[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 87 (Wednesday, May 19, 2021)]
[House]
[Pages H2574-H2591]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




 NATIONAL COMMISSION TO INVESTIGATE THE JANUARY 6 ATTACK ON THE UNITED 
                       STATES CAPITOL COMPLEX ACT

  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House 
Resolution 409, I call up the bill (H.R. 3233) to establish the 
National Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the United 
States Capitol Complex, and for other purposes, and ask for its 
immediate consideration.
  The Clerk read the title of the bill.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 409, the bill 
is considered read.
  The text of the bill is as follows:

                               H.R. 3233

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``National Commission to 
     Investigate the January 6 Attack on the United States Capitol 
     Complex Act''.

     SEC. 2. ESTABLISHMENT OF COMMISSION.

       There is established in the legislative branch the National 
     Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the United 
     States Capitol Complex (hereafter referred to as the 
     ``Commission'').

     SEC. 3. PURPOSES.

       Consistent with the functions described in section 4, the 
     purposes of the Commission are the following:
       (1) To investigate and report upon the facts and causes 
     relating to the January 6, 2021, domestic terrorist attack 
     upon the United States Capitol Complex (hereafter referred to 
     as the ``domestic terrorist attack on the Capitol'') and 
     relating to the interference with the peaceful transfer of 
     power, including facts and causes relating to the 
     preparedness and response of the United States Capitol Police 
     and other Federal, State, and local law enforcement in the 
     National Capitol Region and other instrumentality of 
     government, as well as the influencing factors that fomented 
     such attack on American representative democracy while 
     engaged in a constitutional process.
       (2) To examine and evaluate evidence developed by relevant 
     Federal, State, and local governmental agencies, in a manner 
     that is respectful of ongoing law enforcement activities and 
     investigations regarding the domestic terrorist attack upon 
     the Capitol, regarding the facts and circumstances 
     surrounding such terrorist attack and targeted violence and 
     domestic terrorism relevant to such terrorist attack.
       (3) To build upon the investigations of other entities and 
     avoid unnecessary duplication by reviewing the findings, 
     conclusions, and recommendations of other executive branch, 
     congressional, or independent bipartisan or non-partisan 
     commission investigations into the domestic terrorist attack 
     on the Capitol and targeted violence and domestic terrorism 
     relevant to such terrorist attack, including investigations 
     into influencing factors related to such terrorist attack.
       (4) To investigate and report to the President and Congress 
     on its findings, conclusions, and recommendations for 
     corrective

[[Page H2575]]

     measures that may include changes in law, policy, procedures, 
     rules, or regulations that could be taken to prevent future 
     acts of targeted violence and domestic terrorism, including 
     to prevent domestic terrorist attacks against American 
     democratic institutions, improve the security posture of the 
     United States Capitol Complex while preserving accessibility 
     of the Capitol Complex for all Americans, and strengthen the 
     security and resilience of the Nation and American democratic 
     institutions against domestic terrorism.

     SEC. 4. FUNCTIONS OF COMMISSION.

       The functions of the Commission are to--
       (1) conduct an investigation of the relevant facts and 
     circumstances relating to the domestic terrorist attack on 
     the Capitol, including relevant facts and circumstances 
     relating to--
       (A) activities of intelligence agencies, law enforcement 
     agencies, and the Armed Forces, including with respect to 
     intelligence collection, analysis, and dissemination and 
     information sharing among relevant instrumentality of 
     government;
       (B) influencing factors that contributed to the domestic 
     terrorist attack on the Capitol and how technology, including 
     online platforms, financing, and malign foreign influence 
     operations and campaigns may have factored into the 
     motivation, organization, and execution of the domestic 
     terrorist attack on the Capitol and targeted violence and 
     domestic terrorism relevant to such attack; and
       (C) other entities of the public and private sector as 
     determined relevant by the Commission for such investigation;
       (2) identify, review, and evaluate the causes of and the 
     lessons learned from the domestic terrorist attack on the 
     Capitol and targeted violence and domestic terrorism relevant 
     to such attack regarding--
       (A) the command, control, and communications of the United 
     States Capitol Police, the National Guard, the Metropolitan 
     Police Department of the District of Columbia, and other 
     Federal, State, and local law enforcement in the National 
     Capitol Region on or before January 6, 2021;
       (B) the structure, coordination, operational plans, 
     policies, and procedures of the Federal Government, including 
     as such relate to State and local governments and 
     nongovernmental entities, and particularly with respect to 
     detecting, preventing, preparing for, and responding to 
     targeted violence and domestic terrorism;
       (C) the structure, authorities, training, manpower 
     utilization, operational planning, and use of force policies 
     of the United States Capitol Police;
       (D) the policies, protocols, processes, procedures, and 
     systems for sharing of intelligence and other information by 
     Federal, State, and local agencies with the United States 
     Capitol Police, the Sergeants at Arms of the House of 
     Representatives and the Senate, the Government of the 
     District of Columbia, including the Metropolitan Police 
     Department of the District of Columbia, the National Guard, 
     and other Federal, State, and local law enforcement in the 
     National Capitol Region on or before January 6, 2021, and the 
     related the policies, protocols, processes, procedures, and 
     systems for monitoring, assessing, disseminating, and acting 
     on intelligence and other information, including elevating 
     the security posture of the United States Capitol Complex, 
     derived from instrumentality of government, open sources, and 
     online platforms; and
       (E) the policies, protocols, processes, procedures, and 
     systems for interoperability between the United States 
     Capitol Police and the National Guard, the Metropolitan 
     Police Department of the District of Columbia, and other 
     Federal, State, and local law enforcement in the National 
     Capitol Region on or before January 6, 2021; and
       (3) submit to the President and Congress reports required 
     pursuant to section 10 containing such findings, conclusions, 
     and recommendations, which may include changes in law, 
     policy, procedures, rules, or regulations, to improve the 
     detection, prevention, preparedness for, and response to 
     targeted violence and domestic terrorism and improve the 
     security posture of the United States Capitol Complex and 
     ensure the security of Members of Congress and staff.

     SEC. 5. COMPOSITION OF COMMISSION.

       (a) Members.--The Commission shall be composed of ten 
     members, of whom--
       (1) one member shall be appointed jointly by the Speaker of 
     the House of Representatives and the majority leader of the 
     Senate to serve as Chairperson of the Commission;
       (2) one member shall be appointed jointly by the minority 
     leader of the House of Representatives and the minority 
     leader of the Senate to serve as Vice Chairperson of the 
     Commission;
       (3) two members shall be appointed by the Speaker of the 
     House of Representatives;
       (4) two members shall be appointed by the minority leader 
     of the House of Representatives;
       (5) two members shall be appointed by the majority leader 
     of the Senate; and
       (6) two members shall be appointed by the minority leader 
     of the Senate.
       (b) Qualifications; Initial Meeting.--
       (1) Nongovernmental appointees.--An individual appointed to 
     the Commission may not be an officer or employee of an 
     instrumentality of government.
       (2) Other qualifications.--It is the sense of Congress that 
     individuals appointed to the Commission should be prominent 
     United States citizens, with national recognition and 
     significant depth of experience in at least two of the 
     following areas:
       (A) Governmental service.
       (B) Law enforcement.
       (C) Civil rights, civil liberties, and privacy.
       (D) The Armed Forces.
       (E) Intelligence.
       (F) Counterterrorism.
       (G) Cybersecurity.
       (H) Technology.
       (I) Law.
       (3) Initial meeting.--The Commission shall meet and begin 
     the initial operation of the Commission as soon as 
     practicable, but not earlier than 15 days after the date of 
     the enactment of this Act.
       (c) Timing for Appointment.--All members of the Commission 
     shall be appointed not later than 10 days after the date of 
     the enactment of this Act.
       (d) Quorum; Vacancies.--After its initial meeting, the 
     Commission shall meet upon the call of the Chairperson or a 
     majority of its members. A majority of members of the 
     Commission shall constitute a quorum. Any vacancy in the 
     Commission shall not affect its powers, but shall be promptly 
     filled in the same manner in which the original appointment 
     was made.
       (e) Compensation.--Each member of the Commission may be 
     compensated at not to exceed the daily equivalent of the 
     annual rate of basic pay in effect for a position at level 
     III of the Executive Schedule under section 5314 of title 5, 
     United States Code, for each day during which that member is 
     engaged in the actual performance of the duties of the 
     Commission.
       (f) Travel Expenses.--Each member of the Commission shall 
     receive travel expenses, including per diem in lieu of 
     subsistence, in accordance with applicable provision under 
     subchapter I of chapter 57 of title 5, United States Code.

     SEC. 6. POWERS OF COMMISSION.

       (a) In General.--
       (1) Hearings and evidence.--The Commission or, as delegated 
     by the Chairperson and the Vice-Chairperson, any subcommittee 
     or member thereof, may, for the purpose of carrying out this 
     Act--
       (A) hold such hearings and sit and act at such times and 
     places, take such testimony, receive such evidence, and 
     administer such oaths as the Commission or such designated 
     subcommittee or designated member may determine advisable; 
     and
       (B) subject to paragraph (2)(A), require, by subpoena or 
     otherwise, the attendance and testimony of such witnesses and 
     the production of such books, records, correspondence, 
     memoranda, papers, or documents, or any other paper or 
     electronic material, as the Commission or such designated 
     subcommittee or designated member may determine advisable.
       (2) Subpoenas.--
       (A) In general.--The Commission may issue subpoenas 
     requiring the attendance and testimony of witnesses and the 
     production of any evidence relating to any matter which the 
     Commission is empowered to investigate under this Act. Such 
     subpoenas shall be issued by agreement between the 
     Chairperson and Vice Chairperson of the Commission, or by the 
     vote of a majority of the members of the Commission. The 
     attendance of witnesses and the production of evidence may be 
     required from any place within the United States at any 
     designated place of hearing within the United States.
       (B) Failure to obey a subpoena.--If a person does not obey 
     a subpoena issued under subparagraph (A), the Commission is 
     authorized to apply to a United States district court for an 
     order requiring that person to appear before the Commission 
     to give testimony, produce evidence, or both, relating to the 
     matter under investigation. The application may be made 
     within the judicial district where the hearing is conducted 
     or where that person is found, resides, or transacts 
     business. Any failure to obey the order of the court may be 
     punished by the court as a civil contempt.
       (C) Subject matter jurisdiction.--The United States 
     district court in which an action is brought under 
     subparagraph (B) shall have original jurisdiction over any 
     civil action brought by the Commission to enforce, secure a 
     declaratory judgment concerning the validity of, or prevent a 
     threatened refusal or failure to comply with, any subpoena 
     issued by the Commission.
       (D) Service of subpoenas.--The subpoenas of the Commission 
     shall be served in the manner provided for subpoenas issued 
     by a United States district court under the Federal Rules of 
     Civil Procedure for the United States district courts.
       (E) Service of process.--All process of any court to which 
     application is made under subparagraph (A) may be served in 
     the judicial district in which the person required to be 
     served resides or may be found.
       (b) Contracting.--The Commission may, to such extent and in 
     such amounts as are provided in appropriation Acts, enter 
     into contracts to enable the Commission to discharge its 
     duties under this Act.
       (c) Obtaining Official Data.--
       (1) In general.--The Commission may secure directly from 
     any Federal department or agency information, including any 
     underlying information that may be in the possession of the 
     intelligence community, that is necessary to enable it to 
     carry out its purposes and functions under this Act. Upon 
     request of the Chairperson, the chairperson of

[[Page H2576]]

     any subcommittee created by a majority of the Commission, or 
     any member designated by a majority of the Commission, the 
     head of such department or agency shall furnish such 
     information to the Commission.
       (2) Receipt, handling, storage, and dissemination.--
     Information shall only be received, handled, stored, and 
     disseminated by members of the Commission and its staff 
     consistent with all applicable statutes, regulations, and 
     Executive orders.
       (d) Assistance From Federal Agencies.--
       (1) General services administration.--Upon the request of 
     the Commission, the Administrator of General Services shall 
     provide to the Commission, on a reimbursable basis, the 
     administrative support services and office space necessary 
     for the Commission to carry out its purposes and functions 
     under this Act.
       (2) Other federal departments and agencies.--In addition to 
     the assistance prescribed in paragraph (1), Federal 
     departments and agencies may provide to the Commission such 
     services, funds, facilities, staff, and other support 
     services as determined advisable and authorized by law.
       (e) Conveyances and Other Devises.--The Commission may 
     accept, use, and dispose of devises of services or property, 
     both real and personal, for the purpose of aiding or 
     facilitating the work of the Commission.
       (f) Postal Services.--The Commission may use the United 
     States mail in the same manner and under the same conditions 
     as Federal departments and agencies.

     SEC. 7. STAFF OF COMMISSION.

       (a) Appointment.--
       (1) In general.--Except as provided in paragraph (2), the 
     Chairperson, in consultation with the Vice-Chairperson, in 
     accordance with rules agreed upon by the Commission, may 
     appoint and fix the compensation of a Staff Director and such 
     other personnel as may be necessary to enable the Commission 
     to carry out its purposes and functions, without regard to 
     the provisions of title 5, United States Code, governing 
     appointments in the competitive service, and without regard 
     to the provisions of chapter 51 and subchapter III of chapter 
     53 of such title relating to classification and General 
     Schedule pay rates, except that no rate of pay fixed under 
     this subsection may exceed the equivalent of that payable for 
     a position at level IV of the Executive Schedule under 
     section 5315 of title 5, United States Code.
       (2) Personnel as federal employees.--
       (A) In general.--For purposes of the Congressional 
     Accountability Act of 1995 (18 U.S.C. 1301 et seq.)--
       (i) the Commission shall be considered an employing office; 
     and
       (ii) the personnel of the Commission shall be considered 
     covered employees.
       (B) Members of commission.--Subparagraph (A) shall not 
     apply to apply to members of the Commission.
       (b) Experts and Consultants.--The Commission is authorized 
     to procure temporary and intermittent services under section 
     3109 of title 5, United States Code, but at rates for 
     individuals not to exceed the daily equivalent of the maximum 
     annual rate of basic pay under level IV of the Executive 
     Schedule under section 5315 of title 5, United States Code.
       (c) Detailees.--The head of any Federal department or 
     agency may detail, on a non-reimbursable basis, any of the 
     personnel of that department or agency to the Commission to 
     assist the Commission in carrying out its purposes and 
     functions.

     SEC. 8. SECURITY CLEARANCES FOR MEMBERS AND STAFF.

       The appropriate Federal departments or agencies shall 
     cooperate with the Commission in expeditiously providing to 
     the Commission members and staff appropriate security 
     clearances to the extent possible pursuant to existing 
     procedures and requirements, except that no person may be 
     provided with access to classified information under this Act 
     without the appropriate security clearances.

     SEC. 9. NONAPPLICABILITY OF FEDERAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE ACT.

       (a) In General.--The Federal Advisory Committee Act (5 
     U.S.C. App.) shall not apply to the Commission.
       (b) Public Meetings and Release of Public Versions of 
     Reports.--The Commission shall--
       (1) hold public hearings and meetings to the extent 
     appropriate; and
       (2) release public versions of the reports submitted 
     pursuant to section 10.
       (c) Conduct of Public Hearings.--Any public hearings of the 
     Commission shall be conducted in a manner consistent with the 
     protection of information provided to or developed for or by 
     the Commission as required by any applicable statute, 
     regulation, or Executive order.

     SEC. 10. REPORTS; TERMINATION.

       (a) Interim Reports.--The Commission may submit to the 
     President and Congress interim reports containing such 
     findings, conclusions, and recommendations for corrective 
     measures as have been agreed to by a majority of Commission 
     members.
       (b) Final Report.--Not later than December 31, 2021, the 
     Commission shall submit to the President and Congress a final 
     report containing such findings, conclusions, and 
     recommendations for corrective measures as have been agreed 
     to by a majority of Commission members.
       (c) Termination.--
       (1) In general.--The Commission, and all the authorities of 
     this Act, shall terminate upon the expiration of the 60-day 
     period which begins on the date on which the Commission 
     submits the final report under subsection (b).
       (2) Administrative activities before termination.--The 
     Commission may use the 60-day period referred to in paragraph 
     (1) for the purpose of concluding its activities, including 
     providing testimony to committees of Congress concerning its 
     reports and disseminating the final report.

     SEC. 11. ARCHIVING.

       The records of the Commission shall be transferred to the 
     Center for Legislative Archives at the National Archives and 
     Records Administration upon termination of the Commission 
     pursuant to paragraph (1) of section 10(c).

     SEC. 12. AUTHORIZATION OF APPROPRIATIONS.

       (a) In General.--There is authorized to be appropriated 
     such sums as may be necessary to carry out this Act.
       (b) Availability of Funds.--Amounts appropriated pursuant 
     to the authorization under this section shall remain 
     available until expended.

     SEC. 13. DEFINITIONS.

       In this Act:
       (1) Domestic terrorism.--The term ``domestic terrorism'' 
     has the meaning given such term in section 2331 of title 18, 
     United States Code.
       (2) Instrumentality of government.--The term 
     ``instrumentality of government'' means Federal, State, 
     local, Tribal, and territorial agencies.
       (3) Intelligence community.--The term ``intelligence 
     community'' has the meaning given such term in section 3(4) 
     of the National Security Act of 1947 (50 U.S.C. 3003(4)).
       (4) Malign foreign influence operations and campaigns.--The 
     term ``malign foreign influence operations and campaigns'' 
     has the meaning given such term in section 101(h) of the 
     National Security Act of 1947 (50 U.S.C. 3021(h)).
       (5) Targeted violence.--The term ``targeted violence'' 
     means an incident of violence in which an attacker selected a 
     particular target in order to inflict mass injury or death 
     with no discernable political or ideological motivation 
     beyond mass injury or death.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The bill shall be debatable for 1 hour 
equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority member 
of the Committee on Homeland Security.
  The gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Thompson) and the gentleman from 
New York (Mr. Katko) each will control 30 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Mississippi.


                             General Leave

  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent 
that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their 
remarks and include extraneous material on this measure.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Mississippi?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as 
I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 3233, the National Commission 
to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the United States Capitol 
Complex Act.
  On January 6, the world watched Americans storm the Capitol and 
engage in violence to try and intimidate and prevent Congress from 
carrying out its constitutional duty to certify a Presidential 
election, a solemn process central to the peaceful transfer of power in 
our democracy.
  Many of us sitting here today were rushed out of this very Chamber by 
Capitol Police to safety as violent attackers roamed the halls, hunting 
for our colleagues and the Vice President.
  I was in the gallery that day watching the debate when this temple of 
our democracy was desecrated and debased.
  At least one Capitol Police officer died because of the violence that 
day. Others died, too.
  And there were extensive injuries associated with the attacks, not 
the least of which was the body blow to Americans' confidence that the 
reforms undertaken after the 9/11 terrorist attacks would make us more 
secure.
  Like the 9/11 attacks, the events of January 6 have cast a long 
shadow on our country. And like the 9/11 attacks, the January 6 attack 
raises fundamental questions about information sharing, coordination, 
preparedness, and response at all levels of government.
  We need a bipartisan commission made up of experts to come together 
to give us an unvarnished view of what happened that day, examine why 
our systems failed, and develop bipartisan recommendations for reform 
to address any identified gaps.

[[Page H2577]]

  I am proud to be here with my partner on the Homeland Security 
Committee, the gentleman from New York,   John Katko, to debate a bill 
that establishes a 10-member commission that mirrors the 9/11 
Commission, the gold standard for bipartisan commissions.
  The January 6 commission would be required to investigate and report 
on the facts and causes of the attack, including relevant contributing 
factors.
  A commission of this nature, in some form, has been talked about by 
Members of Congress, national security experts, and others for some 
time now. Over the past 4 months, discussion drafts have been 
circulated, pros and cons have been weighed, and obstacles have been 
overcome to get us to this day.
  Given how politically charged the events of January 6 have become, we 
need to come together in a patriotic, bipartisan way and approve this 
independent body just as we created the
9/11 Commission.
  The 9/11 Commission acted, not out of partisanship, but out of 
patriotism. We need that same sense of duty today.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, this year, we will observe the 20th anniversary of the 
terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. It will serve as a somber 
reminder of the fragility of our security, the bravery of our law 
enforcement and first responders, and the resilience of our democracy.
  After the attacks on 9/11, Congress recognized the importance of 
establishing a bipartisan commission to investigate these brazen acts 
of terrorism. This body recognized the need to find the truth and help 
all of us understand how these heinous acts that not only forever 
changed our country, but also the entire world, could have been carried 
out.
  The highly respected 9/11 Commission identified numerous challenges 
that needed to be addressed, which ultimately led to many concrete 
recommendations that were later enacted into law. These critical 
reforms vastly improved our information sharing, intelligence 
collection, vetting capabilities, and broader homeland security 
enterprise.
  The security breach that took place at the U.S. Capitol on January 6 
was completely unacceptable. It was a major breakdown in information 
sharing and preparedness, much like the shortfalls that existed prior 
to 9/11. It was not only an attack on this institution but an attack on 
our law enforcement brethren who defend us every day.
  Unfortunately, we know that the Capitol, Federal buildings, and even 
Members of Congress remain a target for extremists of all ideologies, 
as we all saw most recently during the April 2 vehicle attack that took 
the life of Capitol Police Officer William ``Billy'' Evans.
  The bill before us today, H.R. 3233, would create an independent, 
bipartisan commission to investigate the relevant facts and 
circumstances relating to the January 6 attack on the Capitol, as well 
as targeted violence and domestic terrorism relevant to that attack.
  It also charges the commission with providing and finding 
recommendations to, among other things, prevent, prepare for, and 
respond to similar attacks; improve the security posture of the Capitol 
complex; and ensure the security of Members of Congress and 
congressional staff.
  Modeled after the 9/11 Commission, this bill creates a 10-member 
panel with five commissioners appointed by each party and equal 
subpoena authority.
  While the expedited December 2021 deadline would only give the 
commission about 6 months to do its job, there is good reason for that: 
The American people and the Capitol Police deserve answers and action 
as soon as possible to ensure that nothing like this ever happens 
again.
  We must find answers to the many questions surrounding that day. What 
information was known leading up to January 6? Why was that information 
not shared with the proper entities? Why were Capitol Police officers 
left so unprepared? Who failed to provide them with support? Why did it 
take so long for reinforcements to come to their aid? How can we 
improve the decisionmaking and bureaucracy that is clearly hampering 
the Capitol Police and the security of the Capitol complex? How can we 
ensure that the Capitol, Members of Congress, and our staffs are secure 
from attacks? And how do we ensure that this is a safer place for the 
members of the Capitol Police force who risk their lives every day to 
protect us?
  These are only a few of the many questions that need to be answered. 
The American people and the Capitol Police deserve those answers.
  As I have called for since the days just after the attack, an 
independent, 9/11-style review is critical for removing the politics 
around January 6 and focusing solely on the facts and circumstances of 
the security breach at the Capitol, as well as other instances of 
violence relevant to such a review.
  Make no mistake about it, Mr. Thompson and I know this is about 
facts. It is not partisan politics. We would have never gotten to this 
point if it was about partisan politics.
  Thanks to the strong partnership with Mr. Thompson, the Homeland 
Security Committee remains a bipartisan committee focused on securing 
the Nation while leaving partisanship at the door, which is exactly 
what the American people expect of us.
  Chairman Thompson and I were able to work together to block out all 
the political noise surrounding the January 6 attack and turn the 
Speaker's partisan proposal into a reasonable, nonpartisan bill.
  Now, H.R. 3233 is nearly identical to the original commission bill, 
H.R. 275, that I, along with 30 other Republican cosponsors, introduced 
on January 13, 6 days after the attack.
  I sincerely appreciate Chairman Thompson's robust collaboration and 
strong commitment, as well as his friendship, by working together on 
this effort. The American people expect Congress to put partisanship 
aside for the sake of our homeland security.
  I fully recognize that in a diverse body like this, Members come down 
on different sides of different issues. I welcome that. We all should. 
That is America; because, after all, none of this is personal. It is 
about our mutual desire to keep America safe and secure. To my friends 
on both sides of the aisle, I welcome honest, vigorous, and civil 
debate.
  At the end of the day, I strongly believe this is fair and necessary 
legislation. I encourage all Members, Republicans and Democrats alike, 
to put down their swords just for once and support this bill.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, let me just say to the 
ranking member, this won't be the last time that we put together 
legislation for the good of this country, I assure you of that.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Torres), the vice chair of the Homeland Security Committee.

                              {time}  1615

  Mr. TORRES of New York. Mr. Speaker, when I was sworn in the week of 
January 6, I never imagined living through an insurrection against the 
U.S. Capitol during the electoral college vote count.
  On January 6, I felt the same sense of shock and trauma that I had 
felt on 9/11. Like most of America, I took for granted that the 
peaceful transfer of power is so natural as to transcend even the most 
turbulent period of partisan politics.
  I was wrong. We were all wrong. Democracy is too fragile to be taken 
for granted. It demands from all of us a vigilant defense.
  As Members of the United States Congress, we took an oath to defend 
and uphold the Constitution of the United States. The insurrection 
against the U.S. Capitol was a literal and metaphorical assault on the 
very Constitution we have been charged with defending.
  The January 6 Commission is, therefore, not a choice, but an 
obligation. We have a duty to investigate what happened and why it 
happened and who is responsible.
  As a Congress, if we are not able or willing to ascertain the full 
truth surrounding an invasion of our very home,

[[Page H2578]]

of our Nation's Capitol, then why are we here? The 11th-hour attempt to 
sabotage a bipartisan, bicameral position is not a difference of 
opinion, nor is it politics as usual. It is an abdication of the oath 
that we took to uphold the Constitution.
  The United States of America is not a cult of personality, it is a 
Nation of laws. And our loyalty should not be to one political figure 
or one political party. Our highest loyalty should be to our country 
and the Constitution that governs it.
  We must never forget that the truth trumps politics. And if the truth 
is what we seek, then we have nothing to fear from bringing the clarity 
that only truth can bring to the chaos and confusion of January 6.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Michigan (Mr. Meijer).
  Mr. MEIJER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my strongest support 
for H.R. 3233, a bill to establish a bipartisan commission to 
investigate the disgraceful January 6 attack on this institution.
  Let us be clear, the imperative to have a public, objective, fact-
based investigation of the Capitol attack is not a partisan issue and 
it should never be treated as such. A violent mob breached this 
building to disrupt the lawful Presidential transition and threaten the 
lives of Vice President Pence and Members of Congress. That this mob 
attacked the Capitol with the encouragement of prominent elected 
officials is a chilling reminder of President Reagan's warning that 
``freedom is never more than one generation away from extinction.''
  Unfortunately, many who rightly criticized and condemned the attack 
that day have walked back their words or softened their speech. But 
even more troubling, there has been an active effort to whitewash and 
rewrite the shameful events of that day to avoid accountability and 
turn away from difficult truths.
  If we avoid confronting what happened here just a few short months 
ago, we can be sure that intimidation, coercion, and violence will 
become a defining feature of our politics.
  On the evening of January 6, as I was walking back to the Capitol 
after it was cleared of rioters, I received a text from a constituent 
who asserted that those who stormed the Capitol today were the true 
American heroes, that the election was a fraud, and that I must know 
that that was true. He then warned: ``You can bet that there will be 
more blood on Congress' hands if you let that stand.''
  I refuse to accept that possibility, this abrogation of our sacred 
obligation to the Republic. There is no replacement for an independent, 
bipartisan commission with a mandate to produce a definitive report to 
the public to clear away myths and fictions and get right on the facts.
  This is not picking at a scab. In order to scab over, a cut has to 
first heal. Rather than start to mend, the wound from January 6 was 
hastily bandaged and continues to fester. Only by airing it out and 
addressing what occurred can we hope to move past and heal. I applaud 
my friend, Congressman   John Katko, for his good-faith, bipartisan 
leadership to put this commission in place.
  Mr. Speaker, I supported this effort in January, I support it today, 
and I urge my colleagues to do so as well.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Gottheimer).
  Mr. GOTTHEIMER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today, as a member of the 
Committee on Homeland Security, in strong support of H.R. 3233, 
Chairman Thompson and Ranking Member Katko's bill to form a bipartisan, 
independent commission to investigate the January 6 domestic terrorism 
attack on the United States Capitol.
  On January 6, the world witnessed an attempted insurrection against 
our government to overturn the will of the American people. I know that 
because I was right here in this House Chamber that day as doors were 
barricaded and Members and staff were forced to evacuate. The mob that 
stormed our Capitol, resulting in the death of a Capitol police 
officer, tore down the American flag and desecrated the seat of our 
democracy. These lawless thugs, led by members of extremist groups like 
the Oath Keepers, and Proud Boys, and Stop the Steal, attempted an 
insurrection. In the end, they failed. We gathered back together here, 
uncowed, and the electoral college was certified.
  Mr. Speaker, but true healing cannot come without a serious 
investigation and real accountability. I am very proud that last night, 
the bipartisan Problem Solvers Caucus, 29 Democrats and 29 Republicans, 
came together to endorse this legislation, putting aside politics to 
get to the bottom of what happened that day.
  This bipartisan commission, modeled on the 9/11 Commission, will 
undertake an investigation into the facts and what caused the attack.
  Mr. Speaker, this legislation will help us deter further would-be 
extremists, and provide the law enforcement homeland security community 
with the tools needed to protect the Capitol and our country from 
future attacks.
  I thank Chairman Thompson and Ranking Member Katko for their 
extraordinary leadership and months of hard work together on the bill, 
the way governing should occur.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge all my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to 
join in support of securing and protecting the very foundation of our 
democracy.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Jeffries), chair of the Democratic Caucus.
  Mr. JEFFRIES. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished chair for his 
tremendous leadership.
  Mr. Speaker, the January 6 bipartisan commission will explore what 
happened on that fateful day, why it happened, and how do we prevent 
another violent insurrection and attack on the Capitol from ever 
happening again.
  In the aftermath of the attack on Pearl Harbor, America had a 
bipartisan commission. In the aftermath of the September 11 attack, 
America had a bipartisan commission. In the aftermath of the attack on 
this Capitol on January 6, America should have a bipartisan commission.
  The violent insurrection was an attack on the Congress, the 
Constitution, and the Capitol. Lives were lost. More than 140 officers 
were seriously injured. A violent mob stormed this building to 
assassinate the Speaker, hang Mike Pence, and hunt down Members of 
Congress. They urinated, defecated, and desecrated the citadel of our 
democracy.
  It was a violent attack designed to bring about one objective; halt 
Congress from undertaking our constitutional responsibilities. And yet, 
a few of my colleagues seem to want to convince America that it was all 
puppies and rainbows. We will not be hoodwinked. We will not be 
bamboozled. We will not be led astray.
  The January 6 bipartisan commission will find the truth, the whole 
truth, and nothing but the truth. And that is the American way.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Langevin), the former Secretary of 
State from Rhode Island, who is now a member of the Committee on 
Homeland Security.
  Mr. LANGEVIN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 3233. On 
September 11, 2001, I was a freshman in Congress. We suffered attacks 
that day because of a failure of imagination. Since then, I have 
dedicated myself to getting ahead of the curve, to seeing over the 
horizon, to preventing another such devastating surprise. Yet, on 
January 6, I, along with so many others, was caught by surprise.
  In the past 5 months, I have reflected. What signs did we miss? Were 
we unprepared for a tide of American rioters? Why were some citizens 
actually taking the big lie about the election seriously enough to 
actually commit violence?
  The January 6 commission will answer these and many other difficult 
questions and deliver a complete record for posterity of what could 
possibly have happened to bring about such a betrayal of our democracy.
  We will not defeat darkness with darkness. We need light. We will not 
defeat lies with lies. We need truth. This commission will bring forth 
the truth and it is only the truth that can truly heal the rift that is 
tearing our country apart.

[[Page H2579]]

  Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairman Thompson and Ranking Member Katko for 
their leadership.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Michigan (Mr. Upton).
  Mr. UPTON. Mr. Speaker, January 6 is going to haunt this institution 
for a long, long time. No, it was not the joyous day on Capitol Hill 
with our constituents celebrating the start of a new Congress and a new 
administration. COVID came first, then this.
  So nearly 5 months later, we still don't have the answers to the 
basic questions: Who knew what? When? What did they do about it?
  Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleagues, Katko and Thompson, for the 
really good job on working together to establish a bipartisan 
commission seeking to find the answers to the questions that are still 
out there.
  Hundreds of people were arrested. People died. Millions of dollars of 
damage to this building, feces spread on the walls, and, yes, the very 
core of democracy, this institution, was threatened.
  I wasn't in the Chamber that day when the breach was attempted, but I 
heard the shouts, saw the flash bangs, smelled the gas on that sorry 
day. And if it had not been for the brave Capitol and Metropolitan 
policemen and women that day, who knows how many of our heads would 
have been swinging on those gallows that were constructed on the east 
front of the Capitol.

  I talked to the exhausted SWAT team members, the police, and watched 
some of the body cams. I talked to some of our still-shaken colleagues 
who endured that day.
  Mr. Speaker, we need the answers, not political rhetoric. That is 
what this bipartisan commission can provide for all of us, for our 
country. Let the truth shine in.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from California, (Mr. Correa).
  Mr. CORREA. Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairman Thompson and Ranking Member 
Katko for this legislation.
  Mr. Speaker, this bill is simply about the truth. It is about the 
truth behind the assault on our Capitol on January 6. Enough with lies. 
Enough with conspiracy theories. The January 6 commission will have the 
power, power to find the truth. It will have subpoena power to compel 
people to testify, to testify under oath under penalty of perjury.
  An attack on our Capitol, an attack on our democracy, an attack on 
the election of our President--these cannot be tolerated, and they 
cannot happen again.
  What happened? What happened January 6? This bill is about sunshine, 
this bill is about transparency. That is why I ask for every Member on 
this floor, I ask you to vote ``aye'' on this most important measure.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I just want to note for the Record that the 
subpoena to which my colleague from California mentioned can only be 
issued if there is a consensus by both sides of the aisle on the 
commission. It is not something that one side can do unilaterally. And 
that is one of the key provisions of this, because it depoliticizes the 
process and it is a consensus-driven process.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Green), a member of the Committee on Homeland 
Security.
  Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, and still I rise, and I rise today 
understanding that William Cullen Bryant was right: ``Truth, crushed to 
earth, shall rise again.'' Whether you believe that it was just a group 
of tourists walking through the Capitol or not, you should want this 
commission.

                              {time}  1630

  If you believe that it was an insurrection, you should want this 
commission. You should want this commission because you cannot bury the 
truth in an earthly grave of lies and not realize the words of William 
Cullen Bryant, ``Truth, crushed to earth, shall rise again.''
  Mr. Speaker, I want to thank Chairman Thompson and the ranking member 
for standing together to make this moment possible. Bipartisanship is 
achieved when you have good decent people who can stand together for 
the good of all.
  God bless you, dear brothers.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the 
gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman and I thank the 
ranking member for showing, no matter how much confusion and upside 
down interpretation that leadership may give in changing their mind, 
truth will prevail.
  Let us show what America is today. Let us show what unity is today. 
Let me take a few moments to explain why the intended purpose of the 
January 6 insurrection to disrupt the joint meeting of Congress to 
tally the votes of Presidential electors and announce the results to 
the Nation and the world was the greatest threat to the American 
Experiment since the Civil War, when the pro-slavery forces would 
rather make war than let the Nation survive, and pro-freedom forces 
would accept war rather than let the Nation perish.
  Mr. Speaker, I was here on 9/11, and I understand what we did not get 
accomplished, yet when we became part of the Homeland Security 
Committee, we moved the 9/11 Commission that still stands as the 
standard-bearer for finding out what happened.
  All the American people want, and those officers who were beat and 
beat and beat, is to find out the truth. This commission will help us 
find out the truth. It will answer the cry of those law enforcement 
officers who were called racial names. We will be able to explain why 
someone was trying to kill the Vice President, kill the Speaker, and 
kill Members of Congress.
  This is a truth time. Can we stand for truth?
  And might I add, I want to thank all of those officers who put their 
line in front for us. Let us get them the truth so the Nation will know 
the truth and so we can stand on the truth and be free.
  Mr. Speaker, as Chair of the Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime, 
Homeland Security, and Terrorism, and a senior member of the Homeland 
Security, and Budget Committees, I rise in strong support of H.R. 3233, 
the National Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the 
Capitol Complex Act, which establishes a national commission charged 
with investigating and reporting upon the facts and causes of the 
January 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol as well as the influencing 
factors that may have provoked the attack on our democracy.
  Specifically, the January 6 Commission's mandate includes:
  1. examining and evaluating evidence developed by relevant Federal, 
State, and local governments, in a manner that is respectful of ongoing 
investigations, regarding the facts and circumstances of the attack;
  2. building upon other investigations regarding the attack and 
targeted violence and domestic terrorism related to such attack; and
  3, reporting to the President and Congress regarding its findings, 
conclusions, and recommendations for corrective measures taken to 
prevent future acts of targeted violence and domestic terrorism and 
improves the security posture of the United States Capitol Complex in a 
manner that preserves the accessibility of the Capitol Complex for all 
Americans, and strengthen the security and resilience of nation and 
American democratic institutions against domestic terrorism.
  Like the 9/11 Commission, the measure establishes a 10-person 
bipartisan commission with five commissioners, including the Chair, 
appointed by the Speaker of the House and the Majority Leader of the 
Senate and five commissioners, including the Vice Chair, appointed by 
the Minority Leaders of the House and Senate.
  Like the 9/11 Commission, the January 6 Commission will be granted 
authority to issue subpoenas to secure information to carry out its 
investigation but only upon agreement between the Chair and the Vice 
Chair or a vote by a majority of Commission members.
  January 6 Commissioners must have significant expertise in the areas 
of law enforcement, civil rights, civil liberties, privacy, 
intelligence, and cybersecurity. Current government officers or 
employees are prohibited from appointment.
  The January 6 Commission will be required to issue a final report 
with findings regarding the facts and causes of the attack, along with 
recommendations to prevent future attacks on our democratic 
institutions, by December 31, 2021.
  Like September 11, 2001, we cannot and must not ever forget the 
existential threat faced by our democracy on January 6, 2021, when 
thousands of domestic terrorists inspired

[[Page H2580]]

by the 45th President stormed the U.S. Capitol in a violent, crazed, 
and desperate effort to disrupt the Joint Meeting of Congress 
prescribed by the Constitution to tally the votes of presidential 
electors and announce the results to the nation and the world.
  Mr. Speaker, the morning of September 11, 2001, is, and will always 
be, a day like no other.
  It is a day all living Americans will remember because not since 
Pearl Harbor had there been such a dastardly and deadly attack on 
American soil.
  My heart still grieves for those who perished on flights United 
Airlines 93, American Airlines 77, American Airlines 11, and United 
Airlines 175.
  When the sun rose on the morning of September 11, none of us knew 
that it would end in an inferno in the magnificent World Trade Center 
Towers in New York City and the Pentagon and in the grassy fields of 
Shanksville, Pennsylvania.
  Mr. Speaker, as hard as it is to believe, out of a tragedy so 
overwhelming and horrific, something good and great emerged in the 
aftermath of September 11.
  On that day there were no Republicans or Democrats; there were no 
Northerners or Southerners or West or East Coasters.
  We were not Red State or Blue State; we were all simply Americans.
  On that day, we were united in our shock and anger and sadness and in 
our resolve to defend our country and protect the freedoms that has 
made America the greatest country in the history of the world.
  I experienced the same gamut of emotions on January 6: grief, hope, 
resolve, and fierce commitment to protect our country.
  Mr. Speaker, the assault on the U.S. Capitol by domestic terrorists 
and insurrectionists rightly takes its place as one of the darkest 
moments in our nation's history since the Civil War.
  Mr. Speaker, the January 6 insurrection caused tragic loss of life 
and many injuries, while leaving behind widespread physical damage to 
the Capitol Complex and emotional trauma for Members, Congressional 
employees, and the Capitol Police.
  It bears repeating often that the Congress and the nation owe undying 
gratitude to the men and women who answered the call of constitutional 
duty and heroically won the day on that bloody and deadly afternoon.
  That is why I introduced H. Res. 169, a resolution commending the 
officers of the United States Capitol Police Department, the 
Metropolitan Police Department of Washington, DC, and other law 
enforcement personnel for their selfless and heroic service in defense 
of American democracy in responding to the assault on the United States 
Capitol by domestic terrorists on January 6, 2021.
  H. Res. 169 notes that the January 6, 2021, siege of the Capitol 
assault resulted in one of the worst days of injuries for law 
enforcement in the United States since the September 11, 2001, 
terrorist attacks but that the officers of the United States Capitol 
Police Department, the Metropolitan Police Department of Washington, 
DC, and other uniformed law enforcement officers stood their ground in 
defense of American democracy while being attacked metal pipes, 
discharged chemical irritants, and other weapons.
  The resolution conveys the thanks and appreciation of a grateful 
nation to them for their selfless and heroic service, encourages all 
educational and media institutions throughout the United States to 
teach and celebrate the story of their heroism and patriotism; and 
calls upon all Americans to read, celebrate, and revere the 
Constitution of the United States, fidelity to which is the surest best 
means of forming a more perfect union, establishing justice, ensuring 
domestic tranquility, providing for the common defense, promoting the 
general welfare, and securing the blessing of liberty to them and their 
posterity.
  Mr. Speaker, the domestic terrorists and seditionists who attacked 
the Capitol Building on January 6, 2021, were not, as some of their 
ardent defenders and apologists across the aisle have stated falsely, 
on a ``normal tour visit''; nor was their effort to lay siege to the 
Capitol and disrupt the processes of government an act of persons who 
love their country.
  And it is absurd to suggest that it was a celebration of the United 
States and what it stands for when the leading edge of terrorists 
desecrated the Capitol by offensively parading the treasonous 
Confederate flag through the building and when, because of their 
insurrection, several members of law enforcement made the supreme 
sacrifice and scores more were seriously injured.
  Mr. Speaker, I would like to take a few moments to explain why the 
intended purpose of the January 6 insurrection--to disrupt the Joint 
Meeting of Congress to tally the votes of presidential electors and 
announce the results to the nation and the world--was the greatest 
threat to the American Experiment since the Civil War when the 
proslavery forces would rather make war than let the nation survive and 
the pro-freedom forces would accept war rather than let the nation 
perish.
  Mr. Speaker, the Framers had first-hand experience with the types of 
abuses and usurpations committed by political leaders who ruled them 
but were not accountable to them and detailed many of those wrongs in 
the Declaration of Independence.
  The Framers understood and declared to the world that democratic 
governors derived their powers from the knowing and voluntary consent 
of the governed as expressed in free, fair, and unfettered elections 
unmarred by the influence or sabotage of any foreign country or entity 
not a member of the political community.
  The Framers understood that if elections are influenced by foreign 
actors or authoritarian forces within, then voters are reduced from the 
great role of citizens to mere subjects, and government for and by the 
people is a sham.
  The most important feature of a democracy is that it is the voters 
who alone can confer the legitimate consent and authorization necessary 
to govern upon the governors who are then duty-bound to represent the 
voters' interests, and only their interests.
  Mr. Speaker, the fundamental democratic compact between the governed 
and the governors is that the latter's authority and continuance in 
office comes exclusively from the governed and allegiance is owed 
exclusively to the governed.
  This agreement can only be reached through free and fair elections, a 
breach of which threatens the vitality and viability of the social 
contract upon which democratic self-rule of, by, and for the people 
depends.
  Mr. Speaker, President Lincoln called the United States the ``last 
best hope of man on earth'' and stated at Gettysburg the importance of 
finishing the work we are in to ensure that ``government of the people, 
for the people, by the people does not perish from the earth.''
  By our actions in voting to establish and empower a National 
Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the Capitol Complex, 
we are taking an indispensable step in ensuring the preservation of our 
democracy, which has been the envy of the world for than 240 years.
  I urge all Members to join me in voting for H.R. 3233, the National 
Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the Capitol Complex 
Act.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the 
gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Clarke).
  Ms. CLARKE of New York. Mr. Speaker, I rise today on behalf of the 
American people, our Republic, my colleagues, congressional staff, 
Capitol Police officers, and the late Officer Brian Sicknick, in 
support of H.R. 3233, the National Commission to Investigate the 
January 6 Attack on the United States Capitol Complex Act.
  Let me be very clear: What took place on January 6 in the United 
States Capitol Building was an act of domestic terrorism. To witness 
this hallowed place, the seat of our democracy, being breached and 
invaded by a mob of incensed blood-thirsty individuals, sycophants, all 
as we barricaded ourselves in our offices and on this floor, fearing 
for our lives, was devastating beyond belief. It was an attack on our 
democracy. Full stop.
  This commission is necessary to ensure all parties involved are 
brought to justice and the American people are made aware of the facts 
and causes that led to this heinous act of domestic terrorism.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, how much time do we have 
remaining?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Mississippi has 16 
minutes remaining. The gentleman from New York has 20 minutes 
remaining.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Swalwell).
  Mr. SWALWELL. Mr. Speaker, today, our country has a choice: Our 
Constitution or chaos?
  Our democracy was attacked on January 6. We survived this once, but 
we will not survive another attack. This commission ensures that we are 
better prepared if one is to come to this House again.
  We don't just owe this to our democracy, we owe it to the men and 
women in uniform, who fought in hand-to-hand combat for hours to 
protect our lives. These are the cops that we see every day. These are 
the cops who take care of us. Three of them lost their life. One of 
them lost a number of fingers, and one of them had his eye gouged out. 
Don't walk away from these cops.

[[Page H2581]]

  We can't agree on much as a country anymore. We choose the news that 
agrees with us. But this commission cannot be spun. The testimony is 
the testimony. It is unimpeachable. It is going to be factual. And we 
owe those facts, the ground truth, not only to our democracy, but to 
the police officers who so bravely served us that day.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the 
gentlewoman from New York (Miss Rice).
  Miss RICE of New York. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 
3233, the National Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on 
the United States Capitol Complex Act.
  This cannot be said enough. January 6 was an act of domestic 
terrorism. An armed mob of insurrectionists stormed the Capitol 
intending to murder the Speaker, the Vice President, and Members of 
Congress.
  We cannot let our friends on the other side of the aisle whitewash 
the events of that day. We cannot let them gaslight the American people 
by calling January 6 an ordinary tourist visit.
  The 9/11-style commission we are proposing in this bill will issue a 
full report on the facts and provide recommendations to prevent future 
attacks.
  Mr. Speaker, I truly appreciate Chairman Thompson and Ranking Member 
Katko for negotiating this bill in good faith.
  I thank my friend, Ranking Member Katko, for actually recognizing the 
events of January 6 and working to find a bipartisan path forward, 
despite the opposition in his own party. That is a true act of courage 
and being a true American.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the 
gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Demings).
  Mrs. DEMINGS. Mr. Speaker, the insurrectionists attacked this very 
building we are standing in right now. The violent mob attacked, bear-
sprayed, and beat down the police officers who protect us every day. 
140 officers were injured, and we need to care about that. Some have 
died, and they deserved better.
  Mr. Speaker, accountability and truth are the foundation upon which 
all of our rights and freedoms exist. We need answers, and this 
commission will give them to us. We need accountability, and this 
commission will pave the way for full accountability. We need an 
independent commission, and a vote against it is a vote for a cover-up.
  Choose ye this day whom you will serve. Our democracy or the big lie?
  History will remember us.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the 
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Barragan).
  Ms. BARRAGAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the National 
Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the United States 
Capitol Complex Act.
  So many questions have surfaced since the attempted insurrection from 
January 6, but one question encompasses everything: What happened?
  A truth-telling commission will set the record straight about the 
January 6 uprising, its causes, and potential remedial measures. This 
is about a fact-finding and truth-telling mission. It was the very 
absence of these two things that helped bring the insurrection on 
January 6.
  We can't move on until we look back and make sure we know what 
happened, why, and make sure it never happens again.

  On behalf of fallen Capitol Police Officer Sicknick, the men and 
women of the U.S. Capitol Police, the congressional and Capitol Hill 
staff that keep our offices running, and the American people, we must 
uncover the truth.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the 
gentlewoman from Virginia (Mrs. Luria).
  Mrs. LURIA. Mr. Speaker, like all of us, I watched with horror as our 
Capitol was overrun on January 6 by those seeking to overturn a free 
and fair election.
  As a 20-year Navy veteran, I swore an oath multiple times throughout 
my career to support and defend our Constitution against all enemies, 
foreign and domestic. As Members of Congress, we swear the same oath, 
and we swear this oath, not as a member of a political party, but as 
Americans. There is no carve-out for political expediency.
  I implore every Member of this body to uphold their oath and vote in 
support of this bipartisan commission. The American people deserve to 
understand exactly what happened that day in January.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues not to turn this into a partisan 
litmus test, not to pit Republican against Democrat, and not to 
perpetuate the big lie. Finding the truth should not be controversial 
or a question of partisanship.
  This is about our shared future, the future of this Congress, and the 
future of democracy. We must do this together, and I urge an ``aye'' 
vote.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record a 
listing of national security, military, and elected officials, former 
Members of Congress, U.S. Attorneys, diplomats, all who have specific 
expertise in this matter before the body today.

  Letter From Former Senior National Security, Military, and Elected 
  Officials Calling On Congress To Create A Bipartisan 1/6 Commission

       Dear Members of Congress: We are former senior national 
     security, military, and elected officials who have 
     represented or served Democrats, Republicans, or 
     administrations of both parties. We write to encourage this 
     Congress to establish an independent and bipartisan national 
     commission to investigate the January 6th assault of the U.S. 
     Capitol Complex and its direct causes, and to make 
     recommendations to prevent future assaults and strengthen the 
     resilience of our democratic institutions.
       We also write to you with great urgency in light of what we 
     collectively see as an exigent and growing threat. The events 
     of January 6th exposed severe vulnerabilities in the nation's 
     preparedness for preventing and responding to domestic 
     terrorist attacks. The immediate security failings that 
     permitted a lethal breach of the Capitol Complex by armed 
     extremists raise serious questions and demand immediate 
     solutions.
       But January 6th was also the result of complex national 
     security threats. These include coordinated disinformation 
     campaigns, nontransparent financing of extremist networks, 
     potential foreign influences, and white supremacist violent 
     extremism, which the Department of Homeland Security 
     identified in an October 2020 report as among ``the most 
     persistent and lethal threat[s] in the Homeland.'' As FBI 
     Director Christopher Wray testified to you recently, 
     ``January 6th was not an isolated event. The problem of 
     domestic terrorism has been metastasizing across the country 
     for a long time now and it's not going away anytime soon.'' 
     Understanding how these forces culminated in an attack on the 
     infrastructure of our democracy is critical to preventing 
     future attacks.
       In the wake of September 11th, the administration and 
     Congress jointly acknowledged that the attack's causes were 
     complex and that an independent and well-equipped national 
     commission was an essential tool to aid the federal 
     government. Congressional inquiries, law enforcement 
     activities, and a national commission not only worked in 
     parallel, but critically complemented each other's necessary 
     work. An independent commission should not supplant the 
     ongoing work by the legislative and executive branches, but 
     it can uniquely support them by providing comprehensive and 
     expert recommendations for Congress to act upon.
       Commissions--properly empowered, resourced, and led--can 
     establish a full picture of events and an analysis of their 
     causes, from which nonpartisan recommendations can 
     authoritatively flow. With dedicated time, resources, and 
     expert staffing, they can also exclusively focus on the 
     matter at hand over an appropriate time horizon. Given the 
     gravity of January 6th as a national security matter--the 
     violent disruption to the transition of power and the 
     continuing threat of future attacks--a national commission 
     examining the lead up to the January 6th assault, and the 
     attendant security lapses, is not only appropriate, but a 
     critical component of the national response.
       A failure to deploy the full suite of tools available to 
     fully understand January 6th and address its causes will 
     leave the Capitol, and the nation, vulnerable to future 
     attacks. In bipartisan fashion, we have successfully 
     marshaled these tools before, and we implore you to do so 
     once again.
           Sincerely,
       (Note: All titles are former positions or military ranks 
     held prior to retirement.)
       Javed Ali, Senior Director for Counterterrorism, National 
     Security Council.
       Thad Allen, Admiral, U.S. Coast Guard; Commandant of the 
     Coast Guard.
       Wendy R. Anderson, Deputy Chief of Staff, U.S. Department 
     of Defense.
       Daniel Baer, U.S. Ambassador; Deputy Assistant Secretary of 
     State.

[[Page H2582]]

       Brian Baird, U.S. Representative, 1999-2011.
       Daniella Ballou-Aares, Senior Advisor to the Secretary of 
     State.
       Rand Beers, Acting Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland 
     Security; Deputy Homeland Security Advisor.
       John Bellinger, Legal Adviser, U.S. Department of State; 
     Legal Advisor, National Security Council.
       Tatyana Bolton, Cyber Policy Lead--Senior Policy Analyst, 
     U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
       Charles Boustany, U.S. Representative, 2005-2017.
       Steven Browning, U.S. Ambassador; Principal Deputy 
     Assistant Secretary of State.
       Todd F. Buchwald, U.S. Ambassador, Office of Global 
     Criminal Justice, U.S. Department of State.
       Sharon Burke, Assistant Secretary of Defense for 
     Operational Energy.
       Daniel Byman, Professional Staff Member, 9/11 Commission.
       Piper Campbell, U.S. Ambassador; Head U.S. Mission to 
     ASEAN.
       Kevin Carroll, Senior Counselor to the Secretary of 
     Homeland Security; Senior Counsel to the House Homeland 
     Security Committee.
       J.E. Cartwright, General, U.S. Marine Corps; Vice Chairman 
     of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
       Steven Cash, Chief Counsel, U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein; 
     Intelligence Officer, CIA; Assistant District Attorney, New 
     York.
       Michael Chertoff, Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland 
     Security.
       Peter Chiarelli, General, U.S. Army, 32nd Vice Chief of 
     Staff of the U.S. Army.
       James Clapper, Director of National Intelligence.
       William Cohen, Secretary, U.S. Department of Defense.
       Tom Coleman, U.S. Representative, 1976-1993.
       Gary Corn, Colonel, U.S. Army, Staff Judge Advocate, U.S. 
     Cyber Command.
       Thomas Countryman, Assistant Secretary of State for 
     International Security and Nonproliferation.
       Ryan Crocker, U.S. Ambassador.
       George Croner, Litigation Counsel, National Security 
     Agency; Special Assistant U.S. Attorney, Criminal Division, 
     U.S. Department of Justice.
       Carlos Curbelo, U.S. Representative, 2015-2019.
       John Danforth, U.S. Senator, 1976-1995.
       J. Michael Daniel, Special Assistant to President Obama and 
     Cybersecurity Coordinator.
       Tom Daschle, U.S. Senator, 1987-2005.
       Greg Delawie, U.S. Ambassador.
       Charles W. Dent, U.S. Representative, 2005-2018.
       Murray Dickman, Chief of Staff to the Attorney General.
       David Durenberger, U.S. Senator, 1978-1995.
       R.P. Eddy, Director, National Security Council; Chief of 
     Staff, U.S. Ambassador to the U.N.
       Eric Edelman, Under Secretary of Defense for Policy.
       Mickey Edwards, U.S. Representative, 1977-1993; Chair, 
     House Republican Policy Committee, 1989-1993.
       Susan Elliott, U.S. Ambassador.
       Jeffrey Feltman, United Nations Under-Secretary-General for 
     Political Affairs; U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Near 
     Eastern Affairs.
       Brenner Fissell, Appellate Counsel, Guantanamo Bay Military 
     Commissions.
       Emil Frankel, Assistant Secretary for Transportation 
     Policy, U.S. Department of Transportation.
       Charles Fried, Solicitor General of the United States.
       Francis Fukuyama, Deputy Director, Policy Planning, U.S. 
     Department of State.
       Kim Fuller, U.S. Department of the Army, Director of 
     International Affairs (Special Assistant to the Deputy 
     Secretary).
       Larry Garber, USAID Mission Director, West Bank/Gaza.
       Richard Gephardt, U.S. Representative, 1977-2005.
       Stuart Gerson, Acting Attorney General of the U.S.; 
     Assistant Attorney General; U.S. Air Force 
     Counterintelligence Officer.
       Glenn Gerstell, General Counsel, National Security Agency.
       James Glassman, Under Secretary for Public Diplomacy and 
     Public Affairs, U.S. Department of State.
       Kevin Green, Vice Admiral, U.S. Navy.
       Nina Hachigian, U.S. Ambassador.
       Chuck Hagel, Secretary, U.S. Department of Defense.
       Morton Halperin, Director, Policy Planning, U.S. Department 
     of State.
       Jane Harman, U.S. Representative, 1993-1991, 2001-2011.
       Gary Hart, U.S. Senator, 1975-1987.
       Luke Hartig, Senior Director for Counterterrorism, National 
     Security Council.
       Michael V. Hayden, General, U.S. Air Force; Director, CIA; 
     Director, NSA.
       Jason Healey, Director, Critical Infrastructure Protection, 
     Homeland Security Council.
       Margaret Henoch, CIA Senior Intelligence Service.
       Rush D. Holt, U.S. Representative, 1999-2015.
       Cameron Hume, U.S. Ambassador.
       Gordon Humphrey, U.S. Senator, 1979-1991.
       Paul Douglas Humphries, CIA.
       Carol Humphries, CIA, Captain, U.S. Navy Reserve.
       Bob Inglis, U.S. Representative, 1993-1999, 2005-2011.
       Steve Israel, U.S. Representative, 2001-2017.
       Jeh Johnson, Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland 
     Security.
       Susan Koch, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for 
     Threat Reduction Policy.
       Jim Kolbe, U.S. Representative, 1985-2007.
       David J. Kramer, Assistant Secretary of State for 
     Democracy, Human Rights & Labor.
       David Laufman, Chief of the Counterintelligence and Export 
     Control Section in the National Security Division, U.S. 
     Department of Justice.
       J. William Leonard, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense 
     (Security & Information Operations).
       Jason Lewis-Berry, Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary, U.S. 
     Department of State.
       Andrew Liepman, Deputy Director, National Counterrorism 
     Center; Deputy Director, CIA/Counterterrorism Center; 
     Director, Office of Iraq Analysis; Deputy Director, Weapons 
     Intelligence Non Proliferation and Arms Control Center.
       Robert Litt, General Counsel, Office of the Director of 
     National Intelligence.
       George Little, Press Secretary, Pentagon; Spokesman, CIA.
       James Loy, Admiral, U.S. Coast Guard; Commandant of the 
     U.S. Coast Guard; Deputy Secretary, U.S. Department of 
     Homeland Security.
       Lewis Lukens, U.S. Ambassador.
       Michael McFaul, Ambassador; Special Assistant to the 
     President and Senior Director for Russian and Eurasian 
     Affairs at the National Security Council.
       Steven McGann, U.S. Ambassador.
       Dennis McGinn, Vice Admiral, U.S. Navy; Assistant Secretary 
     of the Navy.
       Joseph Medina, Brigadier General, U.S. Marine Corps.
       Christopher Mellon, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense.
       Connie Morella, U.S. Representative, 2003-2006; U.S. 
     Ambassador.
       Janet Napolitano, Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland 
     Security.
       Elizabeth Neumann, Assistant Secretary for Counterterrorism 
     and Threat Prevention, U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
       Suzanne Nossel, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State.
       William Owens, Admiral, U.S. Navy; Vice Chairman of the 
     Joint Chiefs of Staff.
       Christopher Painter, Coordinator for Cyber Issues, U.S. 
     Department of State.
       William Perry, Secretary of Defense.
       Larry Pfeiffer, Chief of Staff, CIA; Senior Director, White 
     House Situation Room.
       Annie Pforzheimer, Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary of 
     State for Afghanistan.
       Randal Phillips, Senior Intelligence Service, CIA.
       William Piekney, Senior Operations Manager, CIA.
       Steven Pifer, Senior Foreign Service Officer; U.S. 
     Ambassador.
       Tony Pipa, Chief Strategy Officer, USAID.
       Marc Polymeropoulos, Senior Intelligence Service, 
     Directorate of Operations, CIA.
       Allison Price, Senior Spokesperson, U.S. Department of 
     Justice.
       Deborah Pryce, U.S. Representative, 1993-2009.
       Ben Rhodes, Deputy National Security Advisor.
       Thomas Ridge, Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland 
     Security.
       Denver Riggleman, U.S. Representative, 2019-2021.
       Thomas B. Robertson, U.S. Ambassador.
       Tim Roemer, 9/11 Commissioner; U.S. Ambassador; U.S. 
     Representative, 1991-2003.
       Michael Rogers, Admiral, U.S. Navy; Commander, U.S. Cyber 
     Command; Director, National Security Agency.
       Todd Rosenblum, Deputy Under Secretary of Intelligence, 
     U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
       Paul Rosenzweig, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Policy, 
     U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
       Nicholas Rostow, Legal Advisor to the National Security 
     Council; Staff Director, U.S. Senate Select Committee on 
     Intelligence.
       Joel Rubin, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State.
       Nilmini Rubin, Director, National Security Council.
       David Scheffer, U.S. Ambassador.
       Robert Shanks, Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Office of 
     Legal Counsel, U.S. Department of Justice; General Counsel, 
     Overseas Private Investment Corporation; General Counsel, 
     Peace Corps.
       Christopher Shays, U.S. Representative, 1987-2009.
       Douglas Silliman, U.S. Ambassador.
       John Sipher, Senior Intelligence Service, CIA Clandestine 
     Service.
       Peter Smith, U.S. Representative, 1989-1991.
       Suzanne Spaulding, Under Secretary, U.S. Department of 
     Homeland Security.
       Strobe Talbott, Deputy Secretary of State.
       Miles Taylor, Chief of Staff, U.S. Department of Homeland 
     Security.
       Tomicah Tillemann, Senior Advisor to the Secretary of 
     State; Speechwriter to the Secretary of State.
       Kurt Tong, U.S. Ambassador.
       Olivia Troye, Homeland Security and Counterterrorism 
     Advisor to Vice President Mike Pence.
       Stanley A. Twardy, Jr., United States Attorney for the 
     District of Connecticut, 1985-1991.
       Alexander Vershbow, NATO Deputy Secretary General; 
     Assistant Secretary of Defense; U.S. Ambassador.
       Alexander Vindman, Lieutenant Colonel, U.S. Army; Director 
     for European Affairs, National Security Council.

[[Page H2583]]

       Edward Walker, U.S. Ambassador; Assistant Secretary of 
     State for Near Eastern Affairs.
       James Walsh, U.S. Representative, 1989-2009.
       Zach Wamp, U.S. Representative, 1995-2011.
       Thomas Warrick, Deputy Assistant Secretary for 
     Counterterrorism Policy, U.S. Department of Homeland 
     Security.
       William Wechsler, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defence for 
     Special Operations and Combatting Terrorism.
       Pamela White, U.S. Ambassador.
       Christine Todd Whitman, Governor of New Jersey; 
     Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency.
       Jonathan Winer, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for 
     International Law Enforcement; Special Envoy for Libya.
       Tim Wirth, Under Secretary of State for Democracy and 
     Global Affairs; U.S. Senator, 1987-1993; U.S. Representative, 
     1975-1987.
       Lawrence Wilkerson, Colonel, U.S. Army; Chief of Staff, 
     U.S. Secretary of State.
       Douglas H. Wise, CIA Senior Intelligence Service; Deputy 
     Director, Defense Intelligence Agency.
       Tamara Cofman Wittes, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State.
       Stephen N. Xenakis, Brigadier General, U.S. Army.
       Marie Yovanovitch, U.S. Ambassador.
       Dov S. Zakheim, Under Secretary of Defense (Comptroller).
       Peter D. Zimmerman, Chief Scientist, Senate Foreign 
     Relations Committee; Chief Scientific Advisor, US Arms 
     Control and Disarmament Agency; Science Advisor for Arms 
     Control, U.S. Department of State.

  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record a 
joint statement from Governor Tom Kean and former Congressman Lee 
Hamilton in support of this commission.

                            [From Issue One]

 Joint Statement from Governor Tom Kean and Congressman Lee Hamilton, 
           Chairman and Vice Chairman of the 9/11 Commission

       ``We very strongly urge House Members to support H.R. 3233, 
     the bipartisan National Commission to Investigate the January 
     6 Attack on the United States Capitol Complex. That bill 
     would create a 9/11 style commission to investigate the 
     January 6th assault on the U.S. Capitol. That was a dark day 
     in American history, one of the darkest.
       ``As Chairman and Vice Chairman of the 9/11 Commission, 
     unity of purpose was key to the effectiveness of the group. 
     We put country above party, without bias, the events before, 
     during and after the attack. We sought to understand our 
     vulnerabilities in order to prevent future attacks or future 
     acts of terrorism.
       Today, democracy faces a new threat. The January 6 attack 
     on the U.S. Capitol was one of the darkest days in the 
     history of our country. Americans deserve an objective and an 
     accurate account of what happened. As we did in the wake of 
     September 11, it's time to set aside partisan politics and 
     come together as Americans in common pursuit of truth and 
     justice.''

  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record a 
letter from Protect Democracy, Ian Bassin, Executive Director.

                                            Protect Democracy,

                                     Washington, DC, May 19, 2021.

   Protect Democracy Urges Representatives to Support H.R. 3233, the 
 National Commission To Investigate the January 6 Attack on the United 
                       States Capitol Complex Act

       Dear Representative: On January 6th the very foundations of 
     our democracy--and our Congress and Capitol that lie at its 
     heart--came under attack. More than 130 days later, Members 
     of Congress, their staff, and their constituents are still 
     struggling to come together to understand what happened and 
     how to prevent it from ever happening again.
       We strongly urge you to vote in favor of H.R. 3233, the 
     National Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on 
     the United States Capitol Complex Act, which would establish 
     an independent national commission to comprehensively 
     investigate the January 6th attack on the U.S. Capitol 
     Complex.
       This bipartisan bill is a measured and thoughtful response 
     to the attack. It will bring together a bipartisan group of 
     experts to examine the facts and circumstances surrounding 
     the January 6th attack. The Commission is structured to 
     ensure it is a bipartisan endeavor: all reports must be 
     agreed to by a majority of Commission members and the 
     Commission may only issue subpoenas upon an agreement between 
     the Chair and the Vice Chair or a vote by a majority of 
     Commission members.
       The Commission will build on the work that has begun in 
     various congressional committees to gather information and 
     hold hearings on the attack. It will not intefere with those 
     ongoing efforts nor will it delay immediate security fixes to 
     the Capitol Complex.
       By creating this Commission, Congress can assure the 
     American people, and all who work in the Capitol Complex, 
     that these events and the circumstances leading up to them 
     are thoroughly investigated outside of the pressured and 
     partisan environment of Congress itself.
       We are grateful to Chairman Bennie Thompson and Ranking 
     Member John Katko for their leadership in advancing this 
     critical legislation, and we urge continued bipartisan 
     support for the bill. Today marks an important milestone 
     toward seeking a shared understanding, protecting our 
     cherished freedoms, and restoring faith in government.
           Sincerely,
                                                       Ian Bassin,
                            Executive Director, Protect Democracy.

  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, we have had a number of my 
colleagues come before us encouraging this body to support this 
commission and this legislation. They have spoken valiantly in support 
of it. They have put their hearts and souls into making sure that it is 
correct and proper.
  I am happy, again, to share with my colleague from New York. I 
appreciate working with him, and I appreciate the ability to work out 
our differences. I think it should be part of the role model for future 
legislation in this body.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. 
Pelosi), the Speaker of the United States House of Representatives.

                              {time}  1645

  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. I also 
thank him for his great leadership working with Ranking Member Katko on 
bringing this bipartisan legislation to the floor for a bipartisan 
commission.
  Let's talk about where we are. Here we are in the Capitol of the 
United States. The dome of the U.S. Capitol has always been a beacon of 
democracy and hope to America and to the world. Under this dome, our 
Nation has abolished slavery; secured equal protections for all; ended 
a civil war; enfranchised women; established Medicare and Medicaid, 
voting rights and civil rights; and met the needs of the American 
people.
  Under this dome, schoolchildren learn about their country's history 
and what we are doing to advance their future. They come here and see 
us honor those who have contributed to the success of our country: 
Washington, Lincoln, Jefferson, et cetera. But they know that our 
Founders, those patriots, wanted us to be working for a better future 
as we honor our history.
  Under this dome, when children learn about our country's history, 
they also learn about what we are doing for their futures. Legislators 
pass laws. The press engages with our democracy, reporting on it. Staff 
and workers enable all of this to happen.
  This dome is a symbol of the determination of America. But this was 
not always so. Let us recall that the dome of the Capitol was built 
during the Civil War as our country was riven by brutal conflict. At 
the time, many said the iron and steel used for construction were 
needed for the war effort. They urged the President not to continue the 
work on the dome. President Lincoln said no. He knew that our country 
needed a symbol of strength and unity, a reminder of the shared ideals 
and common purpose that built our Nation.
  It was a beacon of hope to guide us through times of darkness, and he 
knew that the work must continue as a sign of our strength and the 
unity of our country.
  Mr. Speaker, on January 6, and in the days, weeks, and months after, 
the Capitol dome was, once again, such a beacon.
  Would we prevail?
  January 6 was the day called for in the Constitution to validate the 
Presidential election. It was not just another day in the life of 
Congress. That day, one of the darkest days in our history, our temple 
of democracy was under assault by insurrectionists.
  The gleeful desecration of our Capitol resulted in multiple deaths 
and physical harm to over 140 members of law enforcement and terror and 
trauma among staff, workers, and even Members.
  The insurrection was called for to impede our constitutional mandate, 
but the Congress returned to the Capitol that night to accomplish our 
purpose. We agreed in a bipartisan way that day that we would return to 
the Capitol, and that sent an important signal to the world.
  The insurrection called for people to impede our constitutional 
mandate,

[[Page H2584]]

but we returned to the Capitol. Thanks to the courage of the Capitol 
Police, Members, and support workers, we showed the country and, 
indeed, the world that we would not be diverted from our duty and that 
we would respect our responsibility to the Constitution of the United 
States.
  We take that oath to protect and defend the Constitution. Again, in a 
bipartisan way, we agreed to come back to the Capitol.
  Today, over 4 months later, many questions regarding the 
circumstances of this assault on our democracy and response to it 
remain. It is imperative that we seek the truth of what happened on 
January 6.
  To do that, Congress must, in a spirit, I believe, of bipartisanship 
and patriotism, establish an independent and bipartisan 9/11-type 
commission. Today, thanks to the leadership of Chairman Bennie Thompson 
and Ranking Member   John Katko, legislation to create such a 
commission is on the House floor.
  It is important to note, Mr. Speaker, that this is happening 4\1/2\ 
months after the January 6 insurrection. Mr. Speaker, my colleagues 
know, but many were not here at the time, legislation establishing the 
9/11 Commission, 9/11/2001, was not signed into law until the end of 
November 2002, over 14 months after the attacks.
  So, people have been saying: How come we don't have a commission?
  It takes time to build bipartisanship and come to agreement. Let us 
hope that the leadership that Mr. Thompson and Mr. Katko have 
demonstrated will be leadership that we will follow and that we will 
continue in the most bipartisan way in order to seek the truth.
  Today, 4 months later, many questions regarding the circumstances 
still exist. This commission is designed to be impartial and 
experienced. The legislation requires that the commissioners be 
``prominent United States citizens with national recognition and 
significant depth of experience.''
  It also indicates that they should not be Members of Congress or 
elected in another capacity. Commissioners will be appointed from the 
highest echelons of government service; law enforcement; civil rights, 
civil liberties, and privacy; Armed Forces; intelligence; 
counterterrorism; cybersecurity; technology; and law.
  The commission will be, again, bipartisan and bicameral, with 
commissioners appointed by the majority and minority leadership in the 
House and Senate. It will be actionable and effective, culminating in a 
final report on the facts and causes of January 6, along with 
recommendations to prevent further attacks on our democratic 
institutions.
  I heard earlier Chairman Thompson acknowledge the support and 
endorsement of the previous chairs of the 9/11 Commission, Governor 
Kean and Chairman Lee Hamilton from Congress, the co-chairs of the 9/11 
Commission. They had written to us earlier about the need for such a 
bipartisan commission, but they also wanted not only to find out the 
truth so this doesn't happen again, but also to reinforce our 
commitment to democracy and take us on a path that is better and more 
unifying.
  That is a responsibility we have, and that is a hope that I have 
emerging from this debate and this vote today, that we will be able to 
have a strong bipartisan vote that takes us down a path more unifying 
for our country. We have this opportunity.
  Mr. Speaker, the press says to me: Why don't you just go do your own 
task force and your own select committee to investigate this? You have 
the votes, you have subpoena power, and you have this or that.

  I said: I don't want to do that. We want this to be as it is shaped, 
bipartisan with shared responsibility and shared staff in a way that 
the public will have respect for the outcome.
  To that end, 140 national security leaders have called for such a 
commission. This is what they have said: ``The events of January 6 
exposed severe vulnerabilities in the Nation's preparedness for 
preventing and responding to domestic terrorist attacks. The immediate 
security failings that permitted a lethal breach of the Capitol complex 
by armed extremists raise serious questions and demand immediate 
solutions. . . . A failure to deploy the full suite of tools available 
to fully understand January 6 and address its causes will leave the 
Capitol, and the Nation, vulnerable to future attacks.''
  This list is nonpartisan, 140 Democrats and Republicans. I don't even 
know what party some of them are.
  I include their statement in the Record, Mr. Speaker.

  Letter From Former Senior National Security, Military, and Elected 
  Officials Calling On Congress To Create a Bipartisan 1/6 Commission

       Dear Members of Congress: We are former senior national 
     security, military, and elected officials who have 
     represented or served Democrats, Republicans, or 
     administrations of both parties. We write to encourage this 
     Congress to establish an independent and bipartisan national 
     commission to investigate the January 6th assault of the U.S. 
     Capitol Complex and its direct causes, and to make 
     recommendations to prevent future assaults and strengthen the 
     resilience of our democratic institutions.
       We also write to you with great urgency in light of what we 
     collectively see as an exigent and growing threat. The events 
     of January 6th exposed severe vulnerabilities in the nation's 
     preparedness for preventing and responding to domestic 
     terrorist attacks. The immediate security failings that 
     permitted a lethal breach of the Capitol Complex by armed 
     extremists raise serious questions and demand immediate 
     solutions.
       But January 6th was also the result of complex national 
     security threats. These include coordinated disinformation 
     campaigns, nontransparent financing of extremist networks, 
     potential foreign influences, and white supremacist violent 
     extremism, which the Department of Homeland Security 
     identified in an October 2020 report as among ``the most 
     persistent and lethal threat[s] in the Homeland.'' As FBI 
     Director Christopher Wray testified to you recently, 
     ``January 6th was not an isolated event. The problem of 
     domestic terrorism has been metastasizing across the country 
     for a long time now and it's not going away anytime soon.'' 
     Understanding how these forces culminated in an attack on the 
     infrastructure of our democracy is critical to preventing 
     future attacks.
       In the wake of September 11th, the administration and 
     Congress jointly acknowledged that the attack's causes were 
     complex and that an independent and well-equipped national 
     commission was an essential tool to aid the federal 
     government. Congressional inquiries, law enforcement 
     activities, and a national commission not only worked in 
     parallel, but critically complemented each other's necessary 
     work. An independent commission should not supplant the 
     ongoing work by the legislative and executive branches, but 
     it can uniquely support them by providing comprehensive and 
     expert recommendations for Congress to act upon.
       Commissions--properly empowered, resourced, and led--can 
     establish a full picture of events and an analysis of their 
     causes, from which nonpartisan recommendations can 
     authoritatively flow. With dedicated time, resources, and 
     expert staffing, they can also exclusively focus on the 
     matter at hand over an appropriate time horizon. Given the 
     gravity of January 6th as a national security matter--the 
     violent disruption to the transition of power and the 
     continuing threat of future attacks--a national commission 
     examining the lead up to the January 6th assault, and the 
     attendant security lapses, is not only appropriate, but a 
     critical component of the national response.
       A failure to deploy the full suite of tools available to 
     fully understand January 6th and address its causes will 
     leave the Capitol, and the nation, vulnerable to future 
     attacks. In bipartisan fashion, we have successfully 
     marshaled these tools before, and we implore you to do so 
     once again.
           Sincerely,
       (Note: All titles are former positions or military ranks 
     held prior to retirement.)
       Javed Ali, Senior Director for Counterterrorism, National 
     Security Council.
       Thad Allen, Admiral, U.S. Coast Guard; Commandant of the 
     Coast Guard.
       Wendy R. Anderson, Deputy Chief of Staff, U.S. Department 
     of Defense.
       Daniel Baer, U.S. Ambassador; Deputy Assistant Secretary of 
     State.
       Brian Baird, U.S. Representative, 1999-2011.
       Daniella Ballou-Aares, Senior Advisor to the Secretary of 
     State.
       Rand Beers, Acting Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland 
     Security; Deputy Homeland Security Advisor.
       John Bellinger, Legal Adviser, U.S. Department of State; 
     Legal Advisor, National Security Council.
       Tatyana Bolton, Cyber Policy Lead--Senior Policy Analyst, 
     U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
       Charles Boustany, U.S. Representative, 2005-2017.
       Steven Browning, U.S. Ambassador; Principal Deputy 
     Assistant Secretary of State.
       Todd F. Buchwald, U.S. Ambassador, Office of Global 
     Criminal Justice, U.S. Department of State.
       Sharon Burke, Assistant Secretary of Defense for 
     Operational Energy.
       Daniel Byman, Professional Staff Member, 9/11 Commission.
       Piper Campbell, U.S. Ambassador; Head U.S. Mission to 
     ASEAN.
       Kevin Carroll, Senior Counselor to the Secretary of 
     Homeland Security; Senior Counsel to the House Homeland 
     Security Committee.

[[Page H2585]]

       J.E. Cartwright, General, U.S. Marine Corps; Vice Chairman 
     of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
       Steven Cash, Chief Counsel, U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein; 
     Intelligence Officer, CIA; Assistant District Attorney, New 
     York.
       Michael Chertoff, Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland 
     Security.
       Peter Chiarelli, General, U.S. Army, 32nd Vice Chief of 
     Staff of the U.S. Army.
       James Clapper, Director of National Intelligence.
       William Cohen, Secretary, U.S. Department of Defense.
       Tom Coleman, U.S. Representative, 1976-1993.
       Gary Corn, Colonel, U.S. Army, Staff Judge Advocate, U.S. 
     Cyber Command.
       Thomas Countryman, Assistant Secretary of State for 
     International Security and Nonproliferation.
       Ryan Crocker, U.S. Ambassador.
       George Croner, Litigation Counsel, National Security 
     Agency; Special Assistant U.S. Attorney, Criminal Division, 
     U.S. Department of Justice.
       Carlos Curbelo, U.S. Representative, 2015-2019.
       John Danforth, U.S. Senator, 1976-1995.
       J. Michael Daniel, Special Assistant to President Obama and 
     Cybersecurity Coordinator.
       Tom Daschle, U.S. Senator, 1987-2005.
       Greg Delawie, U.S. Ambassador.
       Charles W. Dent, U.S. Representative, 2005-2018.
       Murray Dickman, Chief of Staff to the Attorney General.
       David Durenberger, U.S. Senator, 1978-1995.
       R.P. Eddy, Director, National Security Council; Chief of 
     Staff, U.S. Ambassador to the U.N.
       Eric Edelman, Under Secretary of Defense for Policy.
       Mickey Edwards, U.S. Representative, 1977-1993; Chair, 
     House Republican Policy Committee, 1989-1993.
       Susan Elliott, U.S. Ambassador.
       Jeffrey Feltman, United Nations Under-Secretary-General for 
     Political Affairs; U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Near 
     Eastern Affairs.
       Brenner Fissell, Appellate Counsel, Guantanamo Bay Military 
     Commissions.
       Emil Frankel, Assistant Secretary for Transportation 
     Policy, U.S. Department of Transportation.
       Charles Fried, Solicitor General of the United States.
       Francis Fukuyama, Deputy Director, Policy Planning, U.S. 
     Department of State.

       Kim Fuller, U.S. Department of the Army, Director of 
     International Affairs (Special Assistant to the Deputy 
     Secretary).
       Larry Garber, USAID Mission Director, West Bank/Gaza.
       Richard Gephardt, U.S. Representative, 1977-2005.
       Stuart Gerson, Acting Attorney General of the U.S.; 
     Assistant Attorney General; U.S. Air Force 
     Counterintelligence Officer.
       Glenn Gerstell, General Counsel, National Security Agency.
       James Glassman, Under Secretary for Public Diplomacy and 
     Public Affairs, U.S. Department of State.
       Kevin Green, Vice Admiral, U.S. Navy.
       Nina Hachigian, U.S. Ambassador.
       Chuck Hagel, Secretary, U.S. Department of Defense.
       Morton Halperin, Director, Policy Planning, U.S. Department 
     of State.
       Jane Harman, U.S. Representative, 1993-1991, 2001-2011.
       Gary Hart, U.S. Senator, 1975-1987.
       Luke Hartig, Senior Director for Counterterrorism, National 
     Security Council.
       Michael V. Hayden, General, U.S. Air Force; Director, CIA; 
     Director, NSA.
       Jason Healey, Director, Critical Infrastructure Protection, 
     Homeland Security Council.
       Margaret Henoch, CIA Senior Intelligence Service.
       Rush D. Holt, U.S. Representative, 1999-2015.
       Cameron Hume, U.S. Ambassador.
       Gordon Humphrey, U.S. Senator, 1979-1991.
       Paul Douglas Humphries, CIA.
       Carol Humphries, CIA, Captain, U.S. Navy Reserve.
       Bob Inglis, U.S. Representative, 1993-1999, 2005-2011.
       Steve Israel, U.S. Representative, 2001-2017.
       Jeh Johnson, Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland 
     Security.
       Susan Koch, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for 
     Threat Reduction Policy.
       Jim Kolbe, U.S. Representative, 1985-2007.
       David J. Kramer, Assistant Secretary of State for 
     Democracy, Human Rights & Labor.
       David Laufman, Chief of the Counterintelligence and Export 
     Control Section in the National Security Division, U.S. 
     Department of Justice.
       J. William Leonard, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense 
     (Security & Information Operations).
       Jason Lewis-Berry, Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary, U.S. 
     Department of State.
       Andrew Liepman, Deputy Director, National Counterrorism 
     Center; Deputy Director, CIA/Counterterrorism Center; 
     Director, Office of Iraq Analysis; Deputy Director, Weapons 
     Intelligence Non Proliferation and Arms Control Center.
       Robert Litt, General Counsel, Office of the Director of 
     National Intelligence.
       George Little, Press Secretary, Pentagon; Spokesman, CIA.
       James Loy, Admiral, U.S. Coast Guard; Commandant of the 
     U.S. Coast Guard; Deputy Secretary, U.S. Department of 
     Homeland Security.
       Lewis Lukens, U.S. Ambassador.
       Michael McFaul, Ambassador; Special Assistant to the 
     President and Senior Director for Russian and Eurasian 
     Affairs at the National Security Council.
       Steven McGann, U.S. Ambassador.
       Dennis McGinn, Vice Admiral, U.S. Navy; Assistant Secretary 
     of the Navy.
       Joseph Medina, Brigadier General, U.S. Marine Corps.
       Christopher Mellon, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense.
       Connie Morella, U.S. Representative, 2003-2006; U.S. 
     Ambassador.
       Janet Napolitano, Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland 
     Security.
       Elizabeth Neumann, Assistant Secretary for Counterterrorism 
     and Threat Prevention, U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
       Suzanne Nossel, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State.
       William Owens, Admiral, U.S. Navy; Vice Chairman of the 
     Joint Chiefs of Staff.
       Christopher Painter, Coordinator for Cyber Issues, U.S. 
     Department of State.
       William Perry, Secretary of Defense.
       Larry Pfeiffer, Chief of Staff, CIA; Senior Director, White 
     House Situation Room.
       Annie Pforzheimer, Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary of 
     State for Afghanistan.
       Randal Phillips, Senior Intelligence Service, CIA.
       William Piekney, Senior Operations Manager, CIA.
       Steven Pifer, Senior Foreign Service Officer; U.S. 
     Ambassador.
       Tony Pipa, Chief Strategy Officer, USAID.
       Marc Polymeropoulos, Senior Intelligence Service, 
     Directorate of Operations, CIA.
       Allison Price, Senior Spokesperson, U.S. Department of 
     Justice.
       Deborah Pryce, U.S. Representative, 1993-2009.
       Ben Rhodes, Deputy National Security Advisor.
       Thomas Ridge, Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland 
     Security.
       Denver Riggleman, U.S. Representative, 2019-2021.
       Thomas B. Robertson, U.S. Ambassador.
       Tim Roemer, 9/11 Commissioner; U.S. Ambassador; U.S. 
     Representative, 1991-2003.
       Michael Rogers, Admiral, U.S. Navy; Commander, U.S. Cyber 
     Command; Director, National Security Agency.
       Todd Rosenblum, Deputy Under Secretary of Intelligence, 
     U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
       Paul Rosenzweig, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Policy, 
     U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
       Nicholas Rostow, Legal Advisor to the National Security 
     Council; Staff Director, U.S. Senate Select Committee on 
     Intelligence.
       Joel Rubin, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State.
       Nilmini Rubin, Director, National Security Council.
       David Scheffer, U.S. Ambassador.
       Robert Shanks, Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Office of 
     Legal Counsel, U.S. Department of Justice; General Counsel, 
     Overseas Private Investment Corporation; General Counsel, 
     Peace Corps.
       Christopher Shays, U.S. Representative, 1987-2009.
       Douglas Silliman, U.S. Ambassador.
       John Sipher, Senior Intelligence Service, CIA Clandestine 
     Service.
       Peter Smith, U.S. Representative, 1989-1991.
       Suzanne Spaulding, Under Secretary, U.S. Department of 
     Homeland Security.
       Strobe Talbott, Deputy Secretary of State.
       Miles Taylor, Chief of Staff, U.S. Department of Homeland 
     Security.
       Tomicah Tillemann, Senior Advisor to the Secretary of 
     State; Speechwriter to the Secretary of State.
       Kurt Tong, U.S. Ambassador.
       Olivia Troye, Homeland Security and Counterterrorism 
     Advisor to Vice President Mike Pence.
       Stanley A. Twardy, Jr., United States Attorney for the 
     District of Connecticut, 1985-1991.
       Alexander Vershbow, NATO Deputy Secretary General; 
     Assistant Secretary of Defense; U.S. Ambassador.
       Alexander Vindman, Lieutenant Colonel, U.S. Army; Director 
     for European Affairs, National Security Council.
       Edward Walker, U.S. Ambassador; Assistant Secretary of 
     State for Near Eastern Affairs.
       James Walsh, U.S. Representative, 1989-2009.
       Zach Wamp, U.S. Representative, 1995-2011.
       Thomas Warrick, Deputy Assistant Secretary for 
     Counterterrorism Policy, U.S. Department of Homeland 
     Security.
       William Wechsler, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defence for 
     Special Operations and Combatting Terrorism.
       Pamela White, U.S. Ambassador.
       Christine Todd Whitman, Governor of New Jersey; 
     Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency.
       Jonathan Winer, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for 
     International Law Enforcement; Special Envoy for Libya.
       Tim Wirth, Under Secretary of State for Democracy and 
     Global Affairs; U.S. Senator, 1987-1993; U.S. Representative, 
     1975-1987.
       Lawrence Wilkerson, Colonel, U.S. Army; Chief of Staff, 
     U.S. Secretary of State.
       Douglas H. Wise, CIA Senior Intelligence Service; Deputy 
     Director, Defense Intelligence Agency.
       Tamara Cofman Wittes, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State.

[[Page H2586]]

       Stephen N. Xenakis, Brigadier General, U.S. Army.
       Marie Yovanovitch, U.S. Ambassador.
       Dov S. Zakheim, Under Secretary of Defense (Comptroller).
       Peter D. Zimmerman, Chief Scientist, Senate Foreign 
     Relations Committee; Chief Scientific Advisor, US Arms 
     Control and Disarmament Agency; Science Advisor for Arms 
     Control, U.S. Department of State.

  Ms. PELOSI. After the bipartisan agreement on this commission was 
reached, the respected bipartisan chairs of the 9/11 Commission, Thomas 
Kean and Lee Hamilton, endorsed it, as was mentioned by the chairman 
and as I referenced earlier.
  I want to repeat it because I think it bears repetition:

       We very strongly urge House Members to support H.R. 3233, 
     the bipartisan National Commission to Investigate the January 
     6 Attack on the United States Capitol Complex bill that would 
     create a 9/11-style commission to investigate the January 6 
     assault on the U.S. Capitol. That was a dark day in American 
     history, one of the darkest.
       As chairman and vice chairman of the 9/11 Commission, unity 
     of purpose was key to the effectiveness of the group. We put 
     country above party, without bias, the events before, during, 
     and after the attack. We sought to understand our 
     vulnerabilities in order to prevent future acts of terrorism.

  The chair and vice chair went on to say:

       Today, democracy faces a new threat. The January 6 attack 
     on the U.S. Capitol was one of the darkest days in the 
     history of our country. Americans deserve an objective and 
     accurate account of what happened.

  Mr. Hamilton and Governor Kean said:

       As we did in the wake of 9/11, it is time to set aside 
     partisan politics and come together as Americans in common 
     pursuit of truth and justice.

  As I said earlier, Mr. Speaker, the Capitol of the United States has 
always been a glorious beacon of democracy for the American people and 
for the world.
  This legislation is about something larger even than the commission, 
vital as the commission is. This legislation is about our democracy, 
about ensuring that the Capitol dome remains a symbol of freedom and 
about preserving America's role as an emblem of resilience, 
determination, and hope to the world.
  Indeed, creating this commission sends a resounding message to 
terrorists both at home and abroad: The commitment of the United States 
Congress to the Constitution and to the American people is unshakeable.
  In establishing the truth of January 6, this commission will protect 
our temple of democracy and our democracy itself. It will ensure that 
such an attack shall never happen again.
  Can we just not wait, Mr. Speaker, for a time very soon when children 
come here to learn, where the press can cover in a more open way, and 
where the American people can come into the people's House?
  That is what this Chamber has been called, the people's House. They 
come to witness the debate that affects their lives. And whatever our 
disagreement about policy, they are assured that we are unified in our 
commitment in honoring our Constitution and respecting the institution 
in which we serve.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge a strong bipartisan vote for H.R. 3233 to 
establish the national commission to investigate the January 6 attack 
on the United States Capitol complex. I do so with the greatest 
appreciation and respect to Chairman Bennie Thompson and to Ranking 
Member Katko, and I hope, again, that the spirit of bipartisanship that 
they engendered in bringing this legislation to the floor will only 
grow as we go forward with the commission and with its recommendations.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the Speaker for her comments.
  I want to reiterate for everyone to understand: The way that Mr. 
Thompson and I crafted this bill, we crafted it in such a manner to 
make sure it would be depoliticized entirely. There is an equal number 
of members on both sides appointed by both sides. They have equal 
subpoena power. They can't subpoena one person without the other person 
on the other side of the aisle agreeing. They have to hire staff 
together, all those things.
  I want to make sure people understand that we did this for a reason 
because that is exactly what made the 9/11 Commission successful and 
made it effective.
  As someone who was in Federal law enforcement for 20 years before I 
took this job, I can tell you, Mr. Speaker, that our country is 
infinitely safer because of what the 9/11 Commission did. We are much 
stronger against terrorism, and we share information in much better 
ways than we ever did--for example, the Joint Terrorism Task Forces, 
which are all over this country.
  I ask my colleagues to consider the fact that this commission is 
built to work. It will be depoliticized, and it will get the results we 
need because the Capitol itself and the Capitol Police officers will be 
better off for it.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Georgia (Mrs. 
Greene).
  Mrs. GREENE of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this 
bill and to the January 6 commission. I do so as a Member of Congress 
because I believe this institution's duty is to serve the people of 
this country and not itself.
  In this past year, we have witnessed violent riots in American cities 
all over this country. We have witnessed tremendous damage. Minneapolis 
city officials estimate 700 buildings were damaged, burned, or 
destroyed, including 360 local businesses. There has not been a 
commission launched to study the reasons why that happened.
  There has not been an investigation to stop the BLM and antifa riots 
that have hurt innocent people and attacked government buildings and 
Federal courthouses, taken over police precincts, created autonomous 
zones in the city of Portland, and done so much damage to people all 
over the country.
  Studies show 570 protests in 220 different U.S. locations turned 
violent over the summer. The $1 billion-plus riot damage is estimated 
to be the most expensive in insurance history. It resulted in up to $2 
billion of damages in 20 cities across the U.S., mostly concentrated in 
L.A., Detroit, Miami, D.C., and New York.

                              {time}  1700

  As a person who was a victim of the January 6 Capitol attack, I can 
tell you that I am against the violence that happened that day, but I 
do not believe a January 6 commission will achieve any resolution 
because we have already had our Department of Justice arrest 445 
people, with 100 more to be arrested soon.
  There are also reports of people being held for 23 hours in solitary 
confinement. That should not be happening. These people haven't even 
had a court date yet.
  What is going to happen with the January 6 commission is the media is 
going to use this to smear Trump supporters and President Trump for the 
next few years and cover up the real damage that is happening to the 
people of this country, which is tearing down our economy, ripping our 
borders wide open, and hurting this country.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the majority leader of the 
Democratic Party.
  Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding, and I 
thank the chairman for his work.
  I have been here a long time. This is my 40th year in the Congress of 
the United States. I came at the same time Ronald Reagan was elected 
President of the United States. It was clearly a time of difference in 
the House and in the country between Republicans and Democrats, but it 
was also a time when, frankly, the   John Katkos of the Congress were 
in the majority in the Republican Party. And by that I mean, Mr. 
Speaker, people who wanted to work together to get results that, while 
not perfect for either side, were good for the country.
  So while I thank Mr. Thompson for the hard work he has done, I thank 
Mr. Katko as well for doing what Americans expect us to do, to come 
together, looking at a challenge to our country and to our people, 
coming to a decision to resolve those challenges and those problems.
  That is what Mr. Thompson and Mr. Katko have done. Indeed, I think 
this is, in some ways, the best of days and, in some ways, the worst of 
days because we have seen today two Republican leaders turn what ought 
to be a nonpolitical issue, an issue with reference to a unique event, 
not just a demonstration that has occurred.

[[Page H2587]]

  I grew up in the 1960s. Whether it was civil rights or Vietnam, there 
were a lot of demonstrations. But the Capitol of the United States was 
not attacked. It was not invaded. It was not breached.
  The work of the Congress of the United States was not stopped because 
people were trying to get through the door, with some Members trying to 
stop them who then said: These are just tourists.
  It is sad because what the minority leader in the Senate and the 
minority leader in the House said is exactly what Mr. Katko pointed 
out. They wanted a commission that was even, as the 9/11 Commission was 
even, so that both sides would have an equal voice.
  What was the resolution that Mr. Thompson and Mr. Katko attained? 
Equal division, equal voice. Not only equal voice in terms of numbers 
but, for instance, one of the things that was controversial was about 
subpoenas. Mr. Thompson and Mr. Katko arrived at a resolution that said 
both sides have to agree, or alternatively, the committee can agree. In 
light of the fact that the committee is evenly divided, it would 
obviously have to be a bipartisan request for subpoenas.
  Now, what we didn't agree on was the distraction and the dissembling. 
Let's look at this corner; don't look here. Let's look at this corner; 
don't look here. Let's look at that corner; don't look there. Don't 
look at just the invasion, the insurrection that occurred on January 6; 
look at everything else because maybe we can confuse the issue enough 
that we will lose sight of the insurrection on January 6. We ought not 
to do that.
  I have been here a long time, but I also know the history of the 
House, and I do not know of any other instance that is analogous to 
January 6, not one.
  In 1812, of course, there was a similar invasion, but it was from a 
foreign enemy. It was not the enemy within. I said that on the floor 
that morning as we finished the business of the House, notwithstanding 
the insurrection.
  Mr. Speaker, it is vital that Congress establish a bipartisan, 
independent commission to investigate January 6, not some other date. 
That does not absolve any wrongdoing anywhere at any time. But it says 
that this unique insurrection is a danger to our democracy, not to 
Republicans or Democrats, to our democracy, to our Congress, to the 
people's House and the United States Senate, which was occupied. At 
least this House was not occupied.
  But Members were terrified, work was stopped, and democracy, for a 
short period of time, was overtaken by armed, violent insurrectionists.
  Certainly, each one of us ought to be very concerned about getting to 
the bottom of why that happened. How did it happen? How can we stop it 
from happening again? What are the resources that we need, and, yes, 
who was responsible? Some, perhaps, are going to vote against this 
because that is what they fear.
  The 9/11 Commission, as Mr. Katko pointed out, made America safer. It 
made this institution safer. It made our law enforcement more acutely 
aware of the failures that led to 9/11. I hope this commission does the 
same. I have talked to numerous Republicans who tell me they think it 
was right that we focused on January 6. Don't be distracted. Don't 
cover up or make it more lacking in clarity by trying to deal with 
every problem that we may have. Focus on January 6.
  Together, Mr. Katko and Mr. Thompson negotiated a bipartisan 
agreement to move forward with such a commission based on input from 
Democrats and Republicans. There are going to be a significant number 
of Republicans who vote for this bill.
  Unfortunately, the truth has been a victim over the last couple of 
weeks. It was okay for Liz Cheney to tell the truth once, but when the 
former President of the United States kept telling a lie, and she said 
that is a lie each time that he said it, well, that was not 
appropriate, so she was removed. But the truth was removed with her. 
See no evil, hear no evil.

  The commission, as a result of Ranking Member Katko's participation 
in these discussions, will be equally composed, as I said. It will have 
subpoena power that will be shared by both sides. I was pleased that we 
reached a bipartisan agreement and sad for this institution, for this 
country, for the American people who must think: Well, can't you agree 
on anything?
  The minority leader got what he asked for, yet he won't take yes for 
an answer. Trump does not want this commission. That can be my only 
explanation.
  Throughout my career, both in the State senate for 12 years, as 
president of the Senate, and here in this body for 40, I think I am 
known on the other side of the aisle as somebody you can work with. I 
hope that is the case because I think that is the way Americans want us 
to work.
  President Trump opposes this commission. I am not sure why. It is 
deeply disappointing that there is a division among Republicans about 
whether to support the ranking member who worked hard to get to this 
place and got what the minority leader asked for, except for the 
distraction, except for the dissembling. He didn't get that. But he got 
everything else.
  Mr. Speaker, I hope my Republican colleagues will think not about 
their politics, not about the former President, not about themselves. I 
hope they will think of the country, of this Congress, of this House. 
As they do so, I hope they say to themselves: We will vote for this 
legislation.
  What if George Bush had said we shouldn't have a 9/11 Commission, 
perhaps out of fear that somehow the administration would have been 
perceived as being responsible for 9/11? They weren't. Wouldn't all of 
us have said: What are you talking about that we are not going to have 
a commission to see how we can protect the Capitol and why this Capitol 
was stopped from doing the work of our democracy?
  This legislation is going to pass. It is going to pass on a 
bipartisan basis, and I want to thank Mr. Katko for having the courage 
and the integrity to stand up, fighting for what the minority leader 
asked for.
  I say to Mr. Thompson that that is the funny thing about this. I hope 
Senators will think long and hard about rejecting this bipartisan 
compromise to move forward, to protect our democracy, and to lift it up 
as the beacon that it has been and needs to be not only for our own 
citizens but for all the world.
  How sad that day was as the world watched, as TVs showed them 
America's citadel of democracy and of freedom invaded by its own 
citizens.
  Vote ``yes.'' It is the right thing to do.

                              {time}  1715

  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from North 
Carolina (Mr. Bishop).
  Mr. BISHOP of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I had not intended to 
speak, but the careful mask of bipartisanship seems to have faltered 
here at the last, with the majority leader's attacks on the minority 
leader, who has not spoken, and the minority leader in the Senate for 
comments he has made in public but not in debate.
  So what was an image of bipartisan cooperation has now become one 
more partisan attack. It caused me to believe that it was important to 
stand up and say this: How can you have a bipartisan commission with an 
all-Democrat staff? How do you do that?
  And why is it that there is no willingness to look into all of the 
riots and the arson and the violence and the burning? If we are 
concerned about the danger that police officers were in on January 6--
and certainly they were--then why don't we have that concern for the 
dangers, the violence, the injuries, the deaths that have been faced by 
police officers across this country?
  Why is one form of political violence equivalent to 9/11 when a blind 
eye has been turned by this Congress, or at least by the majority in 
this Congress, to that same phenomenon across this country for a year? 
Where is the inquiry into that?
  When the images are raised, the lurid images of insurrection--let me 
just say this. If it was an insurrection, it was the worst example of 
an insurrection in the history of mankind. It was a riot, it was a mob, 
it was significant, and it was troublesome.
  But this is not bipartisanship, and I fear that the gentleman from 
New York may find that he has been played.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as 
I may consume.

[[Page H2588]]

  Mr. Speaker, I am not going to argue with the previous speaker. I 
just say: Read the bill. And if you read the bill, you will understand 
it is a bipartisan bill.
  It is not a partisan bill; it is absolutely bipartisan. The staff 
will be picked just like the staff was picked for the 9/11 Commission. 
It is just like the earlier bill the ranking member talked about, the 
Rodney Davis bill.
  We looked, Mr. Speaker, at this issue because the world saw what 
happened on January 6, and it is clear that we put together a 
bipartisan bill for the good of the country. It is in that spirit that 
we are here today.
  Mr. Speaker, how much time is remaining?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Mississippi has 6 minutes 
remaining. The gentleman from New York has 15 minutes remaining.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the 
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Carolyn B. Maloney), the chair of the 
Committee on Oversight and Reform.
  Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I thank the 
chairman and ranking member for their extraordinary leadership, for 
doing the right thing, and for working to make this country safer and 
stronger.
  Like my friend on the other side of aisle from North Carolina, I 
didn't intend to speak either.
  As a New Yorker, I was closely involved in supporting the work of the 
9/11 Commission. It, too, like January 6, was one of the darkest days 
in the history of our country, and we needed answers on how such a 
horrible thing could happen. Almost 3,000 people were murdered just 
because they went to work that day. Many things needed to be answered.
  This body came together. We were united; we were determined; we 
passed the Commission. We had two outstanding leaders, Governor Kean 
and Lee Hamilton. They did everything together. They issued a report 
that sold more copies than Harry Potter. I nominated it for a National 
Book Award. It laid out what happened so clearly from their joint 
investigations. More importantly, it told us what to do about it. They 
had a series of recommendations to make this country safer.
  This body worked together and enacted most of them, and it did make 
this country safer. In fact, I get periodic reports from the law 
enforcement in my city on attempts to hurt us and how the reforms and 
the programs we put in place are helping us, making us stronger and 
protecting us better.
  We need this January 6 commission, for the sake of America. Let's 
stop fighting long enough to work together to help our country 
understand what happened.
  Why did it take 4 hours for the National Guard to respond? In New 
York, they would have been there in 10 minutes. Why didn't they respond 
to all of the news reports about what was happening? We need answers. 
Let's come together and work together and get them.
  A January 6 commission, I urge for the sake of the country, everyone 
should vote for it.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas 
(Mr. Gohmert).
  Mr. GOHMERT. Mr. Speaker, look, things have changed a lot since the 
9/11 Commission. Back then, we did not have a problem on either side of 
the aisle condemning anti-Semitic remarks. Now one side has a problem 
doing that.
  Back then, we had never, in the history of Congress, had one party 
commit what arguably is felony, up to 20 years in prison, by preventing 
an ongoing session of Congress, the exact charge, 18 USC 1512, that is 
being alleged against people that came in. As a judge, I would have no 
problem sentencing anybody that broke into the Capitol, anybody that 
committed a crime here.
  But let's be real. The partisanship has been dramatic. That is why it 
is different now than the 9/11 Commission. Let's get back to being 
bipartisan and not use every tool as a partisan stick to beat 
Republicans with.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the 
gentlewoman from the Virgin Islands (Ms. Plaskett).
  Ms. PLASKETT. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this bill, the 
National Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the U.S. 
Capitol.

  I want to thank Chairman Thompson and Ranking Member Katko for 
bringing this bill to the floor.
  On January 6, we witnessed one of the darkest moments in our Nation's 
history when a violent mob attacked the U.S. Capitol. These individuals 
desecrated the Halls of Congress, attacked law enforcement, and 
attempted to stop the democratic process. The clearest way for us to 
uphold our oath to defend the Constitution and protect this 
institution, our democracy, from those who directly attempted to thwart 
its operations, is through an independent, evenly-divided, bipartisan 
commission. We need to understand not just what were the breakdowns in 
security and the failures of our intelligence, but why. What are those 
issues which caused fellow Americans to believe they needed to 
overthrow their government?
  Those who believe the former President had no culpability should not 
be afraid of a commission that derives its power from both sides 
equally.
  I ask all of my colleagues to join me in supporting this bill.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas 
(Mr. Roy).
  Mr. ROY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York for his 
work on this effort. I appreciate my colleagues on the other side of 
the aisle and the intent of what we are trying to accomplish.
  Obviously, we are all very concerned and should be concerned about 
what occurred on January 6, all of us who were here in the Chamber, all 
of us who saw what unfolded.
  My concern, and the reason that I am opposing this legislation, is 
that I believe we have got a significant amount of power with our 
existing structures in place, the Committee on Oversight and Reform, 
the Committee on the Judiciary, and otherwise. While the investigation 
is going on at the Department of Justice, we ought to be looking at 
that and using those powers to do what we can to seek the truth 
wherever it may lead.
  I have questions right now for the Department of Justice. We have got 
450 Americans who have been arrested. I don't know for how long, I 
don't know how many of them are in jail, or for what period of time. We 
are trying to look into that. I have sent letters to the Department of 
Justice to get those answers.
  I wish the gentlewoman who spoke, the chair of the Committee on 
Oversight and Reform, would afford us the ability to call people 
forward from the Department of Justice. Let's inquire as to what is 
going on. Let's inquire about the investigations. Let's inquire about 
the facts that have been found. Let's use the powers that we have and 
the powers of this body and the committees we have to seek the 
information and the truth, wherever it may lead.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the 
gentlewoman from Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky).
  Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank Chairman Thompson for 
his leadership.
  While the events of January 6 were devastating and will stain our 
country's history forever, I have no doubt that democracy will prevail.
  This Nation has fought back against hatred, authoritarianism, and 
fascism since the very founding.
  Yes, I stand proudly today to ask for a January 6 commission so that 
we can develop a full public record that will let us know how we can 
avoid this in the future.
  We should all vote ``yes.''
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I just want to take a few moments to address some of the 
arguments that have been made here today, and some of the arguments 
that have been made in opposition to this bill.
  One of them is talking about the scope of the commission being too 
narrow. I want to note that the commission is granted sufficient scope 
and flexibility to investigate targeted violence and domestic terrorism 
relevant to the January 6 attack. It will be up to the commission to 
decide how far they want to go with that perimeter.
  Do I feel that the attack on the Capitol on April 2 that killed a 
Capitol Police Officer is relevant? I do. I hope the commission does, 
too.

[[Page H2589]]

  Do I feel that the June 17 attack on Republican Members of Congress 
is relevant to the January 6 attack? I do. I hope the commission does. 
They have the flexibility to do so, if they want.
  If there are other issues outside of this scope, we can look into 
them. We can have separate legislation. I encourage my colleagues, who 
are concerned about that, to do that.
  Another charge I heard was that the commission could be controlled by 
partisan staff hired unilaterally by the commission chair. That is 
simply not true.
  Here is what the bill does. It requires consultation between the 
chair, appointed by the Democrats, and the vice chair, appointed by the 
Republicans, for any hiring of staff. Further, it requires that it be 
in accordance with the rules agreed upon by the commission. The 
commission creates the rules as a team. They then hire as a team.
  Lastly, there has been some concerns or arguments made about the 
criminal investigations. Make no mistake about it. This commission has 
nothing to do with the criminal investigations. This commission, by 
law, cannot interfere with criminal investigations. Criminal 
investigations alone won't get us what we need, like the 9/11 
Commission concluded. It won't get us the recommendations, the insight, 
the expertise from the people on the commission who can come in, look 
at the Capitol security matrix, and say this is what needs fixing. A 
prosecutor can't tell you that. The commission can. That is what we 
want to do.
  Second, the bill specifically requires the commission to respect 
ongoing investigations and build upon the investigations, learn from 
them, and avoid unnecessary duplication.
  This language, in that respect, goes further than the 9/11 Commission 
in H.R. 275 in granting deference to other ongoing investigations.
  So I just want to make sure people are clear about that going 
forward.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

                              {time}  1730

  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the 
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Ryan).
  Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from New York 
and the other Republicans who are supporting this for their 
bipartisanship.
  To the other 90 percent of our friends on the other side of the 
aisle, holy cow. Incoherence. No idea what you are talking about.
  Benghazi, you guys chased the former Secretary of State all over the 
country, spent millions of dollars. We have people scaling the Capitol, 
hitting the Capitol Police with lead pipes across the head, and we 
can't get bipartisanship.
  What else has to happen in this country?
  This is a slap in the face to every rank-and-file cop in the United 
States.
  If we are going to take on China, if we are going to rebuild the 
country, if we are going to reverse climate change, we need two 
political parties in this country that are both living in reality, and 
you ain't one of them.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to direct their remarks 
to the Chair.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I ask that we all take a deep breath right 
now. Everybody breathe for a minute and everybody stop the theatrics, 
and everybody stop the arguments that are not relevant to this issue.
  This is a very solemn moment. We are here to talk about something 
that is very important to the entire of our Government and the entire 
of our country. I ask that we think about the officers and their 
families and conduct ourselves accordingly.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the 
gentlewoman from New Jersey (Mrs. Watson Coleman).
  Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Speaker, I just want to say that January 6 
was a frightening experience. It was an assault upon the fundamentals 
of this Government. It was an assault upon the place I thought I was 
going to be the safest I could possibly be, and we politicize this.
  This is an opportunity to bring this bipartisan commission into 
existence so that we can get out of the politics of it and look at the 
facts that happened, the evidence that happened, and the 
recommendations that will ensue from that effort.
  I wholeheartedly support this effort. I am grateful for the 
bipartisanship of it, and I pray that all of our colleagues will 
support this.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time remains?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York has 9\1/2\ 
minutes remaining. The gentleman from Mississippi has 1\1/2\ minutes 
remaining.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close and I yield myself the 
balance of my time.
  Mr. Speaker, this legislation is not about partisan politics. It is 
about finding the truth and addressing the vulnerabilities of our 
security apparatus so that we can emerge stronger and better prepared.
  The January 6 attack was a completely preventable failure of 
intelligence, information sharing, decisionmaking, and preparedness. 
The Capitol Police and D.C. police suffered greatly and continue to 
suffer as a result.
  The institutions of our democracy are and will continue to be a 
target for extremists set on using violence to further their ideology. 
We, in Congress, owe it to this Nation, to our constituents, and to the 
dedicated men and women who risk their lives every single day to 
protect those institutions--and I honor them--to see that we learn from 
those attacks, that we get answers to the hard questions, and that we 
do not repeat the mistakes of the past.
  Capitol Police Officers Brian Sicknick and Howard Liebengood, as well 
as D.C. Police Officer Jeffrey Smith, all lost their lives in the wake 
of the January 6 attack. Over 140 more law enforcement officers--140--
were injured as a result of that attack.
  Less than 4 months later, on April 2, Capitol Police Officer William 
``Billy'' Evans was killed and another officer was injured when yet 
another extremist attacked the Capitol.
  And, of course, we can't forget the 2017 terrorist attack against 
Republican Members of Congress during practice for the Congressional 
Baseball Game. Were it not for the officers involved, there would be 
scores of dead Congressmen. That is the plain truth. I acknowledge the 
heroic efforts of David Bailey and Crystal Griner.
  We owe it to all of these officers and their families to ensure that 
nothing like this ever happens again. This legislation is modeled 
directly on the legislation that created the 9/11 Commission. I 
sincerely believe that this commission, with strong support from this 
body, will embark on an objective, nonpartisan search for answers and 
solutions, just as the 9/11 Commission did.
  Again, I want to thank my friend, Chairman Thompson, for his 
partnership.
  I urge everyone in the body, on both sides--not just my side and not 
just the other side, all of us--to set aside politics just this once--
just this once. I beg Members to pass this bill.
  I was a prosecutor for 20 years prior to coming here to Congress, and 
many times we would meet at 4:30 in the morning or 5:00 in the morning, 
and they would get ready to go out and do the raids and arrest very, 
very dangerous people. I was always the last person to see them before 
they went out to get these awful, dangerous people off the street: drug 
dealers, murderers, violent people. They did their job every day, and I 
was sending them into harm's way. It always made my heart sink.
  Imagine being a family member of these officers who do this. So let's 
take a deep breath and think about what is really important here. These 
people, every single day, are willing to lay down their lives for us.
  They deserve better, and we are going to deliver this. We are going 
to deliver it on behalf of Capitol Police Officer Brian Sicknick. We 
are going to deliver it on behalf of Capitol Police Officer Howard 
Liebengood. We are going to deliver it on behalf of Capitol Police 
Officer William ``Billy'' Evans. We are going to deliver it on behalf 
of D.C. Police Officer Jeffrey Smith. We are going to deliver it on 
behalf of D.C. Police Officer Michael Fanone and so many others who 
struggle with the events of that day. We do so on behalf of the people 
who risked their lives for us and continue to, like Capitol Police

[[Page H2590]]

Officer David Bailey and Capitol Police Officer Crystal Griner.

  I want these officers and their families to know that we are doing it 
not for us and not for politics. We are doing it for them. We are doing 
it for them.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this legislation, and I 
yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance 
of my time.
  At the outset, let me salute Mr. Katko for his agreeing to work in a 
bipartisan manner so that we can get this bill to the floor and adopted 
today.
  Mr. Speaker, we are here today at a unique moment in American 
history. Trust in our government's ability to share information and 
coordinate at all levels to keep our democracy secure was severely 
shaken by the January 6 attack.
  We need a bipartisan commission with experts who put country ahead of 
party to come together, just as the commission did, to lay out the 
facts and proposed solutions to make us more secure.
  When the chairman of the 9/11 Commission issued their final report, 
they concluded a message to the public. It asked that each of us 
remember how we felt on that day of the attack. It asked that we recall 
the grief and sorrow.
  This moment is no less historic, no less important, no less 
momentous, and it requires the same common action, both as Congress and 
as a country.
  I, too, salute the brave men and women of the Capitol Police who put 
their lives on the line on January 6 protecting this citadel of 
democracy, and it is in their spirit that I ask that you vote in 
support of this legislation.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, the chairman and ranking member 
of the House Homeland Security Committee have negotiated in good faith 
over several weeks a bipartisan bill--H.R. 3233--to establish a ten-
member national commission to investigate the January 6th attack on the 
Capitol.
  I'm voting yes.
  If enacted into law both the Republican and Democrat leaders would 
each select five commissioners who would be tasked with investigating 
the ``facts and causes'' of the attack.
  The Commission may issue subpoenas, but subpoenas may only be issued 
by agreement between the Chair and Vice Chairperson of the Commission--
one Democrat and one Republican--or by the vote of a majority of the 
members of the Commission.
  Any interim report, or the final report--which must be submitted to 
the President and Congress no later than December 31, 2021--must be 
agreed to by a majority of Commission members.
  According to the text of H.R. 3233, the final report should include 
``findings, conclusions, and recommendations, which may include changes 
in law, policy, procedures, rules, or regulations, to improve the 
detection, prevention, preparedness for, and response to targeted 
violence and domestic terrorism and improve the security posture of the 
United States Capitol Complex and ensure the security of Members of 
Congress and staff.''
  The attack on January 6 resulted in a tragic loss of life and 
physical injury. 140 Capitol and D.C. police officers were injured on 
January 6th, including 15 who were hospitalized. Three police officers 
later died--including a brave Capitol police officer from New Jersey, 
Brian Sicknick, who died of a stroke on January 7th and two other 
officers died by suicide. Four rioters died--one was shot by police.
  It is my hope that the Commission will establish the truth and 
provide a way forward to ensure that such an attack never happens 
again.
  Ms. SLOTKIN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my strong support 
for H.R. 3233, which would create an independent, bipartisan ``National 
Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the United States 
Capitol Complex.''
  The attack on the Capitol was one of the darkest days in our Nation's 
history--an assault on the foundation of our democratic system, and an 
attempt to stop Congress's work through violence. I am proud that we 
didn't let the attempt succeed: thanks to the heroism and incredible 
sacrifices of the U.S. Capitol Police that day to defend the heart of 
our democracy, both houses of Congress returned to the Capitol and 
worked through the night to certify and uphold the will of the American 
people.
  Now, it is our duty to ensure that such an attack on our democracy is 
never able to happen again. That work begins with ensuring that we have 
an honest, independent investigation of what happened that day and how 
it was possible--a task perfectly suited for the commission the House 
has voted to create today, with bipartisan support. This bill creates a 
1/6 Commission that follows the model set by the 9/11 Commission, whose 
landmark investigation wasn't just for Washington insiders or policy 
wonks, but the American people.
  The 9/11 Commission's final report was written in easily accessible 
prose, and published as a bestselling paperback which was available in 
bookstores and newsstands across the country. It helped ordinary 
Americans understand how such an appalling attack had been possible, 
who needed to be held accountable, and what we as a nation had to do to 
ensure it would never happen again.
  And two decades later, its impact hasn't faded: even today, a whole 
generation of Americans who were just children on 9/11, or were even 
born after the attacks, have looked to the Commission's work to help 
them make sense of that dark chapter in our history.
  The Commission also delivered a vital wake-up call to our national 
security establishment. As one of the first dozen staff members at the 
Office of the Director of National Intelligence, which grew out of the 
9/11 Commission's recommendations, I saw firsthand how the Commission's 
independent investigation pushed our government to meet the serious 
challenges we faced. I keep my original, dog-eared copy of the 9/11 
Commission report in my congressional office as a constant reminder, 
because it drove systemic change where systemic failures had occurred.
  The 1/6 Commission that the House has approved today is built on the 
same principles that enabled the success of the 9/11 Commission: It has 
a bipartisan structure--five Republicans, five Democrats--and 
bipartisan support in Congress.
  It will operate by consensus and will have the subpoena power, budget 
and staff needed to conduct a proper investigation.
  And it has a mandate to look at the full scope of facts and causes 
that led to or influenced this specific, unprecedented attack on our 
democracy. As those of us from Michigan are well aware, this attack 
didn't happen in isolation. It was the result of months, if not years, 
of escalating rhetoric and activity--which is why it's vital that this 
commission has a strong, focused mandate.
  But even beyond its structure, what characterized the 9/11 
Commission's work was a commitment among its members to work together 
in good faith, to uncover the truth behind what led to the attack on 
our Nation, no matter how disturbing or painful.
  As Governor Tom Kean and Congressman Lee Hamilton, the bipartisan 
leaders of the
9/11 Commission, said in a statement today, it was their commitment to 
``put country over party, without bias'' that led to the ``unity of 
purpose [that] was key to [its] effectiveness.''
  The Commission's findings and work were seen as objective and 
legitimate because of that combination of structure and patriotic, good 
faith commitment--the model only works if we have both.
  That's why it's so important that this is, from its very design, a 
bipartisan initiative. To that end, I want to take a moment to thank 
Chairman Thompson and Ranking Member Katko for their leadership and 
their commitment to finding this consensus.
  As a member of the Committee on Homeland Security, and as Chair of 
the Subcommittee on Intelligence and Counterterrorism, I have been 
honored to work alongside them both over the past few years. Their 
collaboration sets an example that we would all do well to follow.
  We cannot allow this vital inquiry to turn into a political 
football--it's simply too important to our country. That's why I 
opposed an early proposal for this bill that skewed the number of 
commissioners towards Democratic appointees.
  I'm committed to ensuring that this commission has the credibility it 
needs to take on this investigation, and I am pleased that the bill we 
passed today gives it the structural integrity it needs. That's why I 
urge my Republican colleagues in the Senate to take the time, and do 
what I did last week: actually sit down and read this bill.
  Print out a copy of it, as well a copy of the bill from 2002 which 
created the 9/11 Commission. Put them side-by-side, take out a pen and 
mark up the similarities.
  You'll see that in so many cases, this bill uses the exact same 
language on scope, participation and authorities as the 9/11 Commission 
authorization, which was approved by a Republican-led House, and signed 
into law by a Republican president.
  Because, let's be clear: if you oppose this bill and the commission 
it creates, you would have opposed the 9/11 Commission twenty years 
ago. The American people deserve the truth, and we owe it to them as 
their elected representatives to ensure they hear it in its entirety 
from an independent and objective body they can trust. And if you 
oppose this bipartisan legislation, you are choosing political 
expediency over ensuring that our citizens hear the truth they deserve.

[[Page H2591]]

  The 9/11 attacks took place during my first week of graduate school, 
and I joined the CIA because I wanted to help make sure nothing like it 
ever happened again--a motivation that was informed by a clear 
understanding of what had happened and of our own failures, made 
possible by the 9/11 Commission.
  Today, I will cast my vote in support of taking the next step that 
will help us understand this attack on our Nation--no matter how 
disturbing or painful that truth may be.
  Its work will be vital to meeting the new security challenges we 
face, and to beginning to heal the divisions across our country. I urge 
my colleagues in the Senate to join the House in passing this bill and 
starting an honest conversation with the American people.
  Ms. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, today I rise in support of H.R. 
3233, the National Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on 
the United States Capitol Complex Act.
  Just four months ago, the nation stood still as the Capitol of the 
United States--the very beacon of our democracy--was attacked by a 
violent and armed mob of insurrectionists. Seeking to interrupt, even 
prevent, the proceedings to certify the result of the 2020 General 
Election, these insurrectionists descended upon our capital city 
inspired by the rhetoric of former President Donald Trump and leaders 
in the Republican party. What then transpired on January 6 will be 
recorded as one of the darkest days in the history of our nation and of 
democracies everywhere.
  The halls of the Capitol remain littered with remnants of the attack. 
Shattered glass panes, broken furniture, and missing statues now define 
the building--none of which compare to the trauma and fear still 
lingering in the minds of Members, aides, press, and support staff 
alike. Three officers of the U.S. Capitol Police Force lost their 
lives, and hundreds more were injured during the hours-long siege.
  That is why the establishment of this bipartisan commission is 
necessary, Mr. Speaker. Composed of both Republicans and Democrats, it 
would explore the events that led to the attack, the security failures 
at the Capitol complex, and the corrective measures necessary to 
prevent it from ever happening again. Members of the commission would 
be experts in the fields of law, security, and intelligence. They would 
be thorough in their investigation, wide in their scope, and united in 
their mission to uncover the truth.
  Those who oppose the commission as part of an effort to write off 
what happened, or to simply ``move on,'' clearly don't understand what 
is at stake. The same hatred that drove the insurrectionists that day 
is still alive and well--even present here in this body. If we fail to 
address, review, and reflect on what happened on January 6th, I fear 
that this hatred will go unpunished, and therefore remain prevalent in 
our society and in the Congress.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge the swift passage of the legislation and hope for 
its immediate consideration in the Senate.
  Ms. BONAMICI. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 3233, the 
National Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the United 
States Capitol Complex Act.
  On January 6, 2021, our democratic republic came under direct attack 
in an attempt to block the certification of Joseph R. Biden as the duly 
elected President of the United States of America. Donald Trump and 
others sought to subvert the will of voters when they incited violent 
rioters to invade the U.S. Capitol with the hope of overturning a 
legitimate election. Criminals and domestic terrorists, many espousing 
racist and hateful ideologies, desecrated the sacred center of the 
people's government. This was terrifying and infuriating for those 
whose lives were in danger and for the millions of Americans who 
watched in horror. I am grateful for the actions of the U.S. Capitol 
Police and DC Metropolitan Police officers who put their lives on the 
line to protect this institution and the people who work here. I also 
mourn for the lives that were lost.
  Many questions remain about the actions of those involved and the 
security response that day, as well as in the days prior to and 
following the violent attack on the Capitol. The country deserves 
answers. This independent, bipartisan commission will investigate and 
report the facts surrounding the events of January 6. It will provide a 
full and fair accounting of the mistakes made and lessons learned. And, 
importantly, the commission will recommend steps that Congress and the 
federal government can take to prevent future violence and strengthen 
our democratic institutions.
  Our Nation is resilient, and the Constitution will endure because of 
the commitment of those who have sworn to support and defend it. In 
keeping with my oath, I look forward to acting on the findings of the 
National Commission so the country emerges stronger from this dark 
chapter of its history.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate has expired.
  Pursuant to House Resolution 409, the previous question is ordered on 
the bill.
  The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the bill.
  The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was 
read the third time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the passage of the bill.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution 
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
  Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further proceedings on this question 
are postponed.

                          ____________________