the interests of the American people.
  Most fundamental to any objective investigation is being free from 
political influence and partisan bias. Unfortunately, this resolution 
fails to meet that basic benchmark, as Democrats refuse to put together 
a truly bipartisan commission, with equal authority given to all 
members, not just the majority.
  It appears my colleagues are more interested in reaching the 
predetermined outcome of their own narrative than truly investigating 
the January 6 attack. The resolution itself is full of charged language 
that implies an outcome.
  In fact, two bipartisan committees in the Senate have already 
conducted wide-ranging investigations and issued their joint report. 
Their report, which is more than 100 pages, outlines a timeline of 
events and a series of recommendations for moving forward.
  The Architect of the Capitol has also already been given $10 million 
to investigate the security failures on January 6. Why are we 
replicating that work?
  The Department of Justice and the FBI have already arrested and 
charged more than 500 people for crimes ranging from disorderly conduct 
to theft of government property to assaulting a Federal law enforcement 
officer. Those individuals are being adjudicated by the courts as we 
speak. That process will continue for some time. That is the way it 
should work.
  Instead, Democrats are injecting partisanship into the equation, 
hoping to stretch out an investigation long enough to distract from 
their abject failure to govern, while the American people are left to 
suffer the consequences of that failure.
  While we spend time discussing this partisan committee, American 
farmers are facing a severe drought, gas prices are going up, inflation 
is rising, businesses can't find employees, and there is a crisis at 
the southern border. We need to spend our time finding solutions and 
helping Americans, not creating partisan commissions to do work that 
has already been done competently by the U.S. Senate and by law 
enforcement.
  Not only would this select committee not prohibit interfering with 
ongoing law enforcement investigations that are already yielding 
significant results, but it would lack the enforcement powers of those 
existing investigations. Even worse, Speaker Pelosi would have the 
ability to handpick the entirety of the committee.
  If Speaker Pelosi and House Democrats were serious about this, they 
might have considered acting sooner than 6 months after the fact. The 
standing committees of this body already have the jurisdiction and the 
authority to investigate January 6, and the Speaker could have directed 
them to open an investigation at any time.
  But perhaps most important is our obligation to the brave men and 
women of law enforcement who responded to the Capitol and surrounding 
areas on January 6, members of the U.S. Capitol Police, the D.C. 
Metropolitan Police, the National Guard, and the many other State and 
Federal agencies who assisted in restoring order. We owe it to them to 
ensure that any investigation we undertake is one that is fair, 
bipartisan, and honorable, absent the ulterior motives and partisan 
politics that so often plague us.
  Unfortunately, Madam Speaker, H. Res. 503 falls far short. For that 
reason,

[[Page H3326]]

I oppose the legislation, and I urge other Members to do so.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Oh, my God, I can't believe what I just heard. I mean, my Republican 
colleagues are talking about the need for bipartisanship. We gave them 
bipartisanship. The ranking Republican member on the Homeland Security 
Committee endorsed a bipartisan commission, and my friends on the other 
side, including the gentlewoman who just spoke, voted ``no'' on it.
  Now, they are objecting to a select committee that we are forming 
that is exactly like the select committee that they formed when they 
were in charge. Give me a break.
  This is clear--people should know this--they don't want to get to the 
truth. But we will insist that we get to the truth.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Mississippi 
(Mr. Thompson), the chairman of the Homeland Security Committee, who 
did such an incredible job in negotiating a bipartisan commission.

                              {time}  1400

  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for 
yielding.
  I rise in support of H. Res. 503, a measure Establishing the Select 
Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States 
Capitol.
  Next week will mark 6 months since the world watched in horror as 
Americans violently stormed the Capitol in an attempt to stop Congress 
from carrying out its constitutional duty to certify a Presidential 
election.
  Like many of my colleagues, I had hoped that the Republican Senators 
would put country over politics and support legislation to establish a 
bipartisan, independent commission just as 35 House Republicans did in 
May.
  I had hoped they would do so, just as a previous generation of 
Senators did in response to the 9/11 terrorist attack.
  Instead, our bipartisan, good faith proposal was met with a 
filibuster. Now that Senate Republicans have chosen to block the 
formation of an independent commission, it falls to the House to stay 
the course and get the American people the answers they deserve.
  I commend the Speaker for introducing this measure and offering us a 
way forward.
  I believe that with the right Members, staff and resources, and 
cooperation from Federal, State, and local partners and the private 
sector, this select committee will be well-positioned to do vital 
oversight work into why our information-sharing, counterterrorism, and 
coordination efforts failed so catastrophically on January 6.
  In addition to that, I salute the men and women who protected us on 
that day. Some of us were in this very building at the time, some of us 
in the gallery. I find it incomprehensible that people would deny what 
occurred and now try to deflect by talking about other issues.
  This is the citadel of democracy we are standing in right now. We 
have to protect it. I urge my colleagues to join me in voting to 
protect this temple of democracy by voting in favor of H. Res. 503.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I will remind the gentleman from 
Mississippi that it was not this body that stopped the commission. It 
did not receive the required support from both sides of the aisle in 
the Senate to move forward.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. 
Burgess).
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
  This resolution establishes a select committee to investigate the 
January 6 attack on the Capitol. After Speaker Pelosi's first attempt 
at a commission failed to pass the Senate, she is now pushing a 
resolution to create, what will be by its very nature, a very partisan 
select committee.
  The outcome of this investigation has, in fact, already been written. 
The Democrats have been publicly excoriating President Trump for 
months. They claim we need to understand the root cause of what 
happened on January 6, but the truth is, they have already laid the 
blame.
  I was concerned that the commission that the Speaker previously 
attempted to create would, in fact, have been very partisan in nature. 
That is why I and many other Members of this body and Members of the 
Senate voted against her resolution.
  The Speaker attempted to establish what she claimed would be a 
bipartisan commission to investigate the events of January 6 modeled 
after the 9/11 Commission, but there are some key differences between 
the two.
  The 9/11 Commission focused on a foreign attack on the homeland. The 
proposed January 6 commission would have focused on a purely domestic 
event.
  The fact pattern for these two events is entirely different. For the 
9/11 Commission we did not definitely know at the outset who had 
perpetrated that attack. Unfortunately, as we know, Democrats have 
already laid the blame for the January 6 attack before any 
investigative body has been established.
  The staff composition for the Speaker's proposed January 6 commission 
mirrored that of the 9/11 Commission, however, the January 6 commission 
would have ultimately been one party investigating the other. The 
biggest concern of Republicans is that only one staff would have served 
the entire January 6 commission. In an inherently partisan 
investigation, Congress should authorize two separate staffs to serve 
the Members of each party. And, in fact, I attempted to amend that 
original resolution at the Rules Committee but was turned away.
  Whether or not you blame President Trump for the events of January 6, 
the fact remains that the incident was a massive security failure.
  Why were our United States Capitol Police Officers, who sacrifice 
every day to protect us, caught so unprepared?
  Why did the National Guard take so long to mobilize when the threat 
was clear?
  What was known by our intelligence agencies and the Sergeant at Arms 
in the days leading up to January 6?
  These are the questions that need answering if we are truly going to 
be focused on preventing another security failure. And I won't 
reiterate the litany that the gentlewoman from Minnesota has already 
elucidated.
  If we don't do it, it is not that there are no investigations; the 
investigations are ongoing. The Department of Justice--the FBI has a 
major investigation, as has already been pointed out. 500 people are 
incarcerated and waiting adjudication, waiting for their day in court.
  I am disappointed that the Democrats remain fixated on laying blame, 
rather than investigating how we can better prepare our United States 
Capitol Police and our other Federal response forces to face future 
threats. There will be future threats. For these reasons, I urge 
opposition to this resolution.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues on the other side 
to stop the lame excuses. Now they are blaming the Senate?
  Let's go over the chronology: Leader McCarthy had a bunch of demands 
in order that we move forward with a bipartisan commission. We gave him 
every one.
  And then what happened is, I guess, he didn't expect us to actually 
work with him on this in a bipartisan way. There is a quote that 
appeared in Politico from a Republican aide who said: ``I think Kevin 
was hoping that the Democrats would never agree to our requests. That 
way the commission would be partisan and we can all vote no and say 
it's a sham operation.
  ``Because he knows Trump is going to `lose his mind over this 
commission'.''
  And then all the sudden, he comes out against it, and 175 of my 
Republican colleagues voted against a bipartisan commission. They sent 
a signal to the Senate to kill it.
  So the idea that somehow they are washing their hands of any 
responsibility, they were complicit in killing the bipartisan 
commission.
  And now they are here to try to kill a select committee modeled after 
a committee that they established when they were in charge.
  So enough of the lame excuses. We get it. You don't want to get to 
the truth.
  I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Jeffries), the 
distinguished chairman of the Democratic Caucus.

[[Page H3327]]

  

  Mr. JEFFRIES. Madam Speaker, the hypocrisy coming from some in this 
Chamber is extraordinary. The radical right consistently claims to be 
the party of law and order, but they refuse to sign off on an 
investigation into the January 6 violent attack on the Capitol, which 
embodied lawlessness and disorder.
  They have chosen party over patriotism. They have chosen autocracy 
over democracy. They have chosen the big lie over the rule of law. They 
have chosen conspiracy theories over the Constitution. And, yes, they 
have chosen the most corrupt President in American history over the 
peaceful transfer of power.
  But truth crushed to the ground will rise again, and we will uncover 
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth whether you like 
it or not.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman 
from Texas (Ms. Van Duyne).
  Ms. VAN DUYNE. Madam Speaker, I ran for Congress, like many of my 
colleagues, to make change, to represent my district well, and to work 
hard with my colleagues in a bipartisan way to deliver the solutions 
that the American people expect from us.
  Unfortunately, we are again here today using the taxpayers' time to 
play a part in more political theater.
  January 6 was a terrible day for this institution, for the Capitol 
Police, the Members and the staff serving here, and the country. That 
is why the Senate Rules Committee conducted a thorough investigation 
into the events that day and publicly released their findings. That is 
why there are still investigations going on at Federal agencies. That 
is why the House Committee on Appropriations, Financial Services, 
Homeland Security, Judiciary, and Oversight and Reform are still 
conducting investigations.
  The redundancy of another committee is not only unnecessary, but it 
is a distraction. It is a distraction meant to mask humanitarian 
failures at the border, massive spikes in crime in cities across the 
country, and absolute inept leadership in confronting our foreign 
adversaries.
  The Speaker's obsession with dominating this investigation is 
concerning. Her puppet committee has no prohibition on interfering with 
ongoing law enforcement investigations, potentially distracting from 
putting those responsible behind bars, because it is clear that this is 
not the priority here. The only priority here is a self-serving agenda 
to put D.C. politicians first and give them their cable news talking 
points.
  If we are going to spend time and resources on investigations, we 
should be doing many things in this House that have been ignored by the 
Democrats, like investigating the origins of COVID to hold China 
accountable, cleaning up a humanitarian crisis at the border created by 
Democrat policies. But there is no outrage on the left for half a 
million people who died of COVID, for the countless children who have 
been harmed at our border.
  I will be voting ``no'' on this select committee.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I am sorry that the previous speaker 
doesn't see the importance of trying to get to the bottom of an attack 
on our democracy.
  And by the way, for the Record, the gentlewoman voted against the 
bipartisan commission.
  I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Carolyn B. 
Maloney), the distinguished chairwoman of the Committee on Oversight 
and Reform.
  Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. I thank the gentleman for 
yielding and for his leadership.
  I rise today in strong support of Speaker Pelosi's resolution to 
establish a select committee to investigate the January 6 attack on our 
Capitol. I thank the Speaker for her unwavering commitment to 
uncovering the truth about what happened that day.
  This select committee will be critical to fully understanding the 
root causes of the attack on our Capitol and to passing reforms to 
ensure that an insurrection never again reaches these Halls or 
threatens our democracy.
  Over the past 5 months, the Oversight and Reform Committee has made 
substantial progress in investigating the attack on our Capitol.
  The committee has asked why our Nation's law enforcement agencies 
failed to anticipate a domestic terrorist attack that was planned right 
out in the open on social media, television, and why critical 
assistance took so long to arrive during the attack.
  In the course of our investigation, the Oversight and Reform 
Committee has found that officials made 12 urgent requests for security 
assistance at the Capitol, yet the National Guard did not arrive until 
more than 4 hours after the Capitol perimeter was breached and lives 
were threatened.
  We have found that warnings of the impending assault were passed 
directly to the FBI in the weeks before the attack, including that 
insurrectionists planned in writing to take the Capitol building. We 
plan to take the Capitol building. Yet, in the face of these warnings, 
we have found that our Nation's intelligence agencies failed to act.

  Our work is far from done, and we must continue to seek the truth 
about the January 6 domestic terrorist attack. I look forward to 
supporting this select committee and its investigation and working 
together to secure our democracy.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume. The gentleman from Massachusetts continues talking about how 
this select committee has been modeled after the Select Committee on 
Benghazi, but ``modeled'' is a very loose term, given that this 
committee obviously has a far more skewed ratio than the Benghazi 
committee did.
  In addition to that, this committee can all be appointed by the 
Speaker. In her own words, she agreed that, yes, she could appoint them 
all. In the Select Committee on Benghazi, there were recommendations 
taken from the minority to the majority in order to appoint that 
membership.
  So to say that this has been modeled after Benghazi, maybe because 
they have the name ``select committee,'' and that is the model they 
use, but certainly the membership and the makeup of this is not the 
bipartisan issue that it was on the Select Committee on Benghazi.
  Madam Speaker, I have been listening to some of my colleagues on the 
other side, and you would think that nothing is being done to 
investigate the January 6 attack, and that is wrong.
  In addition to the bipartisan Senate investigation that has already 
been mentioned, numerous other investigations are under way by both law 
enforcement and congressional bodies.

                              {time}  1415

  And as I have mentioned, we have already allocated $10 million for 
the Architect of the Capitol to investigate what went wrong that day, 
and law enforcement continues to conduct its investigation.
  The majority ignores the fact that more than 500 individuals--which 
has been mentioned several times--have been arrested or charged in 
connection with the January 6 attack, and that investigation will 
likely continue for some time.
  Instead of ignoring legitimate investigations and launching one of 
partisan politics, we ought to let the processes that are already 
underway continue. If we don't, we risk undermining the work that is 
already being done.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, the language on consultation is the 
exact same language that was in the Select Committee on Benghazi.
  Let's just be honest. My friends on the other side are not interested 
in getting to the truth.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. 
Swalwell).
  Mr. SWALWELL. ``Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called 
the children of God.''
  Madam Speaker, we are blessed today that joining us are some of the 
heroes from the Metropolitan Police Department and Capitol Police, who 
defended this Capitol on January 6. And the questions that they are 
asking are the questions that our constituents are asking about January 
6.
  Will we investigate how our democracy was attacked, or will we send a 
green light to allow it to be attacked again?
  Will we stand with the cops, or roll with the cop killers?

[[Page H3328]]

  Do we want the truth, or will we allow history to be erased?
  Are we for the Constitution, or are we for chaos?
  Madam Speaker, January 6 was a crime against our democracy and the 
heroes of this Capitol. Now we must investigate it. Failing that, we 
are lawless and lost.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
Pennsylvania (Ms. Dean).
  Ms. DEAN. Madam Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding.
  Madam Speaker, what are they afraid of? The truth?
  On January 6, I came to this Chamber to try to understand why some of 
my colleagues were engaged in a lie that the 2020 election was stolen 
from their candidate. I never expected to finish that day forever 
shaken and changed by what happened in this Chamber.
  Madam Speaker, I was up in the Gallery, right up here. I remember the 
terrifying banging on those doors as we were exited and wearing gas 
masks--my fear for my colleagues, the staff, the press, the custodial 
staff, the Capitol Police, and the anxiety that my family suffered with 
their mom inside as they watched an insurrection on television, 
wondering if we would make it out alive.
  To be clear, this was a domestic terrorist attack on everyone who 
works in this Capitol complex. It was an attack on democracy. It was an 
attack on the peaceful transfer of power. It was an attack on our 
Nation.
  We need a select subcommittee to understand what happened on January 
6, where many of our lives were at risk. We need to know the facts and 
circumstances. We need to know the truth so that it never happens 
again.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I wanted to comment a little on the 
comments regarding the makeup of the select committee.
  Madam Speaker, it is my understanding that when Speaker Pelosi was 
asked if she could veto Republican picks for the select committee, 
Speaker Pelosi responded: Yes, we will see who they nominate.
  That opens the door for the committee's work to be corrupted even 
before it begins, and she continues to have full control over the 
members of that committee.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, let me again say it is the exact same 
language that was in their Benghazi Select Committee. And I am more 
than happy to send over a paper copy so they can see it.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. 
Malinowski).
  Mr. MALINOWSKI. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of what is now our 
only remaining opportunity to understand the attack on the Capitol.
  January 6 was a day when democracy in America almost gave way to 
anarchy. It was also the worst day for law enforcement in America since 
9/11.
  Yes, the courts can tell us who brutally attacked our brave police 
officers that day; who tried to stop, by violence, the peaceful 
transfer of power from one President to another.
  But they can't tell us why this happened; how and why did so many 
ordinary Americans come to believe that storming our Capitol was a 
perfectly normal thing to do; how did this movement become radicalized, 
and what drives it to this day.
  Because the lies are still being told, and I am not going to move on 
from confronting a lie as others refuse to move on from promoting that 
lie.
  If somebody voted against a bipartisan commission and opposes this 
select committee, it can only be because they don't want to know the 
answers to the questions that still remain.
  Madam Speaker, I am going to vote ``yes'' because I want to know 
those answers so that this will never happen again.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pascrell).
  Mr. PASCRELL. Madam Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding.
  Madam Speaker, I rise in support of the truth and justice.

  Twenty years ago, we suffered the worst external terrorist attack in 
our modern history. But the gravest attack ever on American democracy 
came 175 days ago. That attack was borne of big lies; big lies about 
the election, about voting, and about our democracy. The lies divided 
our country. They spread like a plague.
  On December 11, I warned of elected officials amplifying big lies. 
The 14th Amendment is clear about traitors and seditionists on the day 
the electors tried to do their job. Think about it. We must now hold 
everyone responsible. We must know how the spark of insurrection was 
ignited and document who fanned the flames.
  Madam Speaker, we have a duty to history. Our review will guide 
future generations.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
the U.S. Virgin Islands (Ms. Plaskett).
  Ms. PLASKETT. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this bill.
  On January 6, we witnessed one of the darkest days in our history, a 
violent attack on the U.S. Capitol during the formal counting of the 
votes on the election of a President. They attempted to destroy our 
House, the people's House.
  As the elected stewards of this House, it is our responsibility to 
investigate the breakdowns and breaches in security that failed us, 
that led us to January 6.
  It is our collective responsibility to use the authority given to us 
for a select panel devoted solely to the proper and thorough 
investigation of the facts and causes of the attack; not just the 
attackers, but the conspirators and the enablers.
  If you can't protect the people's House, God help your family's house 
if the former President wishes to loot that as well.
  Madam Speaker, consideration and passage of this resolution today is 
timely, as Americans across the Nation prepare to celebrate Fourth of 
July, the signing of our Declaration of Independence. Our country was 
founded on a democratic process of fair elections. I cannot think of a 
more genuine celebration of our independence than the commitment to 
protect our democracy.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Takano), the distinguished chairman of the Committee on 
Veterans' Affairs.
  Mr. TAKANO. Madam Speaker, I thank Chairman McGovern for yielding.
  Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of House Resolution 
503, to establish a select committee to investigate the January 6 
attack on the United States Capitol.
  On January 6, 2021, Americans watched as the U.S. Capitol was overrun 
by a violent mob of Trump supporters on a mission to stop the 
certification of the electoral college votes. Lawmakers were in this 
very Chamber carrying out their constitutional duty when this mob, 
incited by then-President Trump, forced them into lockdown. Many feared 
for their lives. Our democratic process came to a halt, and, 
unfortunately, a Capitol Police officer lost his life.
  Madam Speaker, this was an attack on our democracy. We must shine a 
light on the truth to prevent something like this from ever happening 
again and to hold those responsible for inciting this insurrection 
accountable for the damage they have caused.
  For the sake of our democracy, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' 
to establish the select committee.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Madam Speaker, our country is facing enormous challenges, but instead 
of addressing those challenges, we are focused on duplicating work that 
has already been done. And I have to repeat that. These investigations 
have been done and are ongoing. And it appears as though this select 
committee is being done purely for political purposes.
  In early June, two Senate committees issued a joint report focusing 
on ``security, planning, and response failures related to the violence 
and unprecedented attack on January 6.''

[[Page H3329]]

  That report was signed by Democrats and Republicans, and it included 
a comprehensive audit of the security, intelligence, and authority 
failures of that day. It also included substantive recommendations for 
moving forward, including tangible action items that can be addressed 
by this Congress.
  But instead of working in tandem with our Senate counterparts, 
Democrats want to politicize this issue even further. At a time when 
the American people have little trust in the government, we need to be 
working to restore that trust. Unfortunately, this kind of partisan 
move will not advance that shared goal.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself 30 seconds.
  Madam Speaker, I was one of the last people off this House floor. 
When I walked into the Speaker's lobby, I saw this mob smashing the 
window, trying to get at us. And we were protected because of the 
Capitol Police and the D.C. police who were here. They protected my 
life. They protected your life.
  And to them: I apologize that you have to hear this kind of debate, a 
partisan attempt to try to undermine a committee that is aimed at 
getting at the truth of what happened. You deserve better.
  The people who work up here deserve better. Our democracy deserves 
better.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. 
Demings).
  Mrs. DEMINGS. Madam Speaker, my colleagues way on the other side of 
the aisle asked a question: How can we better protect our Capitol 
Police?
  Well, as a former police chief, let me tell you how.
  First, do not replace truth with lies.
  Second, uphold the law yourselves.
  Third, hold those who beat the police down accountable.
  How can you do that without knowing the complete truth, without a 
thorough investigation?
  My colleagues way on the other side of the aisle brought up the 9/11 
Commission being about foreign actors.
  Well, let me remind you that the oath that we took says that we will 
protect and defend the Constitution of the United States against all 
enemies, foreign and domestic.
  Madam Speaker, did they forget? Did they ever really know? Or were 
they simply too afraid to care?
  Well, I care, and so do my brothers and sisters in blue. We will not 
forget, and we will not let you forget either.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.


                             General Leave

  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
be given 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks on H. 
Res. 503.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Massachusetts?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, 
and I thank my friend who is managing on the other side.
  Madam Speaker, I wanted to come just for a brief minute to clarify 
what I heard on this floor. There is not a self-serving mindset today. 
There is a serving of the American people, because the American people 
have cried out for the reasons why domestic terrorists attacked this 
place.
  So I say that the Speaker worked bipartisan with Mr. Katko and Mr. 
Thompson and gave us an independent commission, but that was not 
accepted. So, today, we come because it is not our voices that are 
demanding it, it is the American people.
  Madam Speaker, I just want to say that I was here for September 11, 
and it was the Democrats who had to push for the 9/11 Commission. But 
even on that day, there were no Republicans or Democrats. There were no 
Northerners or Southerners or West Coast or East Coast. We were not red 
State or blue State. We were all simply Americans. And that is where we 
find ourselves today.
  Madam Speaker, I experienced at that time a gamut of emotions, as I 
did on January 6. Because of the Constitution, it is necessary that we 
move on this bill today.
  Madam Speaker, as Chair of the Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime, 
Homeland Security, and Terrorism, and a senior member of the Homeland 
Security, and Budget Committees, I rise in strong support of H. Res. 
503, which establishes a Select Committee to Investigate the January 6 
Attack on the Capitol Complex Act and charged with investigating and 
reporting upon the facts and causes of the January 6, 2021 attack on 
the U.S. Capitol as well as the influencing factors that may have 
provoked the attack on our democracy.
  Specifically, the Select Committee's mandate includes:
  1. examining and evaluating evidence developed by relevant Federal, 
State, and local governments, in a manner that is respectful of ongoing 
investigations, regarding the facts and circumstances of the attack;
  2. building upon other investigations regarding the attack and 
targeted violence and domestic terrorism related to such attack; and
  3. reporting its findings, conclusions, and recommendations for 
corrective measures taken to prevent future acts of targeted violence 
and domestic terrorism and improves the security posture of the United 
States Capitol Complex in a manner that preserves the accessibility of 
the Capitol Complex for all Americans, and strengthen the security and 
resilience of nation and American democratic institutions against 
domestic terrorism.
  H. Res. 503 establishes a 13-person committee appointed by the 
Speaker, with five members appointed after consultation with the House 
Republican Leader.
  The Select Committee is authorized to issue subpoenas to secure 
information to carry out its investigation and is be required to issue 
a final report with findings regarding the facts and causes of the 
attack, along with recommendations to prevent future attacks on our 
democratic institutions .
  Like September 11, 2001, we cannot and must not ever forget the 
existential threat faced by our democracy on January 6, 2021, when 
thousands of domestic terrorists inspired by the 45th President stormed 
the U.S. Capitol in a violent, crazed, and desperate effort to disrupt 
the Joint Meeting of Congress prescribed by the Constitution to tally 
the votes of presidential electors and announce the results to the 
nation and the world.
  Madam Speaker, the morning of September 11, 2001 is, and will always 
be, a day like no other.
  It is a day all living Americans will remember because not since 
Pearl Harbor had there been such a dastardly and deadly attack on 
American soil.
  My heart still grieves for those who perished on flights United 
Airlines 93, American Airlines 77, American Airlines 11, and United 
Airlines 175.
  When the sun rose on the morning of September 11, none of us knew 
that it would end in an inferno in the magnificent World Trade Center 
Towers in New York City and the Pentagon and in the grassy fields of 
Shanksville, Pennsylvania.
  Madam Speaker, as hard as it is to believe, out of a tragedy so 
overwhelming and horrific, something good and great emerged in the 
aftermath of September 11.
  On that day there were no Republicans or Democrats; there were no 
Northerners or Southerners or West or East Coasters.
  We were not Red State or Blue State; we were all simply Americans.
  On that day, we were united in our shock and anger and sadness and in 
our resolve to defend our country and protect the freedoms that has 
made America the greatest country in the history of the world.
  I experienced the same gamut of emotions on January 6: grief, hope, 
resolve, and fierce commitment to protect our country.
  Madam Speaker, the assault on the U.S. Capitol by domestic terrorists 
and insurrectionists rightly takes its place as one of the darkest 
moments in our nation's history since the Civil War.
  Madam Speaker, the January 6 insurrection caused tragic loss of life 
and many injuries, while leaving behind widespread physical damage to 
the Capitol Complex and emotional trauma for Members, Congressional 
employees, and the Capitol Police.
  It bears repeating often that the Congress and the nation owe undying 
gratitude to the men and women who answered the call of constitutional 
duty and heroically won the day on that bloody and deadly afternoon.
  That is why I introduced H. Res. 169, a resolution commending the 
officers of the United States Capitol Police Department, the 
Metropolitan Police Department of Washington, DC, and other law 
enforcement personnel for their selfless and heroic service in defense 
of American democracy in responding to the assault on the United States 
Capitol by domestic terrorists on January 6, 2021.
  H. Res. 169 notes that the January 6, 2021 siege of the Capitol 
assault resulted in one of the worst days of injuries for law 
enforcement in the United States since the September 11,

[[Page H3330]]

2001, terrorist attacks but that the officers of the United States 
Capitol Police Department, the Metropolitan Police Department of 
Washington, DC, and other uniformed law enforcement officers stood 
their ground in defense of American democracy while being attacked 
metal pipes, discharged chemical irritants, and other weapons.
  The resolution conveys the thanks and appreciation of a grateful 
nation to them for their selfless and heroic service, encourages all 
educational and media institutions throughout the United States to 
teach and celebrate the story of their heroism and patriotism; and 
calls upon all Americans to read, celebrate, and revere the 
Constitution of the United States, fidelity to which is the surest best 
means of forming a more perfect union, establishing justice, ensuring 
domestic tranquility, providing for the common defense, promoting the 
general welfare, and securing the blessing of liberty to them and their 
posterity.
  Madam Speaker, the domestic terrorists and seditionists who attacked 
the Capitol Building on January 6, 2021 were not, as some of their 
ardent defenders and apologists across the aisle have stated falsely, 
on a ``normal tour visit''; nor was their effort to lay siege to the 
Capitol and disrupt the processes of government an act of persons who 
love their country.
  And it is absurd to suggest that it was a celebration of the United 
States and what it stands for when the leading edge of terrorists 
desecrated the Capitol by offensively parading the treasonous 
Confederate flag through the building and when, because of their 
insurrection, several members of law enforcement made the supreme 
sacrifice and scores more were seriously injured.
  Madam Speaker, I would like to take a few moments to explain why the 
intended purpose of the January 6 insurrection--to disrupt the Joint 
Meeting of Congress to tally the votes of presidential electors and 
announce the results to the nation and the world--was the greatest 
threat to the American Experiment since the Civil War when the 
proslavery forces would rather make war than let the nation survive and 
the pro-freedom forces would accept war rather than let the nation 
perish.
  Madam Speaker, the Framers had first-hand experience with the types 
of abuses and usurpations committed by political leaders who ruled them 
but were not accountable to them and detailed many of those wrongs in 
the Declaration of Independence.
  The Framers understood and declared to the world that democratic 
governors derived their powers from the knowing and voluntary consent 
of the governed as expressed in free, fair, and unfettered elections 
unmarred by the influence or sabotage of any foreign country or entity 
not a member of the political community.
  The Framers understood that if elections are influenced by foreign 
actors or authoritarian forces within, then voters are reduced from the 
great role of citizens to mere subjects, and government for and by the 
people is a sham.
  The most important feature of a democracy is that it is the voters 
who alone can confer the legitimate consent and authorization necessary 
to govern upon the governors who are then duty-bound to represent the 
voters' interests, and only their interests.
  Madam Speaker, the fundamental democratic compact between the 
governed and the governors is that the latter's authority and 
continuance in office comes exclusively from the governed and 
allegiance is owed exclusively to the governed.
  This agreement can only be reached through free and fair elections, a 
breach of which threatens the vitality and viability of the social 
contract upon which democratic self-rule of, by, and for the people 
depends.
  Madam Speaker, President Lincoln called the United States the ``last 
best hope of man on earth'' and stated at Gettysburg the importance of 
finishing the work we are in to ensure that ``government of the people, 
for the people, by the people does not perish from the earth.''
  By our actions in voting to establish and empower a Select Committee 
to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the Capitol Complex, we are 
taking an indispensable step in ensuring the preservation of our 
democracy, which has been the envy of the world for than 240 years.
  I urge all Members to join me in voting for H. Res. 503, establishing 
a Select Committee to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the Capitol 
Complex Act.

                              {time}  1430

  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Speier).
  Ms. SPEIER. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  My heart is racing right now, and I am trembling, in part because I 
am recalling what happened to me on January 6, when I was in that 
gallery and had to climb around the other side and then lie there on 
the floor. Then, I heard a shot ring out, and it took me back over 40 
years ago, lying on an airstrip in Guyana about to lose my life. I 
thought, at that moment: My God, I survived Guyana, but I am not going 
to survive this, in the house of democracy in the country in which I 
was born.
  For the Members on the other side of the aisle to call this 
political, let me remind you, it was political because the President of 
the United States at the time thought it was fun and an act of great 
patriotism to come up here and try to overturn the election.
  So, you may call it political; it was political. But we are going to 
find out why it happened, and we are going to make sure it never 
happens again.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to address their 
remarks to the Chair.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I include in the Record the bipartisan 
Senate Homeland Security report.

Examining the U.S. Capitol Attack: A Review of the Security, Planning, 
                   and Response Failures on January 6

     Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs
     U.S. Senator Gary Peters, Chair,
     U.S. Senator Rob Portman, Ranking Member.
     Committee on Rules and Administration
     U.S. Senator Amy Klobuchar, Chair,
     U.S. Senator Roy Blunt, Ranking Member.


                           EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

       On January 6, 2021, the world witnessed a violent and 
     unprecedented attack on the U.S. Capitol, the Vice President, 
     Members of Congress, and the democratic process. Rioters, 
     attempting to disrupt the Joint Session of Congress, broke 
     into the Capitol building, vandalized and stole property, and 
     ransacked offices. They attacked members of law enforcement 
     and threatened the safety and lives of our nation's elected 
     leaders. Tragically, seven individuals, including three law 
     enforcement officers, ultimately lost their lives.
       Rioters were intent on disrupting the Joint Session, during 
     which Members of Congress were scheduled to perform their 
     constitutional obligation to count the electoral votes for 
     President and Vice President of the United States and 
     announce the official results of the 2020 election. Due to 
     the heroism of United States Capitol Police (``USCP'') 
     officers, along with their federal, state, and local law 
     enforcement partners, the rioters failed to prevent Congress 
     from fulfilling its constitutional duty. In the early hours 
     of January 7, the President of the Senate, Vice President 
     Pence, announced Joseph Biden and Kamala Harris as the 
     President-elect and Vice President-elect of the United 
     States.
       This report addresses the security, planning, and response 
     failures of the entities directly responsible for Capitol 
     security--USCP and the Capitol Police Board, which is 
     comprised of the House and Senate Sergeants at Arms and the 
     Architect of the Capitol as voting members, and the USCP 
     Chief as a non-voting member--along with critical breakdowns 
     involving several federal agencies, particularly the Federal 
     Bureau of Investigation (``FBI''), Department of Homeland 
     Security (``DHS''), and Department of Defense (``DOD''). The 
     Committees also made a series of recommendations for the 
     Capitol Police Board, USCP, federal intelligence agencies, 
     DOD, and other Capital region law enforcement agencies to 
     address the intelligence and security failures.
       The Committees' investigation uncovered a number of 
     intelligence and security failures leading up to and on 
     January 6 that allowed for the breach of the Capitol. These 
     breakdowns ranged from federal intelligence agencies failing 
     to warn of a potential for violence to a lack of planning and 
     preparation by USCP and law enforcement leadership.
       The federal Intelligence Community--led by FBI and DHS--did 
     not issue a threat assessment warning of potential violence 
     targeting the Capitol on January 6. Law enforcement entities, 
     including USCP, largely rely on FBI and DHS to assess and 
     communicate homeland security threats. Throughout 2020, the 
     FBI and DHS disseminated written documents detailing the 
     potential for increased violent extremist activity at lawful 
     protests and targeting of law enforcement and government 
     facilities and personnel. Despite online calls for violence 
     at the Capitol, neither the FBI nor DHS issued a threat 
     assessment or intelligence bulletin warning law enforcement 
     entities in the National Capital Region of the potential for 
     violence. FBI and DHS officials stressed the difficulty in 
     discerning constitutionally protected free speech versus 
     actionable, credible threats of violence. In testimony before 
     the Committees, officials from both FBI and DHS acknowledged 
     that the Intelligence Community needs to improve its handling 
     and dissemination of threat information from social media and 
     online message boards.
       USCP's intelligence components failed to convey the full 
     scope of threat information they possessed. Although USCP 
     mainly relies on the FBI and DHS for intelligence and threat 
     information, USCP has three components responsible for 
     intelligence-related activities. These components, and the 
     materials they produce, are supposed to inform USCP's 
     security and operational planning. This, however, was not the 
     case for January 6.

[[Page H3331]]

       USCP's lead intelligence component--the Intelligence and 
     Interagency Coordination Division (``IICD'')--was aware of 
     the potential for violence in the days and weeks ahead of 
     January 6. It received information from a variety of sources 
     about threats of violence focused on the Joint Session and 
     the Capitol Complex and the large crowds expected to gather 
     in Washington, D.C. on January 6. Yet, IICD failed to fully 
     incorporate this information into all of its internal 
     assessments about January 6 and the Joint Session. As a 
     result, critical information regarding threats of violence 
     was not shared with USCP's own officers and other law 
     enforcement partners.
       USCP's preparations for the Joint Session also suffered 
     because of the decentralized nature of its intelligence 
     components. On January 5, an employee in a separate USCP 
     intelligence-related component received information from the 
     FBI's Norfolk Field Office regarding online discussions of 
     violence directed at Congress, including that protestors were 
     coming to Congress ``prepared for war.'' This report, similar 
     to other information received by IICD, was never distributed 
     to IICD or USCP leadership before January 6.
       USCP was not adequately prepared to prevent or respond to 
     the January 6 security threats, which contributed to the 
     breach of the Capitol. Steven Sund, the USCP Chief on January 
     6, and Yogananda Pittman, who was designated as Acting Chief 
     after Steven Sund announced his resignation on January 7, 
     both attributed the breach of the Capitol to intelligence 
     failures across the federal government. USCP leadership, 
     however, also failed to prepare a department-wide operational 
     plan for the Joint Session. Similarly, USCP leadership did 
     not develop a comprehensive staffing plan for the Joint 
     Session detailing, among other things, where officers would 
     be located. USCP could not provide the Committees any 
     documents showing where officers were located at the start of 
     the attack and how that changed throughout the attack.
       USCP leadership also failed to provide front-line officers 
     with effective protective equipment or training. Although 
     USCP activated seven specialty Civil Disturbance Unit 
     (``CDU'') platoons in advance of the Joint Session, only four 
     of those platoons were outfitted with special protective 
     equipment, including helmets, hardened plastic armor, and 
     shields. The many other USCP officers who fought to defend 
     the Capitol were left to do so in their daily uniforms. Many 
     of those front-line officers had not received training in 
     basic civil disturbance tactics since their initial Recruit 
     Officer Class training. While some CDU officers were issued 
     special protective equipment, the platoons were not 
     authorized to wear the equipment at the beginning of their 
     shifts. Instead, USCP staged equipment on buses near the 
     Capitol. In at least one instance, when the platoon attempted 
     to retrieve the equipment, the bus was locked, leaving the 
     platoon without access to this critical equipment. USCP also 
     failed to provide equipment training to support the CDU 
     platoons and did not authorize CDU platoons to use all 
     available less-than-lethal munitions, which could have 
     enhanced officers' ability to push back rioters.
       These operational failures were exacerbated by leadership's 
     failure to clearly communicate during the attack. USCP 
     leadership gathered in a command center, blocks away from the 
     Capitol building. Two incident commanders identified as 
     responsible for relaying information to front-line officers 
     were forced to engage with rioters during the attack, making 
     it difficult for them to relay information. As a result, 
     communications were chaotic, sporadic, and, according to many 
     front-line officers, non-existent.
       Opaque processes and a lack of emergency authority delayed 
     requests for National Guard assistance. The USCP Chief has no 
     unilateral authority to request assistance from the National 
     Guard; the USCP Chief must submit a request for assistance to 
     the Capitol Police Board for approval. Steven Sund never 
     submitted a formal request to the Capitol Police Board for 
     National Guard support in advance of January 6. Instead, 
     Steven Sund had informal conversations with the House 
     Sergeant at Arms, Paul Irving, and the Senate Sergeant at 
     Arms, Michael Stenger, regarding the potential need for 
     National Guard support. No one ever discussed the possibility 
     of National Guard support with the Architect of the Capitol, 
     the third voting member of the Capitol Police Board.
       The members of the Capitol Police Board who were in charge 
     on January 6 did not appear to be fully familiar with the 
     statutory and regulatory requirements for requesting National 
     Guard support, which contributed to the delay in deploying 
     the National Guard to the Capitol. In their testimony before 
     the Committees, Paul Irving and Steven Sund offered different 
     accounts of when Steven Sund first requested National Guard 
     assistance during the attack. Phone records reveal a number 
     of conversations between Steven Sund and Paul Irving on 
     January 6. However, because there is no transcription of the 
     conversations, there is no way for the Committees to 
     determine when the request was made. National Guard 
     assistance was delayed while Steven Sund attempted to contact 
     the Capitol Police Board members and obtain the required 
     approvals. Regardless of what time the request was made, the 
     need to await Capitol Police Board approval during an 
     emergency hindered the ability to request District of 
     Columbia National Guard (``DCNG'') assistance quickly.
       The intelligence failures, coupled with the Capitol Police 
     Board's failure to request National Guard assistance prior to 
     January 6, meant DCNG was not activated, staged, and prepared 
     to quickly respond to an attack on the Capitol. As the attack 
     unfolded, DOD required time to approve the request and 
     gather, equip, and instruct its personnel on the mission, 
     which resulted in additional delays. Prior to January 6, USCP 
     informed DOD officials on two separate occasions that it was 
     not seeking DCNG assistance for the Joint Session of 
     Congress. The D.C. government, by contrast, did request 
     unarmed troops for traffic support, and on January 6, 154 
     unarmed DCNG personnel were staged at traffic control points 
     throughout the city. As the attack unfolded, USCP and the 
     Metropolitan Police Department of the District of Columbia 
     (``MPD'') both pleaded with DOD officials for immediate 
     assistance. DOD officials claimed they received a 
     ``workable'' request for assistance from USCP at 
     approximately 2:30 p.m. The request was presented to the 
     Acting Secretary of Defense and approved at approximately 
     3:00 p.m. For the next ninety minutes, DOD officials ordered 
     DCNG personnel to return to the Armory, obtain necessary 
     gear, and prepare for deployment as leaders quickly prepared 
     a mission plan. Miscommunication and confusion during 
     response preparations, demonstrated by conflicting records 
     about who authorized deployment and at what time, contributed 
     to the delayed deployment. DCNG began arriving at the Capitol 
     Complex at 5:20 p.m.--nearly three hours after DOD received 
     USCP's request for assistance and more than four hours after 
     the barriers at the Capitol were first breached.
     The Committees' Recommendations
       Based on the findings of the investigation, the Committees 
     identified a number of recommendations to address the 
     intelligence and security failures leading up to and on 
     January 6. Recommendations specific to the Capitol Complex 
     include empowering the USCP Chief to request assistance from 
     the DCNG in emergency situations and passing legislation to 
     clarify the statutes governing requests for assistance from 
     executive agencies and departments in nonemergency 
     situations. To address the preparedness of the USCP, the 
     Committees recommend improvements to training, equipment, 
     intelligence collection, and operational planning.
       The Committees further recommend intelligence agencies 
     review and evaluate criteria for issuing and communicating 
     intelligence assessments and the establishment of standing 
     ``concept of operation'' scenarios and contingency plans to 
     improve DOD and DCNG response to civil disturbance and 
     terrorism incidents. These scenarios and plans should detail 
     what level of DOD or DCNG assistance may be required, what 
     equipment would be needed for responding personnel, and the 
     plan for command-and-control during the response.
     The Committees' Investigation
       Two days after the January 6 attack, the Senate Committee 
     on Rules and Administration and Senate Homeland Security and 
     Governmental Affairs Committee announced a joint bipartisan 
     oversight investigation to examine the intelligence and 
     security failures that led to the attack. On February 23, 
     2021, the Committees held the first public oversight hearing 
     on the attack. The hearing, entitled Examining the January 6 
     Attack on the U.S. Capitol, featured testimony from the USCP 
     Chief, House Sergeant at Arms, and Senate Sergeant at Arms in 
     charge on January 6. The Committees also heard testimony from 
     the Acting Chief of MPD. One week later, on March 3, 2021, 
     the Committees held a second oversight hearing, which 
     included witnesses from DOD, DCNG, FBI, and DHS.
       As part of their investigation, the Committees reviewed 
     thousands of documents. The Committees also received written 
     statements from more than 50 USCP officers about their 
     experiences. In addition, the Committees interviewed numerous 
     current and former officials from USCP, Senate Sergeant at 
     Arms, House Sergeant at Arms, Architect of the Capitol, FBI, 
     DHS, MPD, DOD, and DCNG. Most entities cooperated with the 
     Committees' requests. There were notable exceptions, however: 
     the Department of Justice and DHS have yet to fully comply 
     with the Committees' requests for information, the Office of 
     the House of Representatives Sergeant at Arms did not comply 
     with the Committees' information requests, and a USCP Deputy 
     Chief of Police declined to be interviewed by the Committees. 
     The Committees will continue to pursue responses from those 
     who have failed to fully comply. The oversight of events 
     related to January 6, including intelligence and security 
     failures, will continue.

  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Madam Speaker, I know we do live in a highly polarized time, but 
despite the partisanship that so often plagues the House of 
Representatives, there is no reason this select committee should not be 
wholly bipartisan. In fact, that is what the American people demand.
  Unfortunately, the resolution ensures that bipartisanship will not 
happen. The result will be a divided report focused more on a narrative 
than a solution, and that is why I asked that we

[[Page H3332]]

submit that Senate report as part of the Record.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Madam Speaker, I have great respect for the gentlewoman. We serve on 
the Rules Committee together, and she has a tough job here today. But, 
I mean, come on. Give me a break.
  I mean, we had a bipartisan commission, equally divided, equal 
subpoena power, and they voted against it. The minority leader of this 
House whipped against it and fought against it and convinced the Senate 
to try to kill it.
  I have noticed that there is a lack of Republicans who have the 
backbone to come down here and explain to the American people why they 
won't support the bipartisan commission or this select commission, 
because they don't want to be on record as defending a position aimed 
at not getting to the truth.
  This is a moment that, quite frankly, people are going to remember. I 
best point that out because it is stunning to me.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from 
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the majority leader.
  Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, the American public watching this debate 
must think that some of the verbiage was written by Lewis Carroll. 
Lewis Carroll, of course, wrote ``Alice in Wonderland,'' where up was 
down, black was white, left was right, and right was left.
  There is an advantage, I would tell you, of not having served here 
for some time because you don't know what happened in the past. The 
gentlewoman who represents the Rules Committee said, gee, there have 
been other investigations.
  I remember how outraged I was when the Republicans had the eighth 
investigation of Benghazi, outraged not only because, as it has been 
opined by the gentlewoman, that, oh, we looked at this, but because for 
the first seven times, they found nothing there, ``they'' being the 
Republicans. And so, they logically concluded, we need to have another 
study until we get the answer we want.
  Lo and behold, the investigator, Mr. Gowdy, felt to be a person of 
extraordinary intellect, which he was, had a study, a partisan study, 
and found exactly the same outcome.
  The studies to date have found that there were many things done 
wrong, but they were limited in their scope, which is, of course, the 
one thing that the Republicans wanted to do with the bipartisan 
commission they asked for, that the Speaker gave them: five Democrats, 
five Republicans; equal power over subpoenas. And the staffing, 
clearly, had been worked out on the Senate side.
  In the final analysis, the issue was really: See no evil, hear no 
evil, speak no evil.
  Madam Speaker, like many of our colleagues and many Americans, I had 
hoped that Congress would establish a bipartisan commission to 
investigate the terrible, tragic, almost unthinkable events of January 
6, when we saw Americans assault this Capitol, these Representatives on 
this floor and the floor down the hall, calling for the death of the 
Vice President of the United States and the Speaker of the House, one 
of the most tragic events in the history of our country.
  The House brought a bill to this floor. The Speaker brought to this 
floor what the minority leader asked for, except for one thing, scope, 
the fear that we would look at the very essence of what January 6 was 
about.
  Yes, some accuse us of concluding that, because the President 
recruited people to come to Washington, incited them in a fiery speech, 
and then deployed them to the Capitol of the United States, Heaven 
forbid that we would look at him as being a cause of that event. That 
is only three things that he did.
  The House voted on May 19 to do exactly that. And then what happened? 
Well, the Republicans all voted against it. Not everyone, strike that. 
There were a few courageous souls that did vote for it because they 
wanted to see the truth and get the truth. In fact, some of them 
articulated the truth, and to that extent, their party kicked them out 
of the leadership.
  That is what they said: See no evil, hear no evil, speak no evil. The 
Bible says the truth shall set you free, and the people need to know 
the truth because that is what will keep them free.
  We voted, with hopes that the Senate would concur in the House's 
judgment, that a bipartisan commission consistent with what Leader 
McCarthy asked for, except for scope--we wanted the commission to be 
able to look at the event that was the cause of the commission's 
creation. Afterward, however, the former President tweeted: 
``Republicans in the House and Senate should not approve the Democratic 
trap of the January 6 commission.''
  What was the truth? That was the trap. That was the trap that the 
President feared. See no evil, hear no evil, speak no evil.
  The Senate was forced to choose between a bipartisan process that 
many Republicans had earlier supported--you remember, of course, that 
the ranking member of the committee that reported out the commission 
bill supported it and urged his colleagues to do so as well. It was not 
a partisan effort; it was a bipartisan effort. But, of course, Mr. 
Trump hadn't spoken at that point in time.
  They were forced to choose between the President and the truth. 
Sadly, they chose former President Trump, not truth.
  However, the American people are still demanding answers and 
accountability, and they deserve both. They want to know that steps are 
being taken to understand what happened and take measures to ensure 
that it never happens again. It had never happened before, and we don't 
want it to happen again.

  Just like after the 9/11 attacks, we need to come together, as we did 
after 9/11, to ensure that a full investigation is conducted on an 
independent and bipartisan basis.
  Now, yes, this select committee is not even, as other investigative 
committees have not been even. We would prefer even, which is why we 
brought it to the floor. Mr. Katko preferred even, which is why we 
brought it to the floor. Mr. McCarthy had asked for even, which is why 
we brought even to the floor. Sadly, House and Senate Republicans made 
it impossible to establish a commission on a bipartisan basis because 
you have reached your conclusion. And your conclusion is: Let's move 
on. Let bygones be bygones. Let the past be forgotten.
  Who said that? John Thune. He said: We don't want to--the gentlewoman 
has said it. All they want to do is drag this on because we don't want 
it to adversely affect our election. That is what was said. Senator 
Thune essentially said that.
  Notwithstanding that, the House is going to do its job, and we are 
going to create this select committee to achieve the goal of truth. We 
will do it on behalf of the people we represent, who watched in horror 
as their Capitol was assaulted by a violent mob bent on overturning a 
United States election. That is insurrection.
  The people who thought it was a tourist visit I don't think were on 
the floor. You heard the gentlewoman from California talk about her 
experience. It was not a tourist experience.
  I hope my Republican friends will participate in this committee's 
work in good faith with their Democratic colleagues to carry out its 
mission. If they see things being done that are not the truth, then 
they ought to tell the truth. They ought to bring up the facts as they 
see them.
  That is what our adversary system is. We have an adversary system 
here in this House. We have an adversary system in our legal system. 
Engage, be involved, raise the flag as you see it.

                              {time}  1445

  I hope we can come together to create the bipartisan commission so 
many have sought and still seek. The launching of this new select 
committee will not preclude the alternative objective.
  So I urge my colleagues to join me in passing this resolution today, 
and I hope we can begin to uncover exactly what happened and take 
responsible steps to prevent the events of January 6 from reoccurring, 
and, yes, find out who is responsible.
  Who is responsible for inciting a mob to come to the Capitol of the 
United States to overturn the election of the President of the United 
States?
  That was their stated intent.

[[Page H3333]]

  Madam Speaker, I urge a strong vote for this select committee 
Americans deserve and want and let us pray they get the truth.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman 
from Ohio (Mr. Wenstrup).
  Mr. WENSTRUP. Madam Speaker, I have heard it mentioned here today 
Democrats telling us why we voted against the bill. They didn't ask us.
  I can tell you why I voted against the bill before. And I think it is 
known by the other side, because I offered an amendment to this bill 
for a commission, that if you are very serious and curious about the 
defense posture of this building and the posture of those who work in 
it, then would you please include in this commission to investigate and 
look at the events of June 14, 2017, at the baseball field?
  Do you know what, Madam Speaker?
  There weren't any Democrats there that day except for one, the one 
that tried to kill us.
  Madam Speaker, you talked about an insurrection. If not for the 
Capitol Police being there that day, 20 to 30 Members of Congress from 
the House of Representatives on the Republican side may have been 
assassinated that day changing the balance of power in this Congress.
  That is an insurrection.
  Why is it the Democrats voted that down to include that as part of 
the commission?
  No one could explain that. It has all got to be about one event.
  I do not condone for one second what happened here on January 6--not 
for one second--but if you are serious, Madam Speaker, about looking at 
what we need and what goes on and what inspires people to attack this 
building and the people who work here, then let's take a look at 
everything.
  Why aren't we including the event on Good Friday when the gentleman 
drove up and killed a Capitol Policeman?
  He could have had a car full of explosives and pulled a Timothy 
McVeigh-type of event.
  Why are we not looking at that as well?
  This is incomplete, and it is insufficient.
  After the events on June 14, 2017, Speaker Paul Ryan stood in this 
Chamber and got applause from both sides of the aisle when he said: 
``An attack on one of us is an attack on all of us.''
  We didn't hear that this time, did we?
  No, we did not.
  This has been created as a partisan issue at a time when it should 
not be partisan. If you are not partisan, Madam Speaker, then you 
include all the things that threaten us, that threaten this body, that 
threaten this building, and that threaten the people who work in it.
  Let's be serious. If you are serious, be inclusive, be complete, and 
do the right thing.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to address their 
remarks to the Chair.
  Mr. McGOVERN. May I inquire of the gentlewoman how many speakers 
remain on her side.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, that is it.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I have one additional speaker.
  Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Madam Speaker, I want to just correct the Record on what the previous 
speaker has just said. The bill that he referred to was not written by 
Democrats. The bill that he referred to, the bipartisan commission, was 
written by Democrats and Republicans. It was written in consultation by 
the minority leader's designee, Mr. Katko. It was presented to the 
Rules Committee in a bipartisan way. This was a bipartisan product.
  I share the gentleman's outrage over the attack against the shooting 
of Republican Members, including the distinguished minority whip, 
during that baseball practice. But I would just say to the gentleman, 
respectfully, my friends on the other side of the aisle were in charge 
of this institution then. They could have called for an independent 
committee to look into that, and I think all of us would have supported 
that.
  Let me just say, Madam Speaker, that I assume many of my colleagues 
on the other side of the aisle are getting their talking points from 
the minority leader.
  I have to tell you, Madam Speaker, I get why the mother of Officer 
Sicknick who lost his life defending us on January 6 said yesterday 
that she was disappointed with her meeting with Minority Leader 
McCarthy.
  I was hoping that maybe the minority leader would come to the floor 
and explain to us why he objected to the bipartisan commission, why he 
objects to the select committee, and why he objects to getting to the 
truth. But apparently he is not coming. Because, Madam Speaker, there 
was no rational explanation for putting up roadblocks to get to the 
truth unless you are trying to keep it hidden.
  I am reminded of that old line: If you have got nothing to hide, you 
have got nothing to fear.
  So what are my Republican friends so afraid of, Madam Speaker?
  Does a defeated and disgraced President hold so much sway that they 
are forever unwilling to investigate what happened here?
  There was an insurrection in the United States of America, and each 
of us not only has the ability to figure out what happened, but we have 
an obligation to do so. An obligation that is more important than party 
and should come before the whims of any one man, and that includes the 
former occupant of the White House. So I urge my colleagues to uphold 
that solemn duty today.

  Our system of government isn't guaranteed. It is a choice. Keeping it 
takes work, and it is time we finally did the work of defending our 
democracy after a literal insurrection and allow the process of getting 
to the bottom of what happened on January 6 commence.
  I was here. I was presiding over the House when this attack happened. 
I assumed the chair after the Speaker left. I went out into the 
hallway, and I saw these people who were crazed trying to get at us. My 
colleagues were here. Our staff was here. The people who support this 
campus were here.
  The Capitol Police protected us. I mean, I get it. My friends have 
turned this into some sort of partisan issue. It isn't.
  Please, I hope everybody before they vote will think of not just 
Donald Trump or not just what the minority leader instructs them to do, 
but think of our police who defended us, think of their staff who put 
their lives at risk, and think of everybody who works on this campus. 
They deserve a hell of a lot better than what they are getting here 
today.
  So, Madam Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on the 
select committee, and I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time 
to close.
  Madam Speaker, I oppose H. Res. 503. The events of January 6 were 
tragic in so many ways and certainly demand a real investigation, but 
bipartisan investigations have already taken place in the Senate, and 
law enforcement also continues to investigate.
  We all share the concern for what happened here in Washington, D.C., 
on that day, and it can never happen again. But unless Democrats 
abandon their desires for a predetermined outcome, we are doing the 
American people a disservice.
  Moving forward and making sure that it never happens again requires a 
fully bipartisan solution, not a partisan committee rigged from the 
start. This resolution is rife with partisan politics at its worst.
  Madam Speaker, I urge Members to oppose H. Res. 503, and I yield back 
the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi).
  Ms. PELOSI. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding and for 
his bringing this important legislation to the floor. I thank our 
distinguished majority leader for his clarity in presenting the case 
for this legislation and all of our colleagues who have come to the 
floor on the Democratic side in the search of truth, justice, and 
security for our country.
  Madam Speaker, I particularly thank Mr. McGovern because on the night 
of this insurrection, I was in the chair, the security came and pulled 
me out. He took the chair. He risked his life to take the chair as the 
assaulters of our Capitol were out to get me with a bullet in the head 
or to hang the Vice

[[Page H3334]]

President of the United States, assault the lives of Members of 
Congress, traumatize our staff, and disrespect the workers in the 
Capitol.
  It was not an ordinary tourist day in the Capitol as the Republicans 
have characterized. Republicans have characterized it as a normal day 
in the Congress, when we have pictures of those very same people 
pushing furniture against the door to keep the intruders out.
  We are under the dome of the Capitol, a dome that was built by 
Abraham Lincoln during the Civil War when people said to him: No, we 
need the steel, the this and the that to fight the war.
  He said: No, we need to show our determination.
  Madam Speaker, 1 year into the devastation of the Civil War, 
President Abraham Lincoln sent a message to Congress imploring Members 
to join as one to save the Union.
  He said: ``Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We of this 
Congress and this administration, will be remembered in spite of 
ourselves. No personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one 
or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass, will light us 
down, in honor or dishonor, to the latest generation.''
  Madam Speaker, today we go on record. We too have a responsibility, 
as was described by President Lincoln. We too cannot escape history. We 
have a duty to the Constitution and to the American people to find the 
truth of January 6 and to ensure that such an assault on our Democracy 
can never happen again.
  Rather than being frivolous with the facts, we are going to be 
prayerful and patriotic and honor the concerns of the American people 
by seeking and finding the truth to protect our country from any future 
or similar assault.
  As has been said many times, that day, January 6, was one of the 
darkest days of our history. For the Members, the police officers, the 
staff, the press, and the support workers who were there, the memory of 
that day remains seared in our memory: the sounds of glass shattering, 
officers fighting, rioters chanting, the smell of teargas and the taste 
of smoke in the air and the sight of people fleeing the Capitol or 
barricading doors as Republicans and Democrats did that night, and the 
sense of terror, hundreds of people fearing for their lives.

  In the aftermath, over 140 members of law enforcement were physically 
and seriously harmed, five people died, and staff, workers, press, and 
Members were and still remain traumatized by the experience.
  The sheer scale of the violence of that day is shocking. But what is 
just as shocking is remembering why this violence occurred: to block 
the certification of an election and the peaceful transfer of power 
that is the cornerstone of our Democracy. It was a date actually 
required by the Constitution. It was not just another tourist day in 
the Capitol.
  Congress returned to the Capitol that same night to accomplish our 
constitutional duty--that same night. Thanks to the workers, the 
maintenance people here, the Capitol Police, and the rest, we were able 
to return and send a message to the world that this Congress would 
honor its constitutional duties regardless of the assault that was made 
on it.
  This was important, and it was bipartisan in the decision. Mr. Hoyer 
and Mr. McConnell agreed that we would come back.
  Where others were saying: Go to an undisclosed location; we said: No, 
we are going to the Capitol.
  Congress returned to the Capitol, as I said, to honor that 
responsibility. We showed the insurrectionists, the country, and the 
world that we would not be diverted from our duty. We could do that 
because of the courage of the Capitol Police, the Metropolitan Police, 
and other law enforcement, some of whom are with us today.

                              {time}  1500

  I especially want to recognize Gladys Sicknick, the mother of Brian, 
who gave his life; and Sandra Garza, his friend and partner.
  But it is clear that January 6 was not simply an attack on the 
Capitol building. It was an attack on our democracy. Every Member here 
knows that January 6 was an attempt to subvert our democracy.
  But many across the aisle refuse to admit the truth. They refused to 
admit the truth when they voted against certifying President Biden's 
election that night. They refused to admit the truth when they voted 
against the creating of a bipartisan commission to investigate the 
attack. They refused to admit the truth when they called that day a 
``normal tourist visit.''
  And, today, when many will vote against establishing a select 
committee to investigate that day, they will, again, refuse to admit 
the truth. But they did that; 100 percent of them voted ``no'' against 
putting resources to ensure the security of our Capitol Police and the 
security of this building. 175 Republicans voted ``no'' when it came 
time for the commission, 35 ``yeses'' on the Republican side.
  I am heartbroken that we don't have the bipartisan commission. We 
yielded on every point.
  Numbers, as Mr. Hoyer said, the numbers, the process for subpoenas, 
the timing, and further yielded on the Senate side on timing again, as 
well as clarification on staffing, that was never in doubt, but they 
wanted further clarification.
  They thought--the Republican Senators thought that they could win the 
day over there. They thought they could. And they thought they had the 
votes, until the Minority Leader of the Senate, Mitch McConnell, asked 
them to do him a personal favor and vote against the commission.
  Too many of them chose to do Mitch McConnell a personal favor rather 
than to perform their patriotic duty. And, hence, despite the fact that 
seven Republican Members either voted or said they would vote for the 
commission, it was defeated.
  They said: Give us another week; give us another week; give us 
another week; give us another week.
  Now it is almost--well, it is 4\1/2\ weeks, and we must go forward.
  It does not appear at this time that we can have a bipartisan 
commission, outside commission. Hopefully, that could still happen. 
But, in the meantime, we will have a select committee.
  This is not unlike what happened in 2001, at the time of the 9/11 
Commission. 9/11 happened exactly then, 9/11/2001. It took more than 1 
year to get the commission. It was signed into law by the President on 
November 27, 2002.
  In the meantime, there was a Congressional investigation, which was 
useful to the commission when they finally were formed. So perhaps we 
can still hope for that, but we cannot wait for it.
  To do that, we believe that Congress must, in the spirit of 
bipartisanship and patriotism, establish this commission. And it will 
be conducted with dignity, with patriotism, with respect for the 
American people so that they can know the truth.
  It is a funny thing about Mitch saying he wanted them to do him a 
personal favor. Oh, my goodness.
  We had a commission on this side of the Capitol. Bennie Thompson, our 
distinguished chair of the Homeland Security Committee, working with 
the ranking member of the committee, Mr. Katko, put together a 
bipartisan commission. Only 35 Republicans voted for it, even though we 
responded to every one of their concerns, except, as Mr. Hoyer said, 
scope. Scope. They just did not want to go to the truth, sadly.
  That is why there will be--and, today, we are establishing--a select 
committee on the January 6 insurrection. It will investigate and report 
upon the facts and causes of the attack. It will report on conclusions 
and recommendations for preventing any future assault. And it will find 
the truth, which, clearly, the Republicans fear; but, hopefully, not 
across the country.
  This committee is about our security, ensuring that a future attack 
does not happen. It is about patriotism and democracy, ensuring that 
Congress can continue to serve the American people.
  Mr. Hoyer rightfully pointed out that, as the other side likes to 
say, oh, the Senate did a bipartisan--they were very limited in what 
they were allowed to do. They were only allowed to investigate the 
security of the building, not the cause of it, not the fact that it was 
an insurrection incited by the executive branch. None of that was 
allowed.
  So don't use that as an excuse not to have a fuller investigation of 
the underlying causes of what happened, the underlying causes of white 
supremacists and anti-Semites; one man with a

[[Page H3335]]

Camp Auschwitz shirt on: Six million are not enough.
  You would think they would reject that. Not just a normal day of 
tourism in the Capitol.
  In that message to the Congress that I quoted in the beginning from 
President Lincoln, it concluded by clearly declaring: ``We shall nobly 
save, or meanly lose, the last best hope of Earth. The way is plain, 
peaceful, generous, just--a way which, if followed, the world will 
forever applaud, and God must forever bless.''
  He also said: ``We know how to save the Union. The world knows we do 
know how to save it. We . . . hold the power, and bear the 
responsibility.''
  Today, we, too, hold the power and bear the responsibility. Let all 
Members do what is right and vote for this legislation. We will be 
judged by future generations as to how we value our democracy. Let's be 
on the right side not only of history, but the right side of the 
future.
  I urge my colleagues to vote ``aye.''
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate has expired.
  Pursuant to House Resolution 504, the previous question is ordered on 
the resolution and the preamble.
  The question is on the resolution.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mrs. FISCHBACH. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution 
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 222, 
nays 190, not voting 19, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 197]

                               YEAS--222

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Carter (LA)
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Cheney
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Delgado
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Golden
     Gomez
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Harder (CA)
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kinzinger
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stansbury
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Underwood
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Vela
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                               NAYS--190

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Bost
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carl
     Carter (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cline
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Curtis
     Davidson
     Davis, Rodney
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Donalds
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fitzpatrick
     Fleischmann
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gonzales, Tony
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Hagedorn
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Hill
     Hinson
     Hollingsworth
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Jacobs (NY)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Katko
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Letlow
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mace
     Malliotakis
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Murphy (NC)
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Nunes
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Posey
     Reed
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Rutherford
     Salazar
     Scalise
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Taylor
     Tenney
     Thompson (PA)
     Timmons
     Turner
     Upton
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Webster (FL)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Young
     Zeldin

                             NOT VOTING--19

     Arrington
     Banks
     Carter (GA)
     Cloud
     Fulcher
     Gohmert
     Good (VA)
     Herrell
     Higgins (LA)
     Issa
     Jackson
     Johnson (LA)
     Miller (IL)
     Pfluger
     Rose
     Roy
     Tiffany
     Weber (TX)
     Williams (TX)

                              {time}  1545

  Mrs. KIM of California and Mr. VAN DREW changed their vote from 
``yea'' to ``nay.''
  So the resolution was agreed to.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.


    Members Recorded Pursuant to House Resolution 8, 117th Congress

     Babin (Nehls)
     Boebert (Gosar)
     Cardenas (Gomez)
     Cawthorn (Nehls)
     Cohen (Beyer)
     Comer (Cammack)
     Fallon (Nehls)
     Gallego (Gomez)
     Garcia (TX) (Jeffries)
     Grijalva (Stanton)
     Horsford (Jeffries)
     Jacobs (NY) (Garbarino)
     Johnson (TX) (Jeffries)
     Kirkpatrick (Stanton)
     Lawson (FL) (Evans)
     Leger Fernandez (Jacobs (CA))
     Lieu (Beyer)
     Long (Fleischmann)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     McClain (Bergman)
     Meng (Jeffries)
     Mullin (Lucas)
     Napolitano (Correa)
     Norman (Wilson (SC))
     Owens (Stewart)
     Payne (Pallone)
     Ruiz (Aguilar)
     Rush (Underwood)
     Sewell (DelBene)
     Steube (Franklin, C. Scott)
     Strickland (DelBene)
     Timmons (Gonzalez (OH))
     Wilson (FL) (Hayes)
     Young (Mast)

                          ____________________