[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 113 (Tuesday, June 29, 2021)]
[House]
[Pages H3263-H3276]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
REPLACEMENT OF BUST OF ROGER BROOKE TANEY WITH BUST OF THURGOOD
MARSHALL
Ms. LOFGREN. Madam Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 504, I call
up the bill (H.R. 3005) to direct the Joint Committee on the Library to
replace the bust of Roger Brooke Taney in the Old Supreme Court Chamber
of the United States Capitol with a bust of Thurgood Marshall to be
obtained by the Joint Committee on the Library and to remove certain
statues from areas of the United States Capitol which are accessible to
the public, to remove all statues of individuals who voluntarily served
the Confederate States of America from display in the United States
Capitol, and for other purposes.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. Bass). Pursuant to House Resolution 504,
the bill is considered read.
The text of the bill is as follows:
H.R. 3005
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. REPLACEMENT OF BUST OF ROGER BROOKE TANEY WITH
BUST OF THURGOOD MARSHALL.
(a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
(1) While sitting in the United States Capitol, the Supreme
Court issued the infamous Dred Scott v. Sandford decision on
March 6, 1857. Written by Chief Justice Roger Brooke Taney,
whose bust sits inside the entrance to the Old Supreme Court
Chamber in the United States Capitol, this opinion declared
that African Americans were not citizens of the United States
and could not sue in Federal courts. This decision further
declared that Congress did not have the authority to prohibit
slavery in the territories.
(2) Chief Justice Roger Brooke Taney's authorship of Dred
Scott v. Sandford, the effects of which would only be
overturned years later by the ratification of the 13th, 14th,
and 15th Amendments to the Constitution of the United States,
renders a bust of his likeness unsuitable for the honor of
display to the many visitors to the United States Capitol.
(3) As Frederick Douglass said of this decision in May
1857, ``This infamous decision of the Slaveholding wing of
the Supreme Court maintains that slaves are within the
contemplation of the Constitution of the United States,
property; that slaves are property in the same sense that
horses, sheep, and swine are property; that the old doctrine
that slavery is a creature of local law is false; that the
right of the slaveholder to his slave does not depend upon
the local law, but is secured wherever the Constitution of
the United States extends; that Congress has no right to
prohibit slavery anywhere; that slavery may go in safety
anywhere under the star-spangled banner; that colored persons
of African descent have no rights that white men are bound to
respect; that colored men of African descent are not and
cannot be citizens of the United States.''.
(4) While the removal of Chief Justice Roger Brooke Taney's
bust from the United States Capitol does not relieve the
Congress of the historical wrongs it committed to protect the
institution of slavery, it expresses
[[Page H3264]]
Congress's recognition of one of the most notorious wrongs to
have ever taken place in one of its rooms, that of Chief
Justice Roger Brooke Taney's Dred Scott v. Sandford decision.
(b) Removal of Bust of Roger Brooke Taney.--Not later than
45 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, the
Joint Committee on the Library shall remove the bust of Roger
Brooke Taney in the Old Supreme Court Chamber of the United
States Capitol.
(c) Replacement With Bust of Thurgood Marshall.--
(1) Obtaining bust.--Not later than 2 years after the date
of the enactment of this Act, the Joint Committee on the
Library shall enter into an agreement to obtain a bust of
Thurgood Marshall, under such terms and conditions as the
Joint Committee considers appropriate consistent with
applicable law.
(2) Placement.--The Joint Committee on the Library shall
place the bust obtained under paragraph (1) in the location
in the Old Supreme Court Chamber of the United States Capitol
where the bust of Roger Brooke Taney was located prior to
removal by the Architect of the Capitol under subsection (b).
SEC. 2. REQUIREMENTS AND REMOVAL PROCEDURES FOR STATUES IN
NATIONAL STATUARY HALL.
(a) Requirements.--Section 1814 of the Revised Statutes (2
U.S.C. 2131) is amended by inserting ``(other than persons
who served voluntarily in the military forces or government
of the Confederate States of America or in the military
forces or government of a State while the State was in
rebellion against the United States)'' after ``military
services''.
(b) Statue Removal Procedures.--
(1) In general.--
(A) Identification by architect of the capitol.--The
Architect of the Capitol shall identify all statues on
display in the United States Capitol that do not meet the
requirements of section 1814 of the Revised Statutes (2
U.S.C. 2131), as amended by subsection (a).
(B) Removal by joint committee on the library.--The Joint
Committee on the Library shall arrange for the removal of
each statue identified by the Architect of the Capitol under
subparagraph (A) from any area of the United States Capitol
which is accessible to the public by not later than 120 days
after the date of the enactment of this Act.
(2) Return of statues.--A statue which is removed under
this subsection and which was provided for display by a State
shall be returned to the State, and the ownership of the
statue transferred to the State, if the State so requests and
agrees to pay any costs related to the transportation of the
statue to the State.
(3) Replacement of statues.--A State that has a statue
removed under this subsection may replace such statue in
accordance with the requirements and procedures of section
1814 of the Revised Statutes (2 U.S.C. 2131) and section 311
of the Legislative Branch Appropriations Act, 2001 (2 U.S.C.
2132).
(c) Storage.--The Architect of the Capitol shall keep any
statue removed under this section in storage pending the
return of the statue to the State.
SEC. 3. REMOVAL OF CERTAIN OTHER STATUES AND BUSTS.
(a) Confederate Statues and Busts.--
(1) Removal.--Not later than 45 days after the date of the
enactment of this Act, the Joint Committee on the Library,
together with the Curator of the House of Representatives or
the Curator of the Senate (as the case may be), shall remove
all Confederate statues and Confederate busts from any area
of the United States Capitol which is accessible to the
public.
(2) Definitions.--
(A) Confederate statue.--In this subsection, the term
``Confederate statue'' means a statue which was provided by a
State for display in the United States Capitol that depicts--
(i) any individual who served voluntarily at any time as a
member of the Armed Forces of the Confederate States of
America or of the military of a State while the State was in
open rebellion against the United States; or
(ii) any individual who served as an official of the
Government of the Confederate States of America or as an
official of a State while the State was in open rebellion
against the United States.
(B) Confederate bust.--In this subsection, the term
``Confederate bust'' means a bust which depicts an individual
described in clause (i) or (ii) of subparagraph (A).
(b) Other Statues.--Not later than 45 days after the date
of the enactment of this Act, the Joint Committee on the
Library shall remove the statue of Charles Brantley Aycock,
the statue of John Caldwell Calhoun, and the statue of James
Paul Clarke from any area of the United State Capitol which
is accessible to the public.
(c) Storage.--The Architect of the Capitol shall keep any
statue or bust removed under this section in storage.
(d) Exclusion of Statues Subject to Other Removal
Procedures.--This subsection does not apply with respect to
any statue which is subject to removal under section 2.
SEC. 4. AUTHORIZATION OF APPROPRIATIONS.
There are authorized to be appropriated such sums as may be
necessary to carry out this Act, and any amounts so
appropriated shall remain available until expended.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The bill shall be debatable for 1 hour
equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority member
of the Committee on House Administration or their respective designees.
The gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lofgren) and the gentleman from
Georgia (Mr. Loudermilk) each will control 30 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from California.
General Leave
Ms. LOFGREN. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks
and include extraneous material.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from California?
There was no objection.
Ms. LOFGREN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Madam Speaker, I rise in support of this bill. It directs the Joint
Committee on the Library to replace the bust of Chief Justice Roger
Taney in the Old Supreme Court Chamber with a bust of Justice Thurgood
Marshall. It also directs the removal of statues and busts of
individuals who served the Confederacy, and other white supremacists.
The United States Capitol is a beacon of democracy, freedom, and
equality, visited by millions of people each year before COVID hit, and
soon we hope to be visited by millions of people again. What and who we
choose to honor in this building must represent our values.
Chief Justice Taney, who, in the Dred Scott decision, declared that
African Americans could never be citizens of the United States and had
no constitutional rights, does not meet this standard; and neither do
the white supremacists and Confederates we continue to honor with
statues today.
Justice Taney's decision continued and permitted the expansion of
slavery. Those who founded, served, and fought for the Confederacy were
willing to spill American blood in defense of it.
In his infamous Cornerstone Speech, Confederate Vice President
Alexander Stephens said that slavery and white supremacy were the
cornerstone of the Confederacy.
There is no shortage of American figures like Justice Thurgood
Marshall, the first African American to serve on the Supreme Court,
more deserving of the honor of being displayed in our Capitol.
There are some who argue that this action is an attempt to erase and
forget our history. Nothing could be further from the truth. We must
never forget our Nation's shameful periods of slavery, segregation, and
racism.
This is, instead, about who we choose to honor, who we choose to
literally put on the pedestal and display as emblematic of our values.
We are just months removed from January 6, when a mob of
insurrectionists looking to violently overturn a Presidential election
stormed this very building. During that awful attack, the same
Confederate flag carried into battle against the United States in the
19th century was again carried into battle against the United States
and into this very Capitol.
It is long past time to remove from a place of honor in our Nation's
Capitol the statues and busts of those who favored war against the
United States in support of the so-called government founded on a
cornerstone of racism and white supremacy.
Outside the Old Supreme Court Chamber, before you get to the Taney
bust, you pass another sculpture, which depicts the figures of History
and Justice. Today, we can demonstrate to the Nation and the world that
we have learned from our history and we continue to pursue justice.
Put another way, we can follow the advice of the great American poet
and civil rights activist Maya Angelou. This is what she said: ``Do the
best you can until you know better. Then when you know better, do
better.''
Let us now show ourselves and the world that we are who we claim to
be. Let us do better.
Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting H.R.
3005, and I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
[[Page H3265]]
Madam Speaker, I thank my colleague, the chair of the House
Administration Committee, for the opportunity to be here today.
I rise in opposition to H.R. 3005, but not because of the goals that
it attempts to achieve. Many of us have been fighting for those same
things. In fact, some of the comments that she made, you will find in
my remarks about some of the people whose statues are here that I do
not believe should be in this honored building, and I have fought for a
long time to remove those. But I am in opposition to the process of
which we are trying to impose to do this.
Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from North
Carolina (Ms. Foxx).
Ms. FOXX. Madam Speaker, Republicans and Democrats agree that racism,
in any shape or form, is repugnant and must be denounced. I do intend
to vote for this bill, as I did last summer, when Congress considered a
similar measure.
It is interesting, however, that our colleagues across the aisle have
only recently deemed the cause of removing statues worthy of immediate
action. When you look at the facts, it is even more puzzling.
Since 1870, statues have been present in the United States Capitol,
and Democrats retained a majority in the House 40 times since then.
They have had ample opportunities to remove these statues that Members
of their own party are responsible for placing in the Capitol in the
first place, but have done nothing.
Again, the timing here is rather peculiar. After retaining the
majority 40 times, one would think that if this were truly a pressing
issue, they would have acted sooner.
For many years, I have advocated that North Carolina's statues of
Charles Aycock and Zebulon Vance be removed based on their ties to the
Confederacy. I have suggested that two statues of people that all North
Carolinians and all Americans can be proud of be put in their place.
I am proud that the first Republican majority in North Carolina's
Legislature in 140 years voted in 2015 to replace the Aycock statue
with a statue of Reverend Billy Graham. Yet this request has been
awaiting action by the Democrat-chaired Joint Committee on the Library
for months. If they were truly concerned about removing these statues,
they might be quicker to act on the requests to replace some of the
very same statues.
I will look past the times the North Carolina Democrat Party used
Governor Aycock's name in fundraising materials and the meetings they
held in buildings that sported his name. Maybe today's vote is to
compensate for the decades of inaction under a Democrat-controlled
House of Representatives. We will let the American people decide.
Republicans are always open for a spirited debate on this issue, and
I am confident that we can find common ground.
While I plan to support this legislation and recognize its underlying
intent, this is an issue that is way past its due date.
Ms. LOFGREN. Madam Speaker, before yielding to the gentleman from
North Carolina, I would like to correct the record. The Joint Committee
on the Library organized last Wednesday. Until last Wednesday, the
Joint Committee was chaired by Senator Roy Blunt of Missouri, a
Republican Senator, and I have now been chair for 6 days and hope to
act promptly on the North Carolina matter.
Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from North Carolina
(Mr. Butterfield), the distinguished chair of the Election Subcommittee
in the House Administration Committee.
Mr. BUTTERFIELD. Madam Speaker, let me first thank the chair for her
leadership and friendship on our committee.
Madam Speaker, just a little bit of history. I want to take you back
to 1860. President Lincoln won the general election in 1860 by winning
18 of 29 States.
Madam Speaker, the 11 States that Lincoln failed to carry were slave-
holding States. These States were fearful that Lincoln would find a way
to end slavery and deprive slave owners of their free labor. Eleven
Southern States immediately seceded from the Union, forming the
Confederate States of America. The CSA elected its leadership, they
printed a currency, and they set up a military.
At Fort Sumter on April 12, 1861, the CSA took military action
against the United States of America. For the following 4 years, more
than 600,000 Americans lost their lives on the battlefield, including
Black Union soldiers. This was not a war between the States; it was a
war against the United States by 11 Southern States, including my
State.
When the Union finally won the war and both sides buried their dead,
4 million slaves were granted their freedom by the passage and
ratification of the 13th Amendment.
In 1864, each State was granted the privilege to donate two statues
of deceased persons to be displayed in this Capitol that depict the
history of their State. These statues are now known as the National
Statuary Hall Collection.
Approximately 10 of these statues depict men who volunteered to fight
against the United States in the Civil War. All of these statues were
donated many decades after the Civil War. Like many other statues
around the country honoring members of the Confederate States of
America, particularly those erected in the South, these 10 statues were
not donated and installed in the Capitol until the 1900s, during the
height of the Jim Crow era.
Many Americans see these statues and the timing of their placement to
intimidate Black Americans and to perpetuate the notion of white
supremacy. We must not continue to honor these combatants by allowing
their images to be displayed in this Capitol.
The bill before us today, Madam Speaker, identifies several other
statues for removal that are not part of the collection, including the
bust of Chief Justice Roger Brooke Taney, who authored the 1857 Supreme
Court decision of Dred Scott that ruled that slaves could not be
considered citizens and that Congress did not have the ability to ban
slavery. This opinion, Madam Speaker, is regarded as possibly the
Supreme Court's worst decision of all time, and the 7-2 decision was a
major factor contributing to the Civil War.
Another bust not a part of the National Statuary Hall Collection is
for Vice President John Breckinridge, 1856 to 1859. In 1860,
Breckinridge ran for President on the Southern Democratic ticket and he
lost. During the Civil War, Breckinridge served in the United States
Senate, from Kentucky, but became a traitor and enlisted in the
Confederate military and assigned to the Army of Mississippi, achieving
the rank of Major General. And it gets worse. He was expelled from the
United States Senate. Jefferson Davis then appointed him as Secretary
of War. After the war, he fled the country for several years.
Madam Speaker, this statue must also be removed.
I ask my colleagues to answer the summons of our time by voting to
remove these statues from the Capitol of the United States of America.
{time} 1515
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Madam Speaker, as I stated earlier, you will find that many, if not
all, on this side of the aisle will agree with most of the comments, if
not all the comments, that are made by our colleagues on the other side
of the aisle.
I think we need to go back and look at where we have been as a nation
and where we are going. A lot of what we put into this building should
reflect not only our history but our values as a nation.
That is why I, in the past, have advocated very strongly for certain
statues to be removed. I think it is important now that we have both
parties looking at this.
As my colleague from North Carolina mentioned, Taney and the Dred
Scott decision, I think it was during a time period when Democratic
President Andrew Jackson nominated his bust to be put in the Capitol
here today.
Now, it can't be overstated how much this body and this country
condemn the institution of slavery. I believe, as a whole, this Nation
has done that and continues to do that.
In fact, when I was in the Georgia legislature, I realized that
Georgia was the sole State of the former Confederacy that had not
officially condemned the act of slavery nor had condemned its
participation in slavery
[[Page H3266]]
during these dark periods of our Nation. So, I introduced legislation
called the Freedom Resolution, which would formally acknowledge the
ills, the hatred, and this dark period of our Nation that our
government, our State government, the State that I love, was actually
engaged in.
That was a very painful time in our history, but we learned from that
history. I don't think anyone wants to forget that time period, else we
will repeat that in some shape, form, or fashion.
As I said, it is important that the statues that we have here reflect
the values of this Nation. In fact, I was very vocal many times in the
past over one of Georgia's two statues here, Alexander Stephens. To say
he was a racist was an understatement. As was mentioned, his
``Cornerstone Address,'' as we read it today, is just wrought with the
idea that all men are not created equal.
In fact, he was very condemning of Thomas Jefferson and George
Washington. He even went as far as illustrating that they were insane
because of our founding documents being built upon a false premise, and
that false premise was the idea that God created all of us equal. He
went on to say that God didn't create us equal. He went on to say that
White people were superior and that that is why we have the institution
of slavery, and it should be preserved.
Those are not ideas that are commensurate with what we believe in
this Nation. But it was during a time period where many of the Old
South, Democrat-led houses and senates and statue commissions, were
trying to hold on to those old ideas and principles that our party--the
party of emancipation was brought up, Abraham Lincoln. We have been
opposed to these ideas. We totally wrapped our arms around this idea
that all men are created equal, that we are all given equal
opportunity, that all life is important, that everyone is created in
the eyes of God, and that this government exists to protect those
freedoms and those liberties.
But there were those in the Democrat-controlled Southern States who
wanted to hold on to the old ideas, those ideas that Alexander Stephens
espoused. That is why, in Georgia, the Democrat-led commission wanted
to poke their finger in the eyes of the Federal Government, and they
nominated or placed as statues these people who held ideas different
than what we hold as a party over here, what we hold as a nation today.
My opposition to this bill isn't because of the goal that we are
trying to achieve, but it is the way that the majority continues to
skirt procedure in this body for the second consecutive Congress. This
bill was rushed to the floor without a hearing or a markup in the
Committee on House Administration.
I am sure we will hear from my colleagues on the other side that
Republicans are insincere in our opposition to slavery and dragging our
feet when it comes to removing these statues. In fact, it was a
Republican, a good friend of mine in the State legislature, Scot
Turner, who in 2020 introduced legislation that he knew I supported,
and I came out publicly supporting, to remove Stephens' statue and
replace it with a statue of Martin Luther King, Jr.
The States have begun to take action. As we talked about, North
Carolina has already taken action to remove their statues and replace
them. But I am very concerned about this committee.
In fact, the Joint Committee on the Library, the committee
responsible for facilitating the removal of statues approved by State
legislatures, was only organized last week. Now, this is 6 months from
the start of the 117th Congress. I have been on the Joint Committee on
the Library, and I was very excited the first year I was appointed to
the Joint Committee on the Library because, as a fan of the Library of
Congress, I thought this would be a great opportunity to participate in
preserving the history and heritage of this Nation.
But of the three terms that I have been on the committee, from my
recollection, the committee has only met three times, and that was an
organizational meeting each time. It is hard to do your work when you
don't even get together to do the work.
The lack of urgency to organize the committee is reason for enough
concern. Even more disappointing is our failure to address several
approved statue replacement requests from State legislatures.
In October 2015, the State of North Carolina began the process of
switching out the statue of Charles Brantley Aycock with the Reverend
Billy Graham. Now, this passed the North Carolina House 71-28, a
bipartisan vote, and in the Senate, 44-0, a unanimous vote in the North
Carolina Senate. Yet, we still have not taken action on approving that
for a man who definitely had a very strong impact not only on civil
rights but on our Nation as a whole, who we so respect that his body
laid in the rotunda not too long ago. Yet, we still have not been able
to move on getting that done, as well as several other States.
I believe that we need to focus our efforts on changing this process
because I think it would mean a whole lot more, a whole lot more to
this body as well as to the American people if the States who
originally put those statues in here were the ones that now asked that
they would be removed. I think that would be much more appropriate than
this body taking action. If we reformed our process to make it where
the States could actually do it, it would mean a whole lot more to the
future of our Nation.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. LOFGREN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Madam Speaker, before yielding, I just want to note, for purposes of
clarifying the historical record, that the Republicans of the 19th
century and the early 20th century bear almost no resemblance to the
Republican Party of today. Similarly, the Democratic Party bears no
resemblance to the Democratic Party of the 19th and early 20th
centuries. They are the same parties in name only.
In the 19th century, the Republicans were generally the party of the
northerners, and the Democrats were the party of the South, and that
has switched.
Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California
(Ms. Pelosi), the Speaker of the House.
Ms. PELOSI. Madam Speaker, I thank Madam Chair for her leadership on
this very important issue.
The point that she makes is interesting because, actually, in terms
of the 14th Amendment, when Black Americans were given the right to
vote, it was the Republicans who were the votes to make that happen,
and the Democrats, to a person, voted against it. So, her point is well
taken. Now, we are in a fight to protect that right to vote, but we
will have that conversation another day. Today, we are here for a very
specific purpose.
Madam Speaker, this weekend, we observe the birth of our Nation, the
Fourth of July, when Americans joyfully celebrate the birth of
America's independence and the blessings of liberty.
As we do so, we solemnly recognize that those blessings have been
denied to so many throughout our Nation's history out of sheer bigotry
and racism.
This holiday, while a celebration, is also an opportunity to take
steps to right the wrongs of history, starting here, right here in the
U.S. Capitol.
That is why, today, we are again passing legislation to remove
statues of Confederate officials and other advocates of bigotry and
removing them from the U.S. Capitol.
As I have said before, the Halls of Congress are the very heart of
our democracy. The statues that we display should embody our highest
ideals as Americans, expressing who we are and who we aspire to be as a
nation.
Monuments to men or people who advocated cruelty and barbarism to
achieve such a plainly racist end are a grotesque affront to those
ideals. They are an homage to hate, not heritage. They must be removed.
I thank Leader Steny Hoyer, who has been advocating this for a long
time and took charge and worked with Whip Jim Clyburn, Congressional
Black Caucus Chair Joyce Beatty, Chair Bennie Thompson, Congresswoman
Barbara Lee, Congressman G. K. Butterfield, who we just heard from, and
the Chair. Madam Speaker, I
[[Page H3267]]
thank you and the others for your leadership.
This action builds on actions taken last Juneteenth when, using my
authority as House Speaker, I ordered the removal of four portraits of
past Speakers from the Capitol who traitorously served in the
Confederacy.
Among the Confederate statues in the Capitol that we are addressing
today are Jefferson Davis and Alexander Stephens, president and vice
president of the Confederacy, respectively, both of whom were charged
with treason against America.
This legislation also removes from the Old Supreme Court Chamber in
the Capitol the bust of Justice Roger Taney, a defender of slavery and
the author of the 1857 Dred Scott ruling, one of the most horrific
stains on our Nation and the Court's history. Mr. Hoyer has been
particularly interested in removing Justice Taney.
Removing these statues will not erase this stain or that of other
racist acts in our history, nor will it erase the racism that exists in
our country today. But it is an important and necessary step.
How can we seek to end the scourge of racism--including by passing
the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act, which the Chair has
championed--when we allow the worst perpetrators of that racism to be
lauded in the Halls of Congress?
Congress has the opportunity and the obligation to make meaningful
change. Let us lead by example.
The Taney bust will be replaced by a tribute to U.S. Supreme Court
Justice Thurgood Marshall, an icon of equality and champion of justice
in America.
I am very proud of Justice Marshall's Baltimore roots, as a native
Baltimorean, and I am happy that our Baltimore airport is named for
him.
Justice Thurgood Marshall's words, uttered nearly 30 years ago, must
be our inspiration. He said: ``America must get to work. . . . We must
dissent from the indifference. We must dissent from the apathy. We must
dissent from the fear, the hatred, and the mistrust.''
He went on further to say: ``We must dissent because America can do
better, because America has no choice but to do better.''
His words were later echoed by our Baltimore brother Elijah Cummings,
who said: ``We are better than this.''
Madam Speaker, we can do better, for the children. I urge a strong
bipartisan vote on this important step to do better, to right the
wrongs of history, and to move our Nation toward a future of justice. I
do so with gratitude for all of the champions who have brought us to
this important day. I urge a strong bipartisan vote.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
California (Mr. McCarthy), my good friend and the leader of the
Republicans here in the House.
Mr. McCARTHY. Madam Speaker, you have been a dear friend for a long
time. You have been in my office, and you sat on the couch. I sat
across, in the chair. And you know the portrait that hangs in my
office, a portrait of Abraham Lincoln. I am proud that he was the first
Republican President of the United States. I am proud of the action
that he took in a defining time of our Nation. The greatest challenge
ever to our Constitution was the Civil War, by long and by far.
{time} 1530
The bill we are voting on today we voted on before. I supported it
then, and I support it now.
But let me state a simple fact: All the statues being removed by this
bill are statues of Democrats. Madam Speaker, as I heard the Speaker
talk earlier about removing the four portraits of Speakers in the hall,
the same answer goes for that, as well. They were all Democrats.
What is interesting is the statues that need to be removed were sent
to the Capitol by States that were a majority controlled by Democrats
sent to a House that had a majority controlled by Democrats accepting
of these statues.
I think the bill should go further. Maybe it is time the Democrats
change the name of their party. They may be desperate to pretend their
party has progressed from the days of supporting slavery, pushing Jim
Crow laws or supporting the KKK.
But let's be honest, at any place at any time if those fundamentals
rest somewhere, we cannot let them.
Let's go through some of the words and actions of a few Democrats.
Just a few years ago then-Vice President Joe Biden praised Democrat
Senator Robert Byrd. He was an ``exalted cyclops'' of the Ku Klux Klan.
In his eulogy for Byrd he said: ``For a lot of us, he was a friend . .
. mentor . . . and guide.''
Another leading Democrat who praised Byrd at the time was Speaker
Pelosi. She called Byrd a friend, a great person, and a great American
patriot.
Madam Speaker, today the Democratic Party has doubled down on what I
consider this shameful history by replacing the racism of the past with
the racism of the critical race theory.
They continue to look at race as the primary means of judging a
person's character. We saw this just last week. Senate Democrats voted
to confirm one of President Biden's appointees who said: ``We must do
everything in our collective power to realize Dr. Kendi's vision for
America.''
Let me be clear about what that vision is. Kendi, the author of ``How
to Be an Antiracist'' proposed in his book that the solution to past
discrimination is present discrimination. Now that is what the person
who is now in charge of the personnel of the entire Federal Government
is endorsing. And this divisive vision isn't confirmed or just confined
to one person or department.
The Navy included Kendi's book on its official reading list for
sailors and the Department of Education has praised the debunked ``The
1619 Project,'' citing it as an example of what should be taught to our
children.
Critical race theory is the governing ideology of what we are now
finding in the Biden administration. By advocating for it Democrats
continue to fuel hatred and division across the country.
I agree with Senator Tim Scott: America is not a racist country.
America must reject critical race theory for the simple reason:
State-sponsored racism is wrong and always will be.
It was wrong when it was segregated lunch counters of Jim Crow, and
it was wrong when it was segregated classrooms of critical race theory.
Madam Speaker, many times I wonder what would America have looked
like had Abraham Lincoln not been assassinated? Malice towards none.
What would America have looked like had the agreement to remove the
Federal troops from the south because Joseph Rainey was elected to
Congress, and Jim Crow laws were passed by Democrat-controlled offices
in the south?
Our Nation was built on a unifying vision from the beginning. As
Lincoln said, we are conceived in liberty and dedicated to the
proposition that we are all equal.
I will vote for this bill today, just as I voted for it before, but,
Madam Speaker, if we have not learned anything, we should not divide
our Nation based on race.
I applaud the Democrats for standing up, removing Democrat statues
from Democrat-controlled majorities sent to a Democrat majority House
that accepted them. It is about time. But, Madam Speaker, to continue
along in a critical race theory where you would teach an individual
that they are right or wrong based upon the color of skin goes against
everything that we are voting about today.
Madam Speaker, you know my heart, and I know yours. There are times
we might disagree on philosophy or how best to run a government, but we
never disagreed by judging somebody by the color of their skin.
And I hope we take this moment and this opportunity as we promised
before to strive to be a more perfect Union.
Ms. LOFGREN. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from
South Carolina (Mr. Clyburn), the majority whip. We are so lucky to
have as our whip someone who started his public service as a fighter
for civil rights. Like our colleague, the late John Lewis, our whip put
his life on the line for civil rights and for voting rights.
Mr. CLYBURN. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me
the time.
I listened pretty intently to the minority leader talking about
theory, a principle upon which a set of practices
[[Page H3268]]
are made. That is what a theory is. We are not here today to talk about
theory.
Today, we are talking about some actions, some practices that were
made. We are talking about moving to make this Nation more perfect. And
one of the ways you do that is by recognizing and admitting that we
have a very spotted history when it comes to race.
I met my late wife in jail protesting practices that were based upon
our skin color. Racial inequities, that is what this is all about.
One of the statues in this building sent up here by my State, South
Carolina, is a statue of John C. Calhoun. John C. Calhoun is not here
because he defended the southern States during the Civil War. We talk
about those generals all over this place.
John C. Calhoun died in 1850, more than a decade before the Civil War
started. So why is he here? Why did South Carolina send his statue up
here for us to honor? Simply because he was this Nation's
foremost proponent of slavery. So much so until Yale University from
which he graduated took his name off the college that they celebrated
him with. Clemson University, which he was one of the founders of, took
his name off of his Honors College. Charleston, South Carolina, where
he is buried took his statue down overnight. People went to bed around
11 o'clock at night looking at the statue, and when they got up at 6
o'clock the next morning, it was gone because South Carolina has done
everything they can to get beyond those principles advocated by John C.
Calhoun.
But his statue is here. And I want to thank the Speaker for moving
that statue to some place out the eyesight of any school child coming
up here. I always call this Hall ``America's classroom.'' And we ought
to be teaching in this Hall that which is wholesome about the country.
This is a great country. Nobody denies that. I don't call this a
racist country. I do say that this country has on occasion, too often
for my taste, tolerated racism. That is a fact. And nobody can deny
that fact.
Last time this bill came before this body, over 70 of my Republican
friends voted for it. I would hope we could do a little better today.
Madam Speaker, I close by reminding my friend, most of us who studied
history, we know when the Republican Party came into being. We know
when the Democratic Party came into being; it happens to be an older
party than the Republican Party. So I understand all of that. But we
also know that in 1948, when Hubert Humphrey spoke at the 1948
Democratic Convention against segregation, Strom Thurmond, the
Democrat, left the party, came back. And in 1964 when Democrats came
together and decided that they were going to pass the Civil Rights Act
of 1964, Strom Thurmond, the Democrat, left the Democratic Party,
became a Republican, and took all of those segregationists with him
into the South Carolina Republican Party. The South Carolina Republican
Party built itself on the Confederate battle flag.
Those are facts of history. We can't deny those facts, and we won't
try to. We try to do whatever we can to do what George Santayana
admonished us to do; learn the history and gather lessons from that
history or we run the risk of repeating that history. What we should do
today is relegate these statues to the dust bin of history.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Madam Speaker, I appreciate the very passionate words
that we have heard here today. And as I said in the beginning, we on
this side of the aisle not only agree, but we have been advocating for
these very things for quite some time.
In fact, as far as Georgia's statue, I have advocated in times past
for the removal of Alexander Stephens' statue--it has been on several
occasions that I have spoken about this--and let me just share with you
this one idea, this principle, the criticism that he made of our
Founders, because he believed that our founding documents, the
Declaration of Independence and the Constitution were inherently
flawed. This is what Stephens said. ``The prevailing ideas entertained
by him,'' meaning Jefferson, ``and most of the leading statesmen at the
time of the formation of the old Constitution''--talking about the
Constitution we have today because he was advocating for the
Confederate Constitution--``were that the enslavement of the African
was in violation of the laws of nature; that it was wrong in principle,
socially, morally, and politically.'' And we agree with that.
What he is saying is the flaw of our Founders was that they believed
this idea that all men are created equal, and they put that in our
founding documents.
The reason I bring that up today is because of something that the
minority leader said, which is that under critical race theory they are
teaching that our founding documents were the opposite, and more that
they were what Alexander Stephens was saying they were, that they are
flawed, that they teach racism. But Alexander Stephens was taking the
opposite approach, and he says they weren't teaching racism, that is
why they are flawed.
This is why I have advocated a long time for the removal of Stephens'
statue. In fact, as I was speaking about this at one time, my family
and I received a threat from the Ku Klux Klan in Georgia, because I
adamantly believe that we are all created equal and we are all given
the same opportunities in this Nation.
Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr.
Westerman).
{time} 1545
Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, in her opening remarks, the gentlewoman
quoted Maya Angelou earlier. And since Maya Angelou spent her childhood
in my district in Arkansas, I wholeheartedly agree with the words of
Maya Angelou that we can do better.
But I am not convinced that H.R. 3005 is actually doing better. Madam
Speaker, this bill would remove all statues from the U.S. Capitol of
individuals who voluntarily served in the Confederate Army or, it
appears, who are now otherwise deemed by Democrats as racist and unfit
for any type of honor.
One of the statues named for removal is James Paul Clarke, a Democrat
from Arkansas, who served as a U.S. Senator and the 18th Governor of
Arkansas. His statue was placed in the Capitol by Democrat majorities
in both the Arkansas House and Senate.
The Speaker might be interested to learn that the Republican Arkansas
State legislature voted in 2019 to replace James Paul Clarke and its
other statue, which depicts Uriah Rose. Speaker Pelosi is already
familiar Uriah Rose. You see, last year, on June 10, Speaker Pelosi
sent a letter to the Joint Committee on the Library requesting it
remove 11 statues which depict Confederate soldiers and officials,
which she says involves Uriah Rose.
Uriah Rose was an Arkansas attorney, who was a founder and two-time
president of the American Bar Association. Uriah Rose also founded the
Rose Law Firm in Little Rock, at which Hillary Clinton began her legal
career and became the firm's first female partner.
The Speaker will be pleased to know that neither Uriah Rose nor James
Paul Clarke were commissioned into the Confederate Army. Uriah Rose
never fought for the Confederacy, and James Paul Clarke was 7 years old
when the Civil War began.
However, following the established procedures for placing statues in
the Capitol, Arkansas has recognized racist beliefs held at least by
the Democrat Governor and Senator James Clarke and, in 2019, began the
process of replacing our two statues with those who have made
significant, meaningful contributions to Arkansas and our Nation:
Country music legend Johnny Cash and civil rights activist Daisy Bates.
Madam Speaker, every State can follow that process. Many have and
many are. Daisy Bates was a civil rights activist who was an
unstoppable force during the desegregation of Arkansas, and I am proud
that Arkansas chose her as one of the statues to replace James Paul
Clarke and Uriah Rose.
Daisy Bates was instrumental in securing safe entry into Little Rock
Central High School for the ``Little Rock Nine'' in September of 1957,
one of the first high schools in Arkansas to integrate following the
Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court decision in 1954.
Arkansas has been working with the Architect of the Capitol and the
Joint Committee on the Library to replace these statues for 2\1/2\
years, complying with every step in the process.
[[Page H3269]]
H.R. 3005 also names other statues, such as Charles Brantley Aycock,
a Democrat from North Carolina who did not serve in the Confederate
Army, but has racist ties, who North Carolina has been trying to
replace with Reverend Billy Graham since 2015.
This bill naming statues that are in the process of being replaced is
nothing more than what I believe is an attempt by Democrats to
prematurely thwart the authority of States in order to claim the moral
high ground for themselves. If Democrats were serious about cleansing
the U.S. Capitol of statues depicting those with racist views, Speaker
Pelosi would insist the Joint Committee on the Library make it a top
priority to work with Arkansas and North Carolina to expedite the
replacement of these statues that are already in process.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to
the gentleman from Arkansas.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, I am glad to hear the gentlewoman is
going to work to see the Billy Graham statue is quickly added, and I
ask that she does the same for Arkansas statues of Johnny Cash and
Daisy Bates.
Madam Speaker, we don't need a do-nothing messaging bill from
Democrats. We don't need another nanny-state mandate from House
Democrats telling States what they need to do. What we need is a get-
something-done attitude and real leadership, and these statues will be
gone out of the Capitol.
Ms. LOFGREN. Madam Speaker, just a note of the process. In fact,
Arkansas is now selecting an artist to develop the Bates statue that
has to be approved before we can proceed. Meanwhile, even though they
want to get rid of that statue, it stays here. If we pass this bill,
the statue will be gone while Arkansas pursues a replacement.
Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr.
Raskin), my colleague, a member of the Committee on House
Administration, and a scholar and former constitutional law professor.
Mr. RASKIN. Madam Speaker, I thank the chairwoman for her great
leadership on this.
Madam Speaker, it is one thing to remember the Nation's Confederate
traitors. It is another thing to glorify them. It is time to stop
glorifying white supremacy in black robes and Confederate traitors who
defected from the Union and took up arms against the United States.
Now, I represent Frederick County, Maryland, where Justice Taney
lived. The city of Frederick, 5 years ago, took down their statue of
the man who wrote the Dred Scott opinion, which found that an African
American could never be a citizen within the meaning of Article III of
the Constitution, and in which he wrote: ``Blacks have no rights which
the White man is bound to respect.''
In the name of original intent, Justice Taney transformed our
Constitution into a White man's compact. He disgraced the Supreme
Court. It would take the Civil War, the Reconstruction amendments, and
the civil rights movement to dismantle the white supremacist
constitution.
Now we are going to replace him with a great Marylander, who has
stood the test of time, Justice Thurgood Marshall, who was one of the
architects of the legal strategy to dismantle Jim Crow and to replace
Plessy v. Ferguson.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Ms. LOFGREN. Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the
gentleman from Maryland.
Mr. RASKIN. Madam Speaker, Justice Marshall argued the White primary
line of cases: Smith v. Allwright and Terry v. Adams. He argued Brown
v. Board of Education. He became the first African-American Supreme
Court Justice.
As for all the other Federal officeholders who took an oath to
support our Constitution but then defected to the Confederacy and waged
insurrection and rebellion against the United States, they were banned
by Section 3 of the 14th Amendment from ever serving in public office
again, at the Federal level, at the State level, or at the local level.
Why should they occupy a position of honor and reverence in this
building?
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Madam Speaker, may I inquire how much time is
remaining?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Georgia has 11\1/2\
minutes remaining. The gentlewoman from California has 12\1/2\ minutes
remaining.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Madam Speaker, prior to the organizing of the current
Joint Committee on the Library, Ranking Member Rodney Davis and I sent
a letter to the Joint Committee on the Library to demand immediate
action on North Carolina's pending request to replace the statue of
Charles Brantley Aycock with the statue of Reverend Billy Graham.
So far, the request has been ignored, but I can only assume it was
because it would impede the ability to do what we are doing here today.
But I am encouraged by the chair's commitment to act on that very
quickly.
I would also say that this isn't an isolated case. There are
currently eight States with pending requests, including Arkansas,
Florida, Missouri, Kansas, North Carolina, Nebraska, Utah, and
Virginia.
In fact, Georgia has just introduced in this last session a new piece
of legislation to remove Stephens' statue with that of the late
Representative John Lewis, which is receiving bipartisan support. In
fact, the Republican Speaker of the House is the top cosponsor of that
legislation.
Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr.
Grothman).
Mr. GROTHMAN. Madam Speaker, I will have to admit that when I first
got this job and walked through Statuary Hall, I was kind of surprised
at some of the people who are honored there. In particular, Alexander
Stephens was one that kind of jumped out at me.
And right before the end of the Civil War, Abraham Lincoln talked
about malice towards none and charity for all. And I think that charity
for all was being a little abused when people like Alexander Hamilton
Stephens got their statue down there.
Be that as it may, there is another part of this bill that is put
before us. We have talked about the Dred Scott decision. I am going to
talk a little bit about Roe v. Wade and a history of Roe v. Wade that I
think a lot of people don't know about. I get this history in part from
an article put out by Planned Parenthood and in part from a book
written by Bob Woodward.
Obviously, Roe v. Wade could be described as the most significant
court decision in that it legalized abortion, and we have 60 million
fewer Americans than we would have if this decision had not happened.
However, a change was made in that decision as they were debating it,
upping that 60 million figure a little bit higher because a decision
was made at the end to go from allowing abortions at 3 months to
allowing abortions all the way until viability--late-term abortion.
The author of that decision, Justice Blackmun, was just going to go 3
months, and he got a letter put out by Thurgood Marshall, who wanted it
to be much higher.
I can't tell you exactly how many abortions past 3 months we have had
in this country, but it is probably over 5 million. And that was
because Thurgood Marshall was in the right or wrong position--however
you want to look at it--to go from 3 months to making America one of
seven countries in the world where they allow abortions so late. And of
those countries includes North Korea, Vietnam, Red China--not countries
you want to be associated with.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to
the gentleman from Wisconsin.
Mr. GROTHMAN. Madam Speaker, if this bill becomes law and we walk
through there, we are going to see Thurgood Marshall--or at least I
will always look at him as the guy who weighed in and felt after
abortion was largely illegal in this country for its first 200 years,
the guy who kind of put the foot on the gas and legalized late-term
abortion and put the United States in with those other six countries.
Madam Speaker, for that reason, I am going to vote against this bill
today. And, hopefully, someday in America, the Roe v. Wade decision and
putting the United States in the position in which even 6- or 7-month-
old
[[Page H3270]]
babies can have their lives taken away, hopefully that will eventually
end.
Ms. LOFGREN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Green).
Mr. GREEN of Texas. Madam Speaker, I thank the chairwoman for
yielding.
Madam Speaker, the great Thurgood Marshall won 29 of 32 cases before
the Supreme Court of the United States of America. He was eminently
qualified then and he is now, and this is a proper thing for us to do.
I want to close with this: If Judge Taney and his cohorts had their
way, there would be no person of color in this building today.
Madam Speaker, if they had their way, you would not be at that
podium.
Madam Speaker, I stand with Mr. Hoyer. I am grateful for what he has
done, and I will vote for this legislation. Its time has long since
come, and we are doing the right thing. Dr. King reminded us, ``the
time is always right to do that which is right.''
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Madam Speaker, may I inquire how much time I have
remaining?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman has 8 minutes remaining.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Madam Speaker, it is refreshing to know that there is
so much we actually do agree on in this Chamber, because the things
that my good friend from Texas just said, we agree on, and we have
agreed on since Abraham Lincoln was the President.
Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr.
Rodney Davis), my good friend, who is also the ranking member of the
Committee on House Administration.
Mr. RODNEY DAVIS of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I thank my colleague and
my friend on the Committee on House Administration for running this
debate for our side.
Madam Speaker, despite its flaws, I intend to vote for the underlying
bill. But, nevertheless, I rise to highlight several points the
majority has failed to address.
It has been 6 years--6 years--since the people of North Carolina,
through their elected State legislature, requested on a bipartisan
basis to replace the State statue of Charles Brantley Aycock, a former
Democrat Governor of that State, who supported segregation and white
supremacy.
The people of North Carolina have requested to replace the statue
with a sculpture of the late Reverend Billy Graham, a worthy North
Carolinian respected and beloved by millions.
Even the Speaker of the House has had many kind words for Reverend
Graham, only the fourth American ever to lie in honor in the U.S.
Capitol.
{time} 1600
In a press release dated February 21, 2018, the Speaker said in part
the following: ``Reverend Graham's leadership and firm partnership with
the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., were vital in the fight for
civil rights in the South. His counsel to U.S. Presidents, regardless
of party, brought grace and humility into our politics.''
Madam Speaker, I include in the Record the entire press release.
Pelosi Statement on the Passing of the Reverend Billy Graham
(February 21, 2018, Press Release)
San Francisco--Democratic Leader Nancy Pelosi issued this
statement today on the passing of the Reverend Billy Graham:
``Today, millions around the world grieve the loss of the
Reverend Billy Graham. His clarion message of fellowship and
faith lifted and inspired countless members of the Christian
community.
``Reverend Graham's leadership and firm partnership with
the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. were vital in the
fight for civil rights in the South. His counsel to U.S.
Presidents, regardless of party, brought grace and humility
into our politics. In moments of crisis, from terrorist
attacks to horrific natural disasters, Americans roiled by
tragedy and turmoil looked to Reverend Graham for solace.
``May it bring comfort to William, Nelson, Virginia, Anne,
Ruth and the entire Graham family that so many around the
world share in their sorrow at this time.''
Mr. RODNEY DAVIS of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I agree with the
Speaker's remarks. Reverend Graham was vital in the fight for civil
rights in the South.
So, today, I ask: Why are we still having this conversation 6 years
later? Why do the Democrats continue to delay States' efforts, like
North Carolina and Arkansas, to replace the statues in question that
are currently at the Capitol? Why do Democrats delay action, keeping
these statues of known racist Democrats in this building?
Democrats have done nothing on any statue for the past 6 months,
leaving statues of segregationists, known racists, and other
Confederate Democrats in our Capitol.
As an aside, we know this process shouldn't take this long. Kansas,
which has no statues in question in the underlying bill, has been
waiting 22 years to put a statue of Amelia Earhart in the Capitol.
Just yesterday, the chair of the Joint Committee on the Library, a
Democrat, signed the paperwork in about 30 seconds when pressed on it,
despite waiting over 6 months to organize the Joint Committee on the
Library this Congress.
It is clear that the Democrats could move these requests along at any
time but instead are actively continuing to delay the process.
In an effort to speed up this process, I offered an amendment
yesterday at the Rules Committee that very reasonably would have
addressed these delays and would have required the Joint Committee on
the Library to act within 30 days of receiving any actionable items on
statue replacement. Thirty days, come on.
Democrats ruled it out of order. I believe that is because they
wanted to vote on this bill. Each of the statues in question represents
a known racist who was a Democrat from the past. The majority party is
anxious to erase their discriminatory history from the Capitol with
this action.
So, let's have the vote. Let's have a vote on this Democrat bill
intending to remove Democrat statues.
Madam Speaker, my constituent Abraham Lincoln is buried in my
district, the 13th District of Illinois, the first Republican President
of our great Nation. I am proud to represent that history. I stood on
this floor debating and supporting this bill in the last Congress, and
I will support it again.
But please, Madam Speaker, please, please encourage the Democratic
majority to help us reform this broken process that has delayed and
delayed and kept statues of known Confederates, known racists, who
happen to be Democrats in the past, in this Capitol.
Let's work together. Let's get this done. Let's stop playing games.
And let's actually open the Capitol again. It is kind of interesting
and ironic that no one can see these statues because the Capitol is
closed.
What are we doing to establish a plan to reopen our Capitol for our
Nation to actually share in this history, to share in the history of
Abraham Lincoln, to share in the history of our country, to share in
the special building that we get the chance to walk in and work in
while it remains closed?
Madam Speaker, I look forward to working in a bipartisan way to
reform this broken process. Madam Speaker, I am thankful for the
opportunity to speak today, and I intend to vote for this bill.
Ms. LOFGREN. Madam Speaker, may I ask how much time remains on both
sides.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. Schrier). The gentlewoman has 11\1/2\
minutes remaining. The gentleman from Georgia has 3 minutes remaining.
Ms. LOFGREN. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Bass).
Ms. BASS. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 3005 to
remove the bust of Chief Justice Roger Taney and Confederate statues
from public display in the U.S. Capitol Building.
The people's House can never truly be for the people if it is lined
with tributes to those who fought to continue the enslavement of Black
people in this country.
My ancestors built this building. Imagine how they would feel knowing
that, more than 100 years after slavery was abolished in this country,
we still paid homage to the very people who betrayed this country in
order to keep my ancestors enslaved.
Imagine how I and other African Americans and people of color feel
walking through Statuary Hall, knowing that there are monuments to
people who supported, embraced, and fought for the breakup of our
country.
We are not trying to erase our history. We must confront our past
when
[[Page H3271]]
we talk about who we should honor in this building.
Should we honor the man who wrote the Supreme Court ruling that
African Americans can't be citizens? Or should we honor the man who got
the Supreme Court to rule that separate but equal cannot be equal?
Should we honor a legal architect of slavery? Or should we honor a
legal architect of the civil rights movement?
When I hear my colleagues on the other side of the aisle talk about
the Democratic Party, I wonder if you are aware of the whole history of
the civil rights movement, where Black people and other people of color
fought to enter the Democratic Party. And when people objected to our
participation, and when people objected to our right to vote, those
people left the Democratic Party and joined the Republican Party. We
are extremely aware of our history of racism in the Democratic Party.
Part of our history as Americans is that we criticize our country. We
don't just honor the nice stories of our history, but we honor and
embrace all of our history. And we fight for a more perfect Union.
Fighting for a more perfect Union for people of color meant fighting to
enter the Democratic Party.
It is my hope that my colleagues on the other side of the aisle will
go back to that history of the Republican Party that you honor and
fight for the right of all Americans to vote.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. LOFGREN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the majority leader.
Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding, and I
am glad to be back.
Madam Speaker, I have been out for 2 weeks, and now that I have a new
knee, I am good for another 20 years. That is what they tell me. They
guarantee me that.
Madam Speaker, when I brought this bill to the floor just about a
year ago, I referred to our Capitol Building as a sacred space for
democracy, a symbol around the world of democracy. The intervening
months have shown us, in ways we could not have imagined then, just how
true that statement was and is.
Sadly, we in this House, our colleagues in the Senate, all who work
here, experienced on January 6 a wrenching reminder of how democracy
demands our eternal defense and vigilance. We watched our temple of
democracy defiled by a violent mob of insurrectionists. For many of us
here, that was a watershed moment, seeing such evils pervade the halls
of the American Capitol.
However, Madam Speaker, for African Americans, who have been serving
here, working here, and visiting here for many decades, that sense of
defilement of this sacred space is all too familiar for them.
Our colleague, the former speaker of the California Assembly, Karen
Bass, made that clear when she spoke. When they see individuals like
John Calhoun, Charles Aycock, and James Paul Clarke celebrated in stone
and bronze in these halls, they are reminded that, for so much of our
history, the leaders and leading institutions of our government and
country did not view them as equal or, at times, even human.
When they enter the solemn Old Supreme Court Chamber and stare into
the cold marble eyes of Roger Brooke Taney, they are reminded that, at
one time, the highest court in our land declared that Black lives did
not matter.
Mr. Speaker, we ought not be surprised when our fellow citizens of
color raise signs that say: No, America, Black lives do matter. That is
somewhat what this debate is about.
In the infamous 1857 Dred Scott decision written by Justice Taney, a
distinguished citizen of Maryland revered in his time for his intellect
and his accomplishments, Taney, in this terrible decision, quoted the
Declaration of Independence, which all of us quote so often: ``We hold
these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.''
Today, we would say all men and women are equal, irrespective of color.
But this Dred Scott decision ought to teach us a lesson today. It
ought to humble us today. When people around us say, ``Boy, that is the
right decision,'' because it happens to be the decision of the moment,
not a decision of history.
Beneath those lines, Taney wrote these: ``The general words,'' that
is, that all men are created equal, ``The general words above quoted
would seem to embrace the whole human family.'' Hear me, colleagues.
This is Taney speaking in a decision where he is about to say Black
lives do not matter.
He said, however, that it ``would seem to embrace the whole human
family,'' not divided by color or gender or nationality or religion,
the whole human race. And he went on to say: ``And if they were used in
a similar instrument at this day would be so understood.'' I want you
to think about that.
I want you to think about it, colleagues, with humility. Frankly, I
want those who argue for the originalist point of view to think of
that. Taney thought of that. And he thought, in his day, in 1857, the
whole human family would be covered by ``all men are created equal.''
But notwithstanding that belief, he did not so rule because he was
mired in the past, and the progress of those some 90 years had alluded
him because he went on to say: But ``the enslaved African race were not
intended to be included and formed no part of the people who framed and
adopted this Declaration.'' An originalist.
The Founders were human. They were extraordinary humans, but they
were human. Their environment shaped their thoughts, as they do ours.
Taney's words were used by the Confederacy during the Civil War to
justify the creation of a regime built to sustain the enslavement of
African Americans in perpetuity, with no possibility of recognizing
their humanity.
{time} 1615
Even though Taney said that in 1857, that would have been the popular
definition of all men are created equal, Blacks and Whites alike.
And those words have been used ever since by bigots and white
supremacists to justify segregation, racial violence, and
discrimination.
Mr. Speaker, I say to my fellow colleagues that we must not allow the
author of those words to hold a place of honor in our Capitol. That is
why I introduced this legislation along with Representative Barbara
Lee; my dear friend of over a half a century, Jim Clyburn;
Representative Karen Bass, former Speaker of the California Assembly;
Chairman Bennie Thompson from Mississippi; and Representative G. K.
Butterfield a North Carolina former Supreme Court Justice; and the
present chair of the Congressional Black Caucus, Congresswoman Joyce
Beatty from Ohio.
Because this building, this sacred space, this temple of democracy
has been defiled for too long. We owe it not to forget history. We must
learn from history. But we ought not to honor that which defiled the
principles for which we think we stand and for which I think we do
stand.
It is time, Mr. Speaker, to remove those symbols of slavery,
segregation, and sedition from these Halls. How recently we saw,
remembered the savage genocide in Tulsa just a few weeks ago, justified
in the minds of many, I am sure, that these, after all, were not men
who were created equal. They were not children created in the image of
God. And therefore, some rationalized the taking of their lives
because, after all, their lives did not matter, and therefore, no one
was prosecuted, no one was held accountable.
As I said, Roger Brooke Taney was from my State of Maryland, and I
acknowledge, as I was growing up as a kid in the late 1950s in high
school and then in college in the 1960s, my party was the
segregationist party. And my party decided that we did not want to be
that party and that there was not a home for segregationists in the
Democratic Party. That is a decision we made consciously, knowing full
well the cost and that is why Lyndon Johnson said when he signed one of
the civil rights bills: We may have just given up the South.
In our State capital of Annapolis, Mr. Speaker, we removed the statue
of Chief Justice Taney, the highest ranking Marylander in the Federal
Government in history. It had stood there when I was sworn in as a
member of the State Senate. And when I listened to Governor Agnew give
his State of the Union, it was on the site of the
[[Page H3272]]
Roger Brooke Taney statue on the east front of our Capitol.
If you turn and walk west through the Capitol of Maryland, you will
come out on a park. It is the Thurgood Marshall Park, a testament to
the progress and enlightenment that occurred from Taney to Marshall in
our State.
The decision to remove Taney's statue was long overdue, but as the
gentleman from Texas said Martin Luther King said: It is never too late
to do the right thing. And this, today, is the right thing. It reflects
our growth as a State as we have confronted the most difficult parts of
our history and it will reflect our growth as we recognize it here, as
we did overwhelmingly when we passed this last year. Over a third of my
Republican colleagues joined the Democratic colleagues in saying Black
lives do, in fact, matter.
Those who say we shouldn't teach about slavery or that we should
sweep it under the rug or that we should skip over the lines in our
Constitution that reference it, do a disservice to our understanding of
America's greatness.
Jim Clyburn, our whip, a civil rights hero in his own right, likes
to quote de Tocqueville saying that America's greatness is not that it
always does the right thing. America's greatness is that it is willing
to correct its wrongs. We are great because we approach our past with
humility and openness. And we are great because we continue to protect
our democracy through more inclusion, more tolerance, more justice,
more equality, that all men and women, irrespective of artificial
distinctions or real distinctions, are equal in the eyes of our
Constitution and of our laws.
That is why Democrats and Republicans came together earlier this
month to make Juneteenth a national holiday, overwhelmingly, a handful
voting against that, in an articulation of our principles today, not
yesterday. That was Roger Brooke Taney's great blindness. That is why I
believe we can take this important step together today.
Mr. Speaker, I ask the House once again to join me in passing this
legislation, to remove these statues and bust of Chief Justice Taney
from the Capitol. Not to forget them. Not to say they weren't part of
history, but they are not deserving of our honor. Not because we want
to erase history but because we are determined to confront it.
As a Marylander, proud of steps we have taken in Annapolis, I believe
that Justice Thurgood Marshall would be a far better ambassador for the
greatness of American democracy and for our State of Maryland than
Roger Brooke Taney. Where Roger Brooke Taney represents the worst of
American justice and racism, Thurgood Marshall represents the best of
justice and equality. He deserves to be honored in this Capitol for his
trailblazing career and lifelong dedication to civil rights and equal
justice for all.
Mr. Speaker, I hope all of my colleagues, not as Republicans and
Democrats, but as Americans who believe we are a special, exceptional
country because we lift up the individual and we protect the 1 against
the 99 if the 1 is right. That is the essence of America. And even
though they did not live it out perfectly, they articulated the
perfection of all men are created equal. And endowed not by the
Constitution, not by the laws of Congress, not by the majority vote of
their fellow citizens, endowed by their creator with certain
unalienable rights.
That is what this vote is about today, and I urge my colleagues, vote
``yes'' for America, vote ``yes'' for its principles that are so
respected properly around the world.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Mr. Speaker, to the gentlewoman from California, I am
prepared to close if she is. I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. LOFGREN. Well, the other speakers we are expecting I think are
caught up in a long appropriations markup, so you may proceed. I
reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record a letter from the members of the
North Carolina delegation that was written to the Joint Committee on
the Library encouraging them to move quickly on their request to
replace the Aycock statue with that of Billy Graham.
Congress of the United States
Washington, DC, June 29, 2021.
Hon. Zoe Lofgren,
Chairperson,
Joint Committee of Congress on the Library.
Hon. Amy Klobuchar,
Ranking Member,
Joint Committee of Congress on the Library.
Chairperson Lofgren and Ranking Member Klobuchar: We write
today to encourage the Joint Committee of Congress on the
Library's (JCL) expeditious approval of the North Carolina
General Assembly's request to replace the State's current
statues in the National Statuary Hall Collection. Since 2015,
North Carolina has worked to replace one of its current
statues, which depicts Charles Brantley Aycock, an individual
associated with white supremacy, with one of the late
Reverend William Franklin ``Billy'' Graham, Jr. Despite North
Carolina's diligent efforts in coordination with the
Architect of the Capitol (AOC) and past Joint Committees on
the Library, the statue of Aycock remains.
On October 2, 2015, the North Carolina General Assembly
passed Session Law 2015-269; HB 540, ``An Act Requesting the
Joint Committee on the Library of Congress to Approve the
Replacement of the Statue of Charles Brantley Aycock in
National Statuary Hall with the Statue of the Reverend
William Franklin ``Billy'' Graham, Jr.'' This legislation
passed the North Carolina House with bipartisan support and
passed the North Carolina Senate unanimously.
In February 2018, North Carolina Governor Roy Cooper and
Lieutenant Governor Dan Forest sent letters to the AOC in
support of the General Assembly's request.
On July 29, 2020, the North Carolina Legislature's Statuary
Hall Selection Committee unanimously approved the design of
the Rev. Graham statue.
According to the AOC, North Carolina's request continues to
await JCL approval to proceed to step five of the ten-step
replacement process. Now, over six months into the 117th
Congress, JCL's delayed organization continues to hinder
North Carolina's wishes to remove a white supremacist's
statue from the Capitol.
We implore the JCL to honor the will of the people of North
Carolina by moving immediately to complete its work on North
Carolina's request and to stand ready to assist as needed in
order to ensure the State's wishes are finally realized
without further delay.
Sincerely,
Patrick McHenry.
Virginia Foxx.
Richard Hudson.
Ted Budd.
David Rouzer.
Dan Bishop.
Gregory F. Murphy, M.D.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record the official 10-
step Architect of the Capitol statue removal and replacement process.
This process was established in the 2000 omnibus and further defined
in 2014 and requires coordination between the State, the Architect of
the Capitol, and the Joint Committee on the Library. All requests for
statue replacements begin in State legislatures and is then
communicated to the Architect of the Capitol who then manages the
communication of the request to the JCL for approval through the
process.
Architect of the Capitol
January 2014.
Procedure and Guidelines for Replacement of Statues in the National
Statuary Hall Collection
The creation of the National Statuary Hall Collection was
authorized by the United States Congress in 1864 to allow
each State to provide two statues of notable citizens for
display in the United States Capitol. The Joint Committee on
the Library of Congress has oversight of the collection, and,
under the committee's direction, the Architect of the Capitol
(AOC) is responsible for the reception, placement, and care
of the statues.
In accordance with legislation enacted in 2000, ``Any State
may request the Joint Committee on the Library of Congress to
approve the replacement of a statue the State has provided
for display in Statuary Hall'' under two conditions:
(A) the request has been approved by a resolution adopted
by the legislature of the State and the request has been
approved by the Governor of the State, and
(B) the statue to be replaced has been displayed in the
Capitol of the United States for at least 10 years as of the
time the request is made, except that the Joint Committee may
waive this requirement for cause at the request of a State.
Steps in the Procedure
1. Responsibilities of the State. The State legislature
enacts a resolution that identifies the statue to be
replaced, names the individual to be newly commemorated and
cites his or her qualifications, selects a committee or
commission to represent the State in selecting the sculptor,
and directs the method of obtaining the necessary funds to
carry the resolution into effect. Expenditures for which the
State is responsible include the cost of paying the sculptor
for designing and carving or casting the statue; designing
and fabricating the pedestal; transporting the statue and
pedestal to the United States Capitol; removing and
transporting the replaced statue; temporarily erecting the
new statue on its pedestal in the location approved for the
unveiling ceremony; certain
[[Page H3273]]
expenses related to the unveiling ceremony; and any other
expenses that the State commission may find it necessary to
incur.
2. Request to Replace a Statue. A duly authorized State
official, typically the governor, shall submit to the
Architect of the Capitol a written request to provide a new
statue, a description of the location in the State where the
replaced statue will be displayed after it is transferred,
and a copy of the applicable enacted State legislation
authorizing the replacement. The Architect of the Capitol
will review the request for completeness and will forward it
to the Joint Committee on the Library.
3. Joint Committee on the Library Action. The Joint
Committee on the Library will approve or deny the request.
4. Agreement Regarding Replacement. If the request is
approved by the Joint Committee on the Library, the Architect
of the Capitol will formalize an agreement with the State to
guide the process. The agreement consists of the State's
commitment to follow the guidelines for the design and
fabrication of statues (see below) and to take responsibility
for any cost related to the design, construction,
transportation, and placement of the new statue; the removal
and transportation of the statue being replaced; and any
unveiling ceremony. The agreement is between the Architect of
the Capitol and the State. If the State authorizes a
commission, foundation, or other entity to act upon its
behalf in subsequent parts of the process, the governor must
so notify the Architect of the Capitol in writing.
5. Approval of Maquette. The State or its representative
shall submit to the Architect of the Capitol, for review and
final approval by the Joint Committee on the Library,
photographs of the maquette from all four sides and the
proposed dimensions of the completed statue.
6. Approval of Full-Size Clay Model and Pedestal Design,
Including Proposed Inscription. The State shall submit to the
Architect of the Capitol, for review and final approval by
the Joint Committee on the Library, photographs of the model
from all four sides, dimensions, engineering drawings of the
pedestal, the anticipated weight of the completed statue and
pedestal, and the text of any proposed inscriptions. Any
structural, safety, and design concerns will need to be
addressed before final approval.
7. Approval of Completed Statue, Cast in Bronze or Carved
in Marble, and Completed Pedestal. The State shall submit to
the Architect of the Capitol, for review and final approval
by the Joint Committee on the Library, photographs of the
completed statue and pedestal from all four sides,
dimensions, the final weight, and the text of any
inscriptions.
8. Ceremony and Program. The holding of an unveiling
ceremony is optional. Permission to use the Rotunda or
Emancipation Hall must be granted by concurrent resolution of
the Congress, and legislation by the Congress is required to
authorize printing of the proceedings at government expense.
The State may contact its delegation in Congress for
assistance and for introduction of the required legislation.
Although no law requires the Congress to accept statues by
formal resolution, it is recommended that acceptance of the
statue by the Congress be included in the legislation
introduced for the use the Rotunda or Emancipation Hall for
the unveiling ceremony.
The State must arrange the program for the ceremony with
the Speaker of the House, who will ensure that congressional
participation is bipartisan and bicameral and that the
program concludes in a reasonable time. The Architect of the
Capitol provides support for any unveiling ceremony.
9. Statue Removal/Installation and Ownership Transfer. The
State must arrange for a rigger approved by the Architect of
the Capitol to remove the replaced statue and install the
replacement statue in the location of its unveiling. This
work must be coordinated with the Architect of the Capitol.
The replaced statue must be removed shortly before the new
statue is brought into the Capitol. Before the replaced
statue is removed, a document transferring ownership of that
statue from the federal government to the State will be
signed by the designated State official.
10. Permanent Location. The permanent location for the
replacement statue will be approved by the Joint Committee on
the Library. The National Statuary Hall collection is located
in several areas of the Capitol: National Statuary Hall (the
Old Hall of the House), the Rotunda, the second-floor House
and Senate corridors, the Hall of Columns, the Crypt, and the
Capitol Visitor Center.
The Architect of the Capitol will make recommendations for
placement of the new statue with the least possible
disruption to previously placed statues while maintaining a
harmonious arrangement. To assist in developing this
recommendation, the agency's structural engineer will
determine whether the floor in any proposed location can
safely support the weight of the statue. If the replacement
statue is suitable in weight and dimensions, it will normally
take the place of the replaced statue. If not, the Architect
of the Capitol will, upon the approval of the Joint Committee
on the Library and with the advice of the Commission of Fine
Arts as requested, relocate statues within the Capitol.
If necessary, after the statue has been unveiled, the
Architect of the Capitol will be responsible for moving it to
the permanent location approved by the Joint Committee on the
Library.
Guidelines for Replacement Statues
The guidelines below are provided for reference only; they
may be modified in particular cases by the Joint Committee on
the Library. Images of the one hundred statues now in the
collection are available at the Architect of the Capitol
website (www.aoc.gov).
Subject. The subject of the statue must be a deceased
person who was a citizen of the United States and is
illustrious for historic renown or for distinguished civic or
military services. Statues may represent only one individual
(ruling adopted by the Joint Committee on the Library at
meeting of March 13, 1950). Statues should represent the full
length.
Material. The statue must be made of marble or bronze.
Replacement statues made of the same material as the replaced
statue are preferred. Materials from domestic sources,
including, as applicable, sources in the territories and
possessions of the United States, are preferred.
Pedestal. To reduce weight, the Architect of the Capitol
recommends that the pedestal be made of a hollow steel frame
faced in granite or other stone or be made of bronze. It is
recommended that the pedestal be designed and constructed
with a removable panel (usually in the back) to allow
access to attachment bolts. The pedestal design,
dimensions, and weight must be submitted to the Architect
of the Capitol for review.
Inscriptions. Inscriptions on the pedestal should include
the name of the State and of the individual represented. The
preferred option is that inscriptions be carved.
Alternatively, they can be raised or cast on a bronze plaque.
It is traditional and preferred that inscriptions be simple
and that they appear only on the front of the pedestal. The
proposed inscription should be submitted for review and
approval by the Joint Committee on the Library as part of the
pedestal design.
Size and Weight. In general, the figure in the replacement
statue should be over life size, with a height between seven
and eight feet, and the total height, including the pedestal,
no greater than eleven feet. Within that size range, the
combined weight of a bronze statue and its pedestal should
not exceed 5,000 pounds; a marble statue and its pedestal
should weigh no more than 10,000 pounds.
Patina and Coating. For bronze statues, the selected patina
and coating must be easily maintained and repaired. Formulas
for the patinating and coating materials must be provided to
the Architect of the Capitol for use during future
maintenance.
Other Considerations. The statue and pedestal should not be
a potential source of safety hazards. They should not have
any protruding or sharp element that could cause harm or be
an obstacle for persons in the building.
Relevant Legislation
The law creating National Statuary Hall is the act of July
2, 1864 (2 U.S.C. Sec. 2131) (formerly 40 U.S.C. 187), which
established that each State had the right to donate
``statues, in marble or bronze, not exceeding two in number
for each State, of deceased persons who have been citizens
thereof, and illustrious for their historic renown or for
distinguished civic or military services . . . .''
This law was modified in 2000 by Sec. 311 of H.R. 5657
(included by reference in H.R. 4577) and established as law
by P.L. 106-554, which provides that ``Any state may request
the Joint Committee on the Library of Congress to approve the
replacement of a statue the State has provided for display in
Statuary Hall in the Capitol of the United States . . . .'' 2
U.S.C. Sec. 2132.
Supervision and direction of the collection are assigned to
the Architect of the Capitol by the act of August 15, 1876
(19 Stat. 147), 2 U.S.C. Sec. 2131.
With the approval of the congressional Joint Committee on
the Library, the Architect of the Capitol is responsible for
the reception and location of the statues in this collection,
first established by H. Con. Res. 47, agreed to February 24,
1933, and included in P.L. 106-554. 2 U.S.C. Sec. 2132.
Excerpt From Public Law 106-554
Sec. 311. (a)(1) Any State may request the Joint Committee
on the Library of Congress to approve the replacement of a
statue the State has provided for display in Statuary Hall in
the Capitol of the United States under section 1814 of the
Revised Statutes (40 U.S.C. 187).
(2) A request shall be considered under paragraph (1) only
if--
(A) the request has been approved by a resolution adopted
by the legislature of the State and the request has been
approved by the Governor of the State, and
(B) the statue to be replaced has been displayed in the
Capitol of the United States for at least 10 years as of the
time the request is made, except that the Joint Committee may
waive this requirement for cause at the request of a State.
(b) If the Joint Committee on the Library of Congress
approves a request under subsection (a), the Architect of the
Capitol shall enter into an agreement with the State to carry
out the replacement in accordance with the request and any
conditions the Joint Committee may require for its approval.
Such agreement shall provide that--
(1) the new statue shall be subject to the same conditions
and restrictions as apply to any statue provided by a State
under section 1814 of the Revised Statutes (40 U.S.C. 187),
and
[[Page H3274]]
(2) the State shall pay any costs related to the
replacement, including costs in connection with the design,
construction, transportation, and placement of the new
statue, the removal and transportation of the statue being
replaced, and any unveiling ceremony.
(c) Nothing in this section shall be interpreted to permit
a State to have more than two statues on display in the
Capitol of the United States.
(d) (1) Subject to the approval of the Joint Committee on
the Library, ownership of any statue replaced under this
section shall be transferred to the State.
(2) If any statue is removed from the Capitol of the United
States as part of a transfer of ownership under paragraph
(1), then it may not be returned to the Capitol for display
unless such display is specifically authorized by Federal
law.
(e) The Architect of the Capitol, upon the approval of the
Joint Committee on the Library and with the advice of the
Commission of Fine Arts as requested, is authorized and
directed to relocate within the United States Capitol any of
the statues received from the States under section 1814 of
the Revised Statutes (40 U.S.C. 187) prior to the date of the
enactment of this Act, and to provide for the reception,
location, and relocation of the statues received hereafter
from the States under such section.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Madam Speaker, I have a document which is the chart
of every State's request that is currently in the process of getting a
statue replaced.
Madam Speaker, I include in the Record a timeline of the Joint
Committee on the Library's organization for this Congress, including
the minutes of the first JCL organizing meeting.
House of Representatives,
Committee on House Administration,
Washington, DC, June 29, 2021.
Submission for the Record
Timeline of Joint Committee of Congress on the Library Organization for
the 117th Congress of the United States
On January 3, 2021, the 117th Congress had its opening day.
On April 16, 2021, the House of Representatives passed H.
Res. 321, Electing Members to the Joint Committee of Congress
on the Library and the Joint Committee on Printing.
On May 26, 2021, the U.S. Senate passed S. Res. 244, A
resolution providing for members on the part of the Senate of
the Joint Committee on Printing and the Joint Committee of
Congress on the Library.
On June 23, the Joint Committee of Congress on the Library
gaveled into session around 4:00 p.m.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Madam Speaker, I include in the Record a letter to
the Joint Committee on the Library Chair Lofgren requesting
organization consideration of North Carolina's statue and reopening of
the U.S. Botanic Garden.
House of Representatives,
Committee on House Administration,
Washington, DC, June 17, 2021.
Hon. Zoe Lofgren,
Chairperson, Committee on House Administration,
Washington, DC.
Chairperson Lofgren: More than six months have passed since
the start of the 117th Congress, and it is our understanding
that the Joint Committee of Congress on the Library (JCL)
will officially organize next week. We are looking forward to
the JCL's first official action this year as there are
pressing issues before the Joint Committee demanding our
immediate attention.
We encourage the following items be considered as some of
the JCL's first orders of business:
Reopening of the U.S. Botanic Garden (USBG). The Joint
Committee's delayed organization has directly affected the
public's access to one of the Capitol campus' main
attractions, the U.S. Botanic Garden, which to this day
remains closed awaiting permission from the JCL to re-welcome
visitors. We must take up this matter of business
immediately, as the USBG's reopening plans and executive
leadership team have informed oversight stakeholders of the
campus' readiness for safe and immediate reopening.
Consideration of the request by the State of North
Carolina. The State of North Carolina is anxiously awaiting
JCL's action on its request for the removal and replacement
of one of the state's contributions to the National Statuary
Hall Collection. Already years into this process, the request
is awaiting JCL approval and the Architect of the Capitol is
ready to partner with us to move the process along.
As members of the Joint Committee, we stand ready to get to
work, while upholding the long tradition of bipartisanship
and bicameralism. As the incoming Chairperson, we encourage
you to add the above items to the agenda of the JCL's first
organizing meeting so that we can begin to address these
pressing issues.
Sincerely,
Rodney Davis,
Ranking Member,
Committee on House Administration.
Barry Loudermilk,
Member,
Committee on House Administration.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Madam Speaker, I have a readout from the House Rules
Committee meeting on H.R. 3005 recorded June 28, 2021, at which time
the Joint Committee on the Library chair, Zoe Lofgren, announced her
approval of the Kansas longstanding request to update their
contribution to be a statue of Amelia Earhart, and I thank the
Congresswoman Lofgren for taking that direction.
Madam Speaker, I have the official collection of correspondence from
the State of Kansas to the Architect of the Capitol that informs them
where Kansas is in the 10-step replacement process.
Madam Speaker, that process began 22 years ago in 1999, and I thank
you for your indulgence with that.
Madam Speaker, I just want to reiterate that there is much that was
said here today that we are in agreement with. Something that the
esteemed majority leader said I think needs to be reemphasized and is
again the reason why I have adamantly fought to replace the statue of
Stephens, the Georgia statue of Alexander Stephens, because of his
criticism of our Founders.
His criticism was that they truly believed those ideas that were
written in our Declaration of Independence that all men are created
equal. In fact, he said that that was the flaw of our Nation.
That is why they rebelled against this Nation; that we should go back
to those original principles and have people here that honor the idea
that God in His infinite ability, created all of us and He created us
all with value, equal value regardless of skin color, regardless of
age, regardless of any other factor; that we are all created in His
divine wisdom and given life, and life can be so abundant if we just
hold on to these ideas and principles. And those statues that we have
in this Capitol should reflect those values, and I can think of no one
that reflects those values more than the Reverend Billy Graham.
Madam Speaker, I include in the Record the General Assembly of North
Carolina bill requesting that the statues be replaced.
GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF NORTH CAROLINA SESSION 2015
HOUSE BILL 540--RATIFIED BILL
An act requesting the Joint Committee on the Library of
Congress to approve the replacement of the statue of Charles
Brantley Aycock in National Statuary Hall with a statue of
the Reverend William Franklin ``Billy'' Graham, Jr.
Whereas, in 1864, Congress established National Statuary
Hall in the Old Hall of the House of Representatives in the
United States Capitol, and authorized each state to
contribute to the Hall two statues that represent important
historical figures of each state; and
Whereas, North Carolina currently has statues on display
in the National Statuary Hall Collection of former governors
Zebulon Vance and Charles Brantley Aycock given by the State
in 1916 and 1932, respectively; and
Whereas, in 2000, Congress enacted legislation authorizing
states the ability to request that the Joint Committee on the
Library of Congress approve the replacement of a statue the
state had provided for display in Statuary Hall; and
Whereas, William Franklin ``Billy'' Graham, Jr., was born
on November 7, 1918, to William Franklin Graham and Morrow
Coffey Graham, and was reared on a dairy farm in Charlotte,
North Carolina; and
Whereas, Billy Graham attended the Florida Bible Institute
from 1937 to 1940, graduating 1940, and was ordained to the
ministry in 1939; and
Whereas, Billy Graham served as pastor of The Village
Church in Western Springs, Illinois, from 1943 to 1945; as a
member of Youth for Christ International, where he ministered
to young people and military personnel from 1945 to 1950; and
as President of Northwestern Schools, a liberal arts college,
Bible school, and theological seminary, from 1947 to 1952;
and
Whereas, after World War II, Reverend Graham preached
throughout the United States and Europe and attained
international prominence as an evangelist through a series of
crusades that began in 1949; and
Whereas, since 1950, Reverend Graham has conducted his
ministry through the Billy Graham Evangelistic Association
(BGEA), reaching multitudes of people by means of a weekly
radio program, ``Hour of Decision''; a newspaper column, ``My
Answer''; televised crusades; articles published in
``Decision'' magazine; and evangelistic films produced and
distributed by World Wide Pictures and now reaching millions
through the BGEA Web site and the Billy Graham Library in
Charlotte; and
Whereas, over the years, Reverend Graham has preached to
live audiences of nearly 215 million people in more than 185
countries and territories and has preached to an estimated
2.2 billion people through television and technology; and
[[Page H3275]]
Whereas, Reverend Graham has been a renowned humanitarian
and philanthropist, providing financial assistance to victims
of disasters, as well as collecting and distributing clothing
to those in need all around the world over the years; and
Whereas, Reverend Graham has counseled 12 Presidents and
has participated in nine presidential inaugurations; and
Whereas, Reverend Graham has also counseled world leaders
and has participated in many historic occasions, and has been
called upon as the ``nation's pastor'' during times of
national crisis. He spoke at the National Cathedral service
in Washington, D.C., three days after the 9/11 attack in
2001, as the nation and world watched and listened. Five
presidents, including George W. Bush, Bill Clinton, George
H.W. Bush, Jimmy Carter, and Gerald Ford, and their wives
were in the audience; and
Whereas, in 2012, Reverend Graham was listed on the ``The
Ten Most Admired Men in the World List'' for the 56th time.
He was first selected in 1955. According to the latest list,
Reverend Graham was tied as Number 3 with Mitt Romney, George
W, Bush, and Pope Benedict XVI behind President Barack Obama
and Nelson Mandela; and
Whereas, admired and beloved by both Christians and non-
Christians, Reverend Graham continues to inspire the world
with his good works; and
Whereas, there have been many great North Carolinians, but
few have impacted the world more than Billy Graham; and .
Whereas, it is appropriate to honor Reverend Graham's life
and works by placing his likeness in the National Statuary
Hall Collection for display in the United States Capitol;
Now, therefore,
The General Assembly of North Carolina enacts:
Section 1. The General Assembly requests that the Joint
Committee on the Library of Congress approve the replacement
of the statue of Charles Brantley Aycock in the National
Statuary Hall Collection currently on display in the United
States Capitol with a statue of the Reverend William Franklin
``Billy'' Graham, Jr.
Section 2. The General Assembly requests that the Honorable
Pat McCrory, Govern of the State of North Carolina, extend to
the Joint Committee on the Library of Congress his approval
of the General Assembly's request to replace the statue of
Charles Brantley Aycock in the National Statuary Hall
Collection currently on display in the United States Capitol
with a statue of the Reverend Franklin ``Billy'' Graham, Jr.
Section 3.(a) There is created the Statuary Hall Selection
Committee (the ``Committee'').
Section 3.(b) Membership--The Committee shall be composed
of seven members. as follows:
(1) Four members appointed by the President Pro Tempore of
the Senate, one of whom shall be a representative of the
Billy Graham Evangelistic Association, or the Association's
designee.
(2) Three members appointed by the Speaker of the House of
Representatives.
Section 3.(c) Terms; Chairs; Vacancies; Quorum.--Members
shall serve terms of four years, The Committee shall have two
cochairs, one designated by the President Pro Tempore of the
Senate and one designated by the Speaker of the House of
Representatives, from among their appointees. The Committee
shall meet upon the call of the cochairs. Vacancies shall be
filled by the appointing authority. A quorum of the Committee
shall be a majority of the members.
Section 3.(d) Duties.--The Committee shal1 do the
following:
(1) Select a sculptor to create a statue of the Reverend
Franklin ``Billy'' Graham, Jr., to be placed in the National
Statuary Hall Collection and review and approve the plans for
the statue.
(2) Identify a method of obtaining the necessary funds
needed to pay for all of the following:
a. The sculptor for designing and carving or casting the
statue.
b. The design and fabrication of the pedestal.
c. The transportation of the statue and pedestal to the
United States Capitol.
d. The removal and transportation of the replaced statue.
e. The temporary placement of the new statue in the Rotunda
of the Capitol for the unveiling ceremony.
f. The unveiling ceremony.
g. Any other expenses that the Committee determines are
necessary to incur.
Section 3.(e) Compensation; Administration.--Members of the
Committee shall receive subsistence and travel allowances at
the rates set forth in G.S. 120-3.1, 138-5, or 138-6, as
appropriate, The Committee may contract for consultants or
hire employees in accordance with G.S. 120-32.02, The
Legislative Services Commission, through the Legislative
Services Officer, shall assign professional staff to assist
the Committee in its work. Upon the direction of the
Legislative Services Commission, the Directors of Legislative
Assistants of the Senate and of the House of Representatives
shall assign clerical staff to the Committee. The expenses
for clerical employees shall be borne by the Committee.
Section 3.(f) Reports; Termination.--The Committee shall
make an interim report to the 2016 Regular Session of the
2015 General Assembly and an annual report thereafter until
the Committee has completed the duties set out in subsection
(d) of this section, at which time the Committee shall
terminate.
Section 4. The Secretary of State shall transmit a
certified copy of this act to the members of the Joint
Committee on the Library of Congress and North Carolina's
congressional delegation.
Section 5. This act is effective when it becomes law. In
the General Assembly read three times and ratified this the
21st day of September, 2015.
Approved 10:23 a.m. this 2nd day of October, 2015.
Tom Apodaca,
Presiding Officer.
Paul Stam,
Presiding Officer of the House of Representatives.
Pat McCrory,
Governor.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. LOFGREN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Just a couple of clarifications because I think it may be confusing
to the general public hearing about what is really a rather arcane
process for States to add and remove statues.
The Joint Committee on the Library ultimately approves it, but the
process is driven by the States, the Architect of the Capitol does all
of the heavy lifting, looking at the statues, making sure that the
replacement statue meets the engineering requirements and the like. I
would just like to note that until last Wednesday, Senator Roy Blunt
was chair of the Joint Committee on the Library, and I have been chair
of the Joint Committee on the Library now for 6 days.
{time} 1630
In that time, I actually have approved the reopening of the Botanical
Gardens. I have approved the replacement of the Kansas statue that I
received the letter on Friday. And I have just received the information
on North Carolina, and I plan to work on that very hard and, hopefully,
very promptly get a decision.
So I don't think that speaks to undue delay in the 6 days that I have
been chair of the Joint Committee on the Library.
I do think it is important that we take the step to remove these
Confederates and segregationists and pro-slavery statues from our
Statuary Hall. In some cases, States have either started the steps to
remove them. But while that process is ongoing, these individuals are
on a pedestal. And we cannot forget our history, but we don't have to
put segregationists and pro-slavery historical figures on a pedestal.
We don't honor them, although we do remember them.
So let's adopt this measure to deal with those statues.
But there is another thing. There are situations such as the statue
of Justice Taney that were not sent here by any State, and only we can
remove them expeditiously. We have said, and we have heard from people
more eloquent than I about why Justice Taney should not be honored.
In 1865, a few years before the Taney bust was ultimately
commissioned, the Senate debated it. They debated whether to commission
the bust of Justice Taney for the Supreme Court room. And during that
debate, Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts said this: ``I object
to that; that now an emancipated country should make a bust to the
author of the Dred Scott decision. Judgment is beginning now; and an
emancipated country will fasten upon him the stigma which he
deserves.''
Now, it may have taken longer than Senator Sumner envisioned, in
fact, 156 years to attach the stigma that belongs to Justice Taney, but
we will attach that stigma today if we pass this bill.
In closing, I just want to say that all of us are here for a few
years. Some longer, some shorter, but we are just here for a little
slice of history. And I feel fortunate that my little slice of history
allowed me to be here the same time as the late John Lewis. I can
almost imagine him standing here on the floor. How fortunate I am to
have served with him. And how fortunate I am to serve with our majority
whip, Mr. Clyburn, who put his body on the line to fight against
segregation and to fight for voting rights. They are leaders of our
country. I am proud to serve with them. Let's show how much we honor
them by voting for this bill.
Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. LEE of California. Madam Speaker, I thank Chair Lofgren for her
leadership. I'd
[[Page H3276]]
also like to thank our Speaker, our Majority Leader, our Whip, Mr.
Clyburn, Chairwoman Beatty, Chairman Bennie Thompson, and Congressman
Butterfield for moving this legislation forward with the urgency that
it requires.
I rise in strong support of H.R. 3005, which will remove shameful
monuments to slavery, segregation, and white supremacy from the U.S
Capitol. In 2017, in the wake of the white nationalist rally in
Charlottesville, I introduced the Confederate Monument Removal Act to
remove all statues of people who voluntarily served the Confederacy
from the Capitol building, so thank you for including this in this
current bill. Venerating those who took up arms against the United
States to preserve slavery is an affront to the human dignity of all
Americans.
These painful symbols of bigotry and racism have no place in our
society and certainly should not be enshrined in the U.S. Capitol.
Following our historic vote on Juneteenth, it is past time for Congress
to stop glorifying the men who committed treason against the United
States to keep African Americans in chains.
The movement to honor Confederate soldiers was a deliberate act to
rewrite history and diminish the role of slavery in the outbreak of
hostilities between the North and the South. The Confederacy sought to
uphold the institution of slavery and maintain a racial hierarchy that
brutalized and oppressed Black people. This ideology of white supremacy
led to the rise of Confederate memorials in the 20th century. Most
Confederate statutes were erected during periods of extreme civil
rights tension, not in the immediate aftermath of the Civil War. Placed
in public spaces, they were testaments to the enduring notion of white
supremacy and used to push back against the movement for equality for
African Americans. They are symbols of white supremacy and hatred, not
Southern heritage. They don't belong here in the U.S. Capitol.
We are in a critical moment to act. The removal of Confederate
statues from the U.S. Capitol is an important step in confronting our
nation's painful legacy of slavery, racism, and oppression. As a
descendant of enslaved Africans, I support this bill and I ask for an
`aye' vote.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. Schrier). All time for debate has
expired.
Pursuant to House Resolution 504, the previous question is ordered on
the bill.
The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the bill.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was
read the third time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on passage of the bill.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. LOUDERMILK. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further proceedings on this question
are postponed.
____________________