[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 106 (Thursday, June 17, 2021)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E662-E664]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




    AMERICAN HELLENIC INSTITUTE (AHI) TESTIMONY ON FISCAL YEAR 2022 
                          APPROPRIATIONS BILL

                                 ______
                                 

                        HON. NICOLE MALLIOTAKIS

                              of new york

                    in the house of representatives

                        Thursday, June 17, 2021

  Ms. MALLIOTAKIS. Madam Speaker, I include in the Record remarks from 
the American Hellenic Institute on the Administration's proposed FY2022 
foreign aid budget and U.S. interests in the Eastern Mediterranean. In 
promoting peace and stability in this critical region, Congress must 
authorize robust, America-first security assistance to our democratic 
allies in the Eastern Mediterranean--Greece and Cyprus. Any security 
assistance which counters U.S. interests, to Turkey and UN 
``Peacekeeping'' efforts in Cyprus, namely, will only serve to advance 
instability and ideological expansionism in this region. Greece and 
Cyprus are key allies of our Nation, and we must continue to support 
their security for years to come.

  Testimony of Nick Larigakis, President, American Hellenic Institute 
  (AHI), Fiscal Year 2022 Appropriations Bill, Submitted to the U.S. 
                        House of Representatives

                          (By Nick Larigakis)

       I am pleased to submit testimony to the House on behalf of 
     the nationwide membership of the American Hellenic Institute 
     (AHI) on the Administration's proposed FY2022 foreign aid 
     budget.
       The Administration's budget aims to confront 21st century 
     security challenges. The budget's vision for the United 
     States is to ensure it ``. . . plays a lead role in defending 
     democracy, freedom, and the rule of law'' by recommending a 
     significant increase in resources to: ``strengthen and defend 
     democracies throughout the world; advance human rights; fight 
     corruption; and counter authoritarianism.''
       In keeping with the best interests of the United States, 
     AHI opposes: (1) any proposed foreign aid and assistance to 
     Turkey from the United States; (2) any proposed reduction in 
     the aid levels for the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus.
       Further, AHI recommends an FY2022 funding level of $1.5 
     million for NATO ally Greece's International Military 
     Education and Training (IMET) program as authorized for 
     appropriation in The Eastern Mediterranean Security and 
     Energy Partnership Act. The Act also authorized $500,000 for 
     the Republic of Cyprus' IMET program for FY2022, which AHI 
     recommends. In 2020, the U.S. Department of State provided, 
     for the first time, IMET program funding for the Republic of 
     Cyprus. AHI welcomed this policy development, and urges that 
     this policy be continued.
       Finally, AHI recommends robust investment for Foreign 
     Military Financing (FMF) assistance for Greece, in the amount 
     of at least $10 million, due to its strategic importance to 
     the United States as the House will see presented in this 
     testimony. The East Med Act authorized appropriations of $3 
     million for FMF assistance in FY2020.
       U.S. Interests in Southeast Europe and the Eastern 
     Mediterranean. The U.S. has important interests in southeast 
     Europe and the eastern Mediterranean. It is in the United 
     States' best interest for the region to be politically, 
     economically, and socially stable, and for democratic 
     principles to flourish, including adherence to the rule of 
     law. Significant commerce and energy sources pass through the 
     region. With Greece's centuries of enduring presence, its 
     close cultural, political, and economic ties to the 
     Mediterranean countries, including Israel; Western Europe, 
     the Balkans, Eastern Europe and the Middle East, Greece is 
     strategically situated in a vital region to be an ideal 
     strategic partner for the U.S.
       America Values Its Alliance with Greece. Greece is an 
     immensely valuable link as ``a pillar of stability'' in the 
     region as several high-level U.S. government officials have 
     noted. The U.S.-Greece relationship has reached new heights 
     by virtue of an ongoing Strategic Dialogue, where avenues for 
     cooperation among many sectors, including: regional 
     cooperation, defense and security, and trade and investment, 
     among others, are plotted for implementation. Greece is a 
     pivotal and dependable NATO ally to advance U.S. interests 
     and is a frontline state against terrorism. The Mutual 
     Defense Cooperation Agreement between the United Stales and 
     Greece illustrates the two allies' commitment to address over 
     a longer term the security challenges in the region. The 
     Agreement currently is under revision. After it is upgraded, 
     it will offer more flexibility to deepen cooperation in the 
     defense sector, according to Greece's Minister of Defense 
     Nikos Panagiotopoulos. For its part, Greece further 
     demonstrates its commitment to the Alliance as a top 
     contributor to the defense efforts of NATO. Greece is 
     estimated to spend 2.68% of its GDP on defense expenditures 
     in 2020 in accordance with NATO standards despite battling 
     economic challenges. By percentage of GDP, Greece is second 
     to the U.S.
       Greece is also important for the projection of U.S. 
     strategic interests by being home to the most important U.S. 
     military facility in the Mediterranean Sea, Souda Bay, Crete. 
     It is a base from where joint USN/USAF reconnaissance 
     missions and air refueling support for U.S. and NATO 
     operations were implemented successfully, and it continues to 
     be immensely important. In 2020, the United States homeported 
     the Expeditionary Sea Base ship, the USS Hershel ``Woody'' 
     Williams, at Souda Bay, assisting the U.S. armed forces in 
     maritime missions and special operations in both Europe and 
     North Africa. Military installations located at Souda Bay 
     include the NATO Maritime Interdiction Operational Training 
     Centre (NMIOTC) and the NATO Missile Firing Installation 
     (NAMFI). To illustrate Souda Bay's importance, these figures 
     show the volume of operations conducted there:
       In 2020, at least 90 U.S. and 40 NATO (total 130) ships 
     made a port visit at Souda Bay.
       It also has been noted by U.S. government officials how 
     Souda Bay allows United States Navy vessels--especially 
     aircraft carriers--the ability to dock, make needed repairs 
     and maintenance, and resupply, all within a couple of weeks 
     and without having to return to Naval Station Norfolk. 
     According to U.S. Ambassador to Greece, Geoffrey Pyatt, in a 
     March, 20, 2021 statement: ``Souda Bay is the jewel in the 
     crown of US-Greece defense cooperation . . . the unique 
     capacities the

[[Page E663]]

     Souda provides to support US presence in the strategically 
     dynamic East Med.'' To further demonstrate that Greece's 
     value extends well beyond Souda Bay:
       NATO Joint-Command HQ: Thessaloniki hosts a NATO Rapid 
     Deployment Corps combined with its Third Army Corps for two 
     years.
       Operation Atlantic Resolve: Greece enables a substantial 
     portion of the U.S. Army's 10th Combat Aviation Brigade to 
     enter the European theater through the port of Thessaloniki 
     and to depart through Alexandropoulis. Alexandroupolis is 
     being recognized as a city with increased geostrategic 
     importance, which can also contribute to economic development 
     and energy security.
       The 101st Combat Aviation Brigade of the U.S. Army, from 
     October-November 20, 2020, and from February-Mar 21, 2021, 
     stationed and trained at Volos and Stefanovikeio.
       The U.S. and Greece held a joint military exercise in May 
     2021 as part of a larger ``DEFENDEREurope'' program, which, 
     according to the U.S. Army, is ``an annual large-scale U.S. 
     Army-led, multinational, joint exercise designed to build 
     readiness and interoperability between U.S., NATO and partner 
     militaries.'' Greece was one of only four participating 
     countries whose port was used to deploy equipment into Europe 
     and to host a ``DEFENDER-Europe 21'' logistical center.
       USAF temporarily operated MQ-9 Reaper Drones from Greece's 
     Larisa Air Force Base.
       Increased aircraft and soldier involvement at Stefanovikio 
     Hellenic Army airbase improves NATO transit capability.
       The trilateral naval exercise ``Noble Dina'' between the 
     U.S., Greece, and Israel is held annually off of the coast of 
     Souda Bay.
       Greece is also an active participant in peacekeeping and 
     peace-building operations conducted by international 
     organizations, including the UN, NATO, EU, and OSCE. In sum, 
     it is evident Greece contributes significantly to U.S. 
     interests. AHI strongly contends these actions justify a 
     robust investment by the U.S. in Foreign Military Financing 
     assistance to Greece.
       Regional Instability. The successful projection of U.S. 
     interests in the Eastern Mediterranean depends heavily on the 
     region's stability. A key to peace and stability in the 
     region is for good neighborly relations among NATO members 
     and respect for the rule of law. Therefore, the U.S. has a 
     stake in focusing on the problems that are detrimental to 
     U.S. interests and to call out those who cause instability in 
     the region. Turkey is the fundamental cause of instability in 
     the eastern Mediterranean and broader region:
       Turkey's unilateral claims against sovereign Greek 
     territory in the Aegean which are in violation of 
     international law, and Turkey's refusal to refer its 
     unilateral claims to binding international arbitration.
       Turkey's aggression against Cyprus which includes its 
     continuing illegal occupation of 37.3 percent of Cyprus.
       Turkey's numerous incursions into Cyprus' Exclusive 
     Economic Zone (EEZ), illegal drilling in Cyprus' EEZ that 
     were supported by Turkish warships and drones, and 
     demonstrated ``gunboat diplomacy.''
       Turkey's continuing violations of Greece's territorial 
     waters and airspace, numbering over 7,000 violations in 2020, 
     which are in violation of international and U.S. law, 
     including the Arms Export Control Act (AECA). There were 
     4,605 airspace and 3,215 maritime incidents.
       Illegal immigration via Turkey that threatens Greece's 
     economic development and the peace and stability of Europe.
       The Turkey-Libya Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on 
     maritime borders, which has been resoundingly dismissed by 
     the international community as illegal.
       Turkey's open support for Hamas, and active role in terror 
     financing.
       Turkey's exacerbation of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict by 
     encouraging Azerbaijan's aggression against Armenia, 
     including transiting Syrian mercenaries with ties to jihadist 
     groups to fight on behalf of Azerbaijan. The threat by Turkey 
     of casus belli still stands, and Greece continues to register 
     a considerable number of formal complaints over continued 
     violations of the Greek airspace and territorial waters by 
     Turkey. In fact, Greece's Chief of the Hellenic National 
     Defense General Staff, General Konstantinos Floros, called 
     out Turkey's provocative behavior, stating to an AHI audience 
     on April 1, 2021, that Turkey threatens ``Greece's sovereign 
     rights.'' In addition, Ambassador Pyatt has called the 
     maritime border MoU between Turkey and Libya MoU 
     ``unhelpful'' and ``escalatory'' in nature in previous public 
     statements. He also affirmed the internationally recognized 
     legal concept that ``inhabited islands as a matter of 
     customary international law are entitled to the same 
     treatment as continental territory.'' These reoccurring acts 
     by Turkey are egregious, must cease, and unnecessarily cost 
     the Greek government millions of dollars a year deal with the 
     provocative actions of a NATO member country.
       Further, Turkey's continuing occupation of Cyprus, its 
     intransigence in solving the Cyprus problem, and its refusal 
     to recognize the Republic of Cyprus (a prerequisite to 
     Turkey's E.U. accession process), which is a member of the 
     European Union; are detrimental to U.S. interests and 
     contributes to regional instability. To illustrate, Turkey 
     insists on maintaining troop levels illegally on Cyprus, and 
     President Erdogan's promotion of a two-state solution for 
     Cyprus and support for illegally re-opening the beach in 
     Varosha inflame tensions and are in violation of 
     international law and United Nations Resolutions.
       In addition, Turkey's actions regarding occupied Cyprus are 
     deeply troubling. Turkey is transforming the former Lefkoniko 
     Airport, located in occupied Cyprus, into a drone base, 
     moving Bayraktar-TB2 drones onto the complex. From occupied 
     Cyprus, these advanced drones are in range of Europe, North 
     Africa, and the Middle East, posing a threat to regional 
     security.
       Secretary Antony Blinken, during a January 19, 2021 hearing 
     in front of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, stated: 
     ``Turkey is an ally, that in many ways . . . is not acting as 
     an ally should and this is a very, very significant challenge 
     for us and we're very clear-eyed about it.''
       Turkey. Turkey continues to demonstrate it is not a true 
     and dependable U.S. and NATO ally. The U.S. government, both 
     executive and legislative branches, rightly sanctioned Turkey 
     for its procurement of the Russian-made S-400 missile defense 
     system under Countering America's Adversaries Through 
     Sanctions Act (CAATSA) in December 2020. Those penalties 
     should be expanded. AHI calls for the continued inclusion of 
     appropriations language that direct the suspension of 
     delivery or transfer of F-35 aircraft to Turkey until reports 
     detailing the impact of Turkey's purchase of the S-400 
     missile system from Russia on U.S. weapon systems such as the 
     F-35s are provided to Congress. Further, Turkey's invasion of 
     northeast Syria and attack upon U.S.-allied Kurds was not in 
     the United States' best interests and rightfully resulted in 
     the passage by an overwhelming vote in the U.S. House of 
     Protect Against Conflict by Turkey (PACT) Act to sanction 
     Turkey for its actions. In addition, Turkey's support for 
     Hamas has been evident.
       President Erdogan has hosted Hamas' top leadership, 
     including individuals designated as global terrorists. In 
     doing so, Turkey is in contravention of the Arms Export 
     Control Act, which requires that the United States cannot 
     supply arms to nations that support international terrorism. 
     Hamas' recent attack against U.S. ally Israel only further 
     highlights Turkey's role as a malign regional influence.
       We oppose any foreign aid for Turkey and any other 
     assistance programs from the United State. This includes most 
     favored nation trade benefits including textile quotas and 
     the transfer of any nuclear related assistance which we 
     oppose as not in the best interests of the U.S. AHI applauded 
     the United States' decision to terminate Turkey's designation 
     as a beneficiary developing country under the Generalized 
     System of Preferences (GSP) program, which became effective 
     May 17. 2019. AHI has long argued for this type of action by 
     the U.S. government, especially in testimony presented to 
     this House, until the following actions are taken: (1) the 
     immediate withdrawal of all Turkish troops from Cyprus; (2) 
     the prompt return to Turkey of the over 180,000 illegal 
     Turkish settlers in Cyprus; (3) the Turkish government's 
     safeguarding the Ecumenical Patriarchate, its status, 
     personnel and property, reopening the Halki Patriarchal 
     School of Theology, returning church properties illegally 
     seized, and the reversal of Hagia Sophia's status, returning 
     it to a UNESCO-designated museum; (4) the cessation of 
     violations against Greece's territorial integrity in the 
     Aegean and of its airspace; (5) the cessation of illegal 
     interference in the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) of the 
     Republic of Cyprus; (6) Turkey must cease its support and 
     promotion of a ``two-state'' solution regarding Cyprus, in 
     violation of United Nations resolutions and the position of 
     the U.S. government; (7) Turkey must cease its egregious 
     violations of important United States laws, in particular the 
     Arms Export Control Act & the Countering America's 
     Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA). Of course, 
     Turkey's ongoing human rights, freedom of speech, and 
     religious freedom violations are problematic.
       Cyprus. The illegal military occupation of the Republic of 
     Cyprus by 40,000 Turkish troops continues. As long as the 
     Republic of Cyprus remains under Turkish military occupation, 
     a strong UN peacekeeping force must be maintained on the 
     island. Congress can assist the Republic of Cyprus by 
     reaffirming the United States' position that assistance 
     appropriated for Cyprus should support measures aimed at 
     solidifying the reunification of Cyprus and the unified 
     government in Cyprus. It would provide a settlement, should 
     it be achieved, with a chance to succeed. Therefore, AHI 
     recommends the following language from Title III of the 
     Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2012 be included in the 
     FY2022 State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs 
     Appropriations bill:
       Assistance provided to Cyprus under this Act should 
     foremost ensure that the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in 
     Cyprus (UNFICYP) can fully implement its mandate, while 
     remaining available to also contribute to the creation of a 
     conducive environment for the settlement talks under the 
     auspices of the UN Secretary General's Good Offices. 
     Furthermore, in the event of reunification, further 
     assistance should be used to contribute towards the cost of 
     reunification, including towards monitoring provisions, 
     facilitation for settlement of the property issue, supporting 
     and underpinning the new federal structures of a reunified 
     island and assisting with the construction of a strong 
     unified Cypriot economy able to cope with

[[Page E664]]

     the new challenges, and strengthening the contacts between 
     the two communities as conducive to reunification, in a way 
     agreed to between the United States and Cyprus.
       The last UN-led attempt, which took place in Crans-Montana 
     in 2017, aimed to achieve a just and viable solution to the 
     near 47-year division of the Republic of Cyprus, ended 
     without reaching an agreement because of Turkish 
     intransigence. Instead of helping to provide stability by 
     promoting a just settlement supported by both Greek Cypriot 
     and Turkish Cypriot communities, Turkey continued to insist 
     on antiquated and obstructive stances, such as its insistence 
     to maintain the Treaty of Guarantee with a right of future 
     unilateral Turkish military intervention.
       More recently, during the latest 5+1 informal meeting in 
     Geneva at the end of April 2021, aiming to assess whether 
     there was sufficient common ground for the resumption of the 
     negotiations, Turkey fundamentally changed its official 
     position on the form of settlement of the Cyprus problem, 
     insisting on a ``two-state-solution'' to solidify its 
     occupation of the island, contrary to UN Security Council 
     resolutions and the stated position of the United States 
     government.
       Furthermore, Turkey hinders the humanitarian work of the 
     Committee on Missing Persons (a previous recipient of USAID 
     support) by denying access to areas under its occupation, 
     including Turkish military zones, in order to excavate for 
     the remains of 996 Cypriots still missing (including four 
     U.S. citizens) following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 
     1974.
       Congress should call on Ankara to constructively support 
     the reunification efforts, in accordance with the UN Security 
     Council Resolutions calling for a bizonal, bicommunal 
     federation, as well as for a solution that embodies the full 
     respect of the principles and laws of the European Union, of 
     which Cyprus is a member state. The new state of affairs 
     ought lo safeguard that a reunified Cyprus would have a 
     single international legal personality, a single sovereignty 
     and a single citizenship. Finally, AHI welcomed Secretary of 
     State Antony Blinken's testimony to the House Committee on 
     Foreign Affairs on March 10, 2021, where he stated ``American 
     diplomacy will be fully engaged'' on the issue of a Cyprus 
     settlement.
       AHI is also concerned with energy security. AHI contends 
     the U.S. must continue to support the sovereign rights of the 
     Republic of Cyprus to explore and develop the resources 
     within its EEZ free of any third-party interference and to 
     underscore the importance of avoiding any actions that 
     escalate tension. As mentioned, Turkey's threats in Cyprus' 
     EEZ endanger U.S. companies. In addition, Turkey's illegal 
     actions in Cyprus' EEZ raise tensions and security concerns, 
     hindering any real chance for the resumption of settlement 
     talks.
       International Military Education & Training (IMET)--Greece 
     and Cyprus. AHI recommends FY2022 funding for Greece's IMET 
     program at $1.5 million and the Republic of Cyprus's IMET 
     program at $500,000. The recommended funding levels are in 
     line with the authorization of appropriations passed in The 
     Eastern Mediterranean Security and Energy Partnership Act. 
     For Greece, the country experienced 11 fiscal years (FY2006-
     FY2017) of a steady decline of its IMET funding levels. It 
     resulted in the drastic decrease in the number of Greek 
     military students participating in the program. An investment 
     of $1.5 million in FY22 will help address that 11-year 
     decline in funding, but more investment is needed to make up 
     for ``lost time.'' For the Republic of Cyprus, which received 
     its first IMET program funding in FY21, it is critical to 
     continue this investment in FY22. It will be the next step in 
     a series of positive developments since the Statement of 
     Intent that the U.S. and Republic of Cyprus signed in 
     November 2018. Since then, Cyprus has assigned a defense 
     attache to the Embassy in Washington, the Cyprus Center for 
     Land, Open-Seas, and Port Security (CYCLOPS), an innovative 
     security site that has been partially funded by the U.S., is 
     scheduled to begin operations in January 2022; and the U.S. 
     implemented a partial lifting of an arms prohibition on 
     Cyprus. The U.S. must fully and permanently lift its arms 
     prohibition on Cyprus and remove Cyprus from the list of 
     countries to which arms sales are prohibited under 
     International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR) and calls 
     for appropriations language to direct this of the U.S. 
     Department of State.
       The IMET program advances the professional military 
     education of the Greek and Cypriot Armed Forces. It enhances 
     interoperability with U.S. forces, and in Greece's case, NATO 
     forces. Through the training of Greek and Cypriot military 
     and noncommissioned officers in a multitude of professional 
     military education and technical courses in the U.S., IMET 
     offers strong U.S.-Greece and U.S.-Republic of Cyprus mil-to-
     mil relations. It is an effective and wise investment toward 
     a key component of U.S. security assistance. It also helps 
     the U.S. because it contributes toward the strengthening of 
     U.S. security interests in an important part of the world by 
     training and promoting the professionalization of the Greek 
     and Cypriot Armed Forces.
       Thank you for the opportunity to present them in our 
     written testimony to the House.

                          ____________________