[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 87 (Wednesday, May 19, 2021)]
[House]
[Pages H2574-H2591]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
NATIONAL COMMISSION TO INVESTIGATE THE JANUARY 6 ATTACK ON THE UNITED
STATES CAPITOL COMPLEX ACT
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House
Resolution 409, I call up the bill (H.R. 3233) to establish the
National Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the United
States Capitol Complex, and for other purposes, and ask for its
immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 409, the bill
is considered read.
The text of the bill is as follows:
H.R. 3233
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``National Commission to
Investigate the January 6 Attack on the United States Capitol
Complex Act''.
SEC. 2. ESTABLISHMENT OF COMMISSION.
There is established in the legislative branch the National
Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the United
States Capitol Complex (hereafter referred to as the
``Commission'').
SEC. 3. PURPOSES.
Consistent with the functions described in section 4, the
purposes of the Commission are the following:
(1) To investigate and report upon the facts and causes
relating to the January 6, 2021, domestic terrorist attack
upon the United States Capitol Complex (hereafter referred to
as the ``domestic terrorist attack on the Capitol'') and
relating to the interference with the peaceful transfer of
power, including facts and causes relating to the
preparedness and response of the United States Capitol Police
and other Federal, State, and local law enforcement in the
National Capitol Region and other instrumentality of
government, as well as the influencing factors that fomented
such attack on American representative democracy while
engaged in a constitutional process.
(2) To examine and evaluate evidence developed by relevant
Federal, State, and local governmental agencies, in a manner
that is respectful of ongoing law enforcement activities and
investigations regarding the domestic terrorist attack upon
the Capitol, regarding the facts and circumstances
surrounding such terrorist attack and targeted violence and
domestic terrorism relevant to such terrorist attack.
(3) To build upon the investigations of other entities and
avoid unnecessary duplication by reviewing the findings,
conclusions, and recommendations of other executive branch,
congressional, or independent bipartisan or non-partisan
commission investigations into the domestic terrorist attack
on the Capitol and targeted violence and domestic terrorism
relevant to such terrorist attack, including investigations
into influencing factors related to such terrorist attack.
(4) To investigate and report to the President and Congress
on its findings, conclusions, and recommendations for
corrective
[[Page H2575]]
measures that may include changes in law, policy, procedures,
rules, or regulations that could be taken to prevent future
acts of targeted violence and domestic terrorism, including
to prevent domestic terrorist attacks against American
democratic institutions, improve the security posture of the
United States Capitol Complex while preserving accessibility
of the Capitol Complex for all Americans, and strengthen the
security and resilience of the Nation and American democratic
institutions against domestic terrorism.
SEC. 4. FUNCTIONS OF COMMISSION.
The functions of the Commission are to--
(1) conduct an investigation of the relevant facts and
circumstances relating to the domestic terrorist attack on
the Capitol, including relevant facts and circumstances
relating to--
(A) activities of intelligence agencies, law enforcement
agencies, and the Armed Forces, including with respect to
intelligence collection, analysis, and dissemination and
information sharing among relevant instrumentality of
government;
(B) influencing factors that contributed to the domestic
terrorist attack on the Capitol and how technology, including
online platforms, financing, and malign foreign influence
operations and campaigns may have factored into the
motivation, organization, and execution of the domestic
terrorist attack on the Capitol and targeted violence and
domestic terrorism relevant to such attack; and
(C) other entities of the public and private sector as
determined relevant by the Commission for such investigation;
(2) identify, review, and evaluate the causes of and the
lessons learned from the domestic terrorist attack on the
Capitol and targeted violence and domestic terrorism relevant
to such attack regarding--
(A) the command, control, and communications of the United
States Capitol Police, the National Guard, the Metropolitan
Police Department of the District of Columbia, and other
Federal, State, and local law enforcement in the National
Capitol Region on or before January 6, 2021;
(B) the structure, coordination, operational plans,
policies, and procedures of the Federal Government, including
as such relate to State and local governments and
nongovernmental entities, and particularly with respect to
detecting, preventing, preparing for, and responding to
targeted violence and domestic terrorism;
(C) the structure, authorities, training, manpower
utilization, operational planning, and use of force policies
of the United States Capitol Police;
(D) the policies, protocols, processes, procedures, and
systems for sharing of intelligence and other information by
Federal, State, and local agencies with the United States
Capitol Police, the Sergeants at Arms of the House of
Representatives and the Senate, the Government of the
District of Columbia, including the Metropolitan Police
Department of the District of Columbia, the National Guard,
and other Federal, State, and local law enforcement in the
National Capitol Region on or before January 6, 2021, and the
related the policies, protocols, processes, procedures, and
systems for monitoring, assessing, disseminating, and acting
on intelligence and other information, including elevating
the security posture of the United States Capitol Complex,
derived from instrumentality of government, open sources, and
online platforms; and
(E) the policies, protocols, processes, procedures, and
systems for interoperability between the United States
Capitol Police and the National Guard, the Metropolitan
Police Department of the District of Columbia, and other
Federal, State, and local law enforcement in the National
Capitol Region on or before January 6, 2021; and
(3) submit to the President and Congress reports required
pursuant to section 10 containing such findings, conclusions,
and recommendations, which may include changes in law,
policy, procedures, rules, or regulations, to improve the
detection, prevention, preparedness for, and response to
targeted violence and domestic terrorism and improve the
security posture of the United States Capitol Complex and
ensure the security of Members of Congress and staff.
SEC. 5. COMPOSITION OF COMMISSION.
(a) Members.--The Commission shall be composed of ten
members, of whom--
(1) one member shall be appointed jointly by the Speaker of
the House of Representatives and the majority leader of the
Senate to serve as Chairperson of the Commission;
(2) one member shall be appointed jointly by the minority
leader of the House of Representatives and the minority
leader of the Senate to serve as Vice Chairperson of the
Commission;
(3) two members shall be appointed by the Speaker of the
House of Representatives;
(4) two members shall be appointed by the minority leader
of the House of Representatives;
(5) two members shall be appointed by the majority leader
of the Senate; and
(6) two members shall be appointed by the minority leader
of the Senate.
(b) Qualifications; Initial Meeting.--
(1) Nongovernmental appointees.--An individual appointed to
the Commission may not be an officer or employee of an
instrumentality of government.
(2) Other qualifications.--It is the sense of Congress that
individuals appointed to the Commission should be prominent
United States citizens, with national recognition and
significant depth of experience in at least two of the
following areas:
(A) Governmental service.
(B) Law enforcement.
(C) Civil rights, civil liberties, and privacy.
(D) The Armed Forces.
(E) Intelligence.
(F) Counterterrorism.
(G) Cybersecurity.
(H) Technology.
(I) Law.
(3) Initial meeting.--The Commission shall meet and begin
the initial operation of the Commission as soon as
practicable, but not earlier than 15 days after the date of
the enactment of this Act.
(c) Timing for Appointment.--All members of the Commission
shall be appointed not later than 10 days after the date of
the enactment of this Act.
(d) Quorum; Vacancies.--After its initial meeting, the
Commission shall meet upon the call of the Chairperson or a
majority of its members. A majority of members of the
Commission shall constitute a quorum. Any vacancy in the
Commission shall not affect its powers, but shall be promptly
filled in the same manner in which the original appointment
was made.
(e) Compensation.--Each member of the Commission may be
compensated at not to exceed the daily equivalent of the
annual rate of basic pay in effect for a position at level
III of the Executive Schedule under section 5314 of title 5,
United States Code, for each day during which that member is
engaged in the actual performance of the duties of the
Commission.
(f) Travel Expenses.--Each member of the Commission shall
receive travel expenses, including per diem in lieu of
subsistence, in accordance with applicable provision under
subchapter I of chapter 57 of title 5, United States Code.
SEC. 6. POWERS OF COMMISSION.
(a) In General.--
(1) Hearings and evidence.--The Commission or, as delegated
by the Chairperson and the Vice-Chairperson, any subcommittee
or member thereof, may, for the purpose of carrying out this
Act--
(A) hold such hearings and sit and act at such times and
places, take such testimony, receive such evidence, and
administer such oaths as the Commission or such designated
subcommittee or designated member may determine advisable;
and
(B) subject to paragraph (2)(A), require, by subpoena or
otherwise, the attendance and testimony of such witnesses and
the production of such books, records, correspondence,
memoranda, papers, or documents, or any other paper or
electronic material, as the Commission or such designated
subcommittee or designated member may determine advisable.
(2) Subpoenas.--
(A) In general.--The Commission may issue subpoenas
requiring the attendance and testimony of witnesses and the
production of any evidence relating to any matter which the
Commission is empowered to investigate under this Act. Such
subpoenas shall be issued by agreement between the
Chairperson and Vice Chairperson of the Commission, or by the
vote of a majority of the members of the Commission. The
attendance of witnesses and the production of evidence may be
required from any place within the United States at any
designated place of hearing within the United States.
(B) Failure to obey a subpoena.--If a person does not obey
a subpoena issued under subparagraph (A), the Commission is
authorized to apply to a United States district court for an
order requiring that person to appear before the Commission
to give testimony, produce evidence, or both, relating to the
matter under investigation. The application may be made
within the judicial district where the hearing is conducted
or where that person is found, resides, or transacts
business. Any failure to obey the order of the court may be
punished by the court as a civil contempt.
(C) Subject matter jurisdiction.--The United States
district court in which an action is brought under
subparagraph (B) shall have original jurisdiction over any
civil action brought by the Commission to enforce, secure a
declaratory judgment concerning the validity of, or prevent a
threatened refusal or failure to comply with, any subpoena
issued by the Commission.
(D) Service of subpoenas.--The subpoenas of the Commission
shall be served in the manner provided for subpoenas issued
by a United States district court under the Federal Rules of
Civil Procedure for the United States district courts.
(E) Service of process.--All process of any court to which
application is made under subparagraph (A) may be served in
the judicial district in which the person required to be
served resides or may be found.
(b) Contracting.--The Commission may, to such extent and in
such amounts as are provided in appropriation Acts, enter
into contracts to enable the Commission to discharge its
duties under this Act.
(c) Obtaining Official Data.--
(1) In general.--The Commission may secure directly from
any Federal department or agency information, including any
underlying information that may be in the possession of the
intelligence community, that is necessary to enable it to
carry out its purposes and functions under this Act. Upon
request of the Chairperson, the chairperson of
[[Page H2576]]
any subcommittee created by a majority of the Commission, or
any member designated by a majority of the Commission, the
head of such department or agency shall furnish such
information to the Commission.
(2) Receipt, handling, storage, and dissemination.--
Information shall only be received, handled, stored, and
disseminated by members of the Commission and its staff
consistent with all applicable statutes, regulations, and
Executive orders.
(d) Assistance From Federal Agencies.--
(1) General services administration.--Upon the request of
the Commission, the Administrator of General Services shall
provide to the Commission, on a reimbursable basis, the
administrative support services and office space necessary
for the Commission to carry out its purposes and functions
under this Act.
(2) Other federal departments and agencies.--In addition to
the assistance prescribed in paragraph (1), Federal
departments and agencies may provide to the Commission such
services, funds, facilities, staff, and other support
services as determined advisable and authorized by law.
(e) Conveyances and Other Devises.--The Commission may
accept, use, and dispose of devises of services or property,
both real and personal, for the purpose of aiding or
facilitating the work of the Commission.
(f) Postal Services.--The Commission may use the United
States mail in the same manner and under the same conditions
as Federal departments and agencies.
SEC. 7. STAFF OF COMMISSION.
(a) Appointment.--
(1) In general.--Except as provided in paragraph (2), the
Chairperson, in consultation with the Vice-Chairperson, in
accordance with rules agreed upon by the Commission, may
appoint and fix the compensation of a Staff Director and such
other personnel as may be necessary to enable the Commission
to carry out its purposes and functions, without regard to
the provisions of title 5, United States Code, governing
appointments in the competitive service, and without regard
to the provisions of chapter 51 and subchapter III of chapter
53 of such title relating to classification and General
Schedule pay rates, except that no rate of pay fixed under
this subsection may exceed the equivalent of that payable for
a position at level IV of the Executive Schedule under
section 5315 of title 5, United States Code.
(2) Personnel as federal employees.--
(A) In general.--For purposes of the Congressional
Accountability Act of 1995 (18 U.S.C. 1301 et seq.)--
(i) the Commission shall be considered an employing office;
and
(ii) the personnel of the Commission shall be considered
covered employees.
(B) Members of commission.--Subparagraph (A) shall not
apply to apply to members of the Commission.
(b) Experts and Consultants.--The Commission is authorized
to procure temporary and intermittent services under section
3109 of title 5, United States Code, but at rates for
individuals not to exceed the daily equivalent of the maximum
annual rate of basic pay under level IV of the Executive
Schedule under section 5315 of title 5, United States Code.
(c) Detailees.--The head of any Federal department or
agency may detail, on a non-reimbursable basis, any of the
personnel of that department or agency to the Commission to
assist the Commission in carrying out its purposes and
functions.
SEC. 8. SECURITY CLEARANCES FOR MEMBERS AND STAFF.
The appropriate Federal departments or agencies shall
cooperate with the Commission in expeditiously providing to
the Commission members and staff appropriate security
clearances to the extent possible pursuant to existing
procedures and requirements, except that no person may be
provided with access to classified information under this Act
without the appropriate security clearances.
SEC. 9. NONAPPLICABILITY OF FEDERAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE ACT.
(a) In General.--The Federal Advisory Committee Act (5
U.S.C. App.) shall not apply to the Commission.
(b) Public Meetings and Release of Public Versions of
Reports.--The Commission shall--
(1) hold public hearings and meetings to the extent
appropriate; and
(2) release public versions of the reports submitted
pursuant to section 10.
(c) Conduct of Public Hearings.--Any public hearings of the
Commission shall be conducted in a manner consistent with the
protection of information provided to or developed for or by
the Commission as required by any applicable statute,
regulation, or Executive order.
SEC. 10. REPORTS; TERMINATION.
(a) Interim Reports.--The Commission may submit to the
President and Congress interim reports containing such
findings, conclusions, and recommendations for corrective
measures as have been agreed to by a majority of Commission
members.
(b) Final Report.--Not later than December 31, 2021, the
Commission shall submit to the President and Congress a final
report containing such findings, conclusions, and
recommendations for corrective measures as have been agreed
to by a majority of Commission members.
(c) Termination.--
(1) In general.--The Commission, and all the authorities of
this Act, shall terminate upon the expiration of the 60-day
period which begins on the date on which the Commission
submits the final report under subsection (b).
(2) Administrative activities before termination.--The
Commission may use the 60-day period referred to in paragraph
(1) for the purpose of concluding its activities, including
providing testimony to committees of Congress concerning its
reports and disseminating the final report.
SEC. 11. ARCHIVING.
The records of the Commission shall be transferred to the
Center for Legislative Archives at the National Archives and
Records Administration upon termination of the Commission
pursuant to paragraph (1) of section 10(c).
SEC. 12. AUTHORIZATION OF APPROPRIATIONS.
(a) In General.--There is authorized to be appropriated
such sums as may be necessary to carry out this Act.
(b) Availability of Funds.--Amounts appropriated pursuant
to the authorization under this section shall remain
available until expended.
SEC. 13. DEFINITIONS.
In this Act:
(1) Domestic terrorism.--The term ``domestic terrorism''
has the meaning given such term in section 2331 of title 18,
United States Code.
(2) Instrumentality of government.--The term
``instrumentality of government'' means Federal, State,
local, Tribal, and territorial agencies.
(3) Intelligence community.--The term ``intelligence
community'' has the meaning given such term in section 3(4)
of the National Security Act of 1947 (50 U.S.C. 3003(4)).
(4) Malign foreign influence operations and campaigns.--The
term ``malign foreign influence operations and campaigns''
has the meaning given such term in section 101(h) of the
National Security Act of 1947 (50 U.S.C. 3021(h)).
(5) Targeted violence.--The term ``targeted violence''
means an incident of violence in which an attacker selected a
particular target in order to inflict mass injury or death
with no discernable political or ideological motivation
beyond mass injury or death.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The bill shall be debatable for 1 hour
equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority member
of the Committee on Homeland Security.
The gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Thompson) and the gentleman from
New York (Mr. Katko) each will control 30 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Mississippi.
General Leave
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent
that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their
remarks and include extraneous material on this measure.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Mississippi?
There was no objection.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as
I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 3233, the National Commission
to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the United States Capitol
Complex Act.
On January 6, the world watched Americans storm the Capitol and
engage in violence to try and intimidate and prevent Congress from
carrying out its constitutional duty to certify a Presidential
election, a solemn process central to the peaceful transfer of power in
our democracy.
Many of us sitting here today were rushed out of this very Chamber by
Capitol Police to safety as violent attackers roamed the halls, hunting
for our colleagues and the Vice President.
I was in the gallery that day watching the debate when this temple of
our democracy was desecrated and debased.
At least one Capitol Police officer died because of the violence that
day. Others died, too.
And there were extensive injuries associated with the attacks, not
the least of which was the body blow to Americans' confidence that the
reforms undertaken after the 9/11 terrorist attacks would make us more
secure.
Like the 9/11 attacks, the events of January 6 have cast a long
shadow on our country. And like the 9/11 attacks, the January 6 attack
raises fundamental questions about information sharing, coordination,
preparedness, and response at all levels of government.
We need a bipartisan commission made up of experts to come together
to give us an unvarnished view of what happened that day, examine why
our systems failed, and develop bipartisan recommendations for reform
to address any identified gaps.
[[Page H2577]]
I am proud to be here with my partner on the Homeland Security
Committee, the gentleman from New York, John Katko, to debate a bill
that establishes a 10-member commission that mirrors the 9/11
Commission, the gold standard for bipartisan commissions.
The January 6 commission would be required to investigate and report
on the facts and causes of the attack, including relevant contributing
factors.
A commission of this nature, in some form, has been talked about by
Members of Congress, national security experts, and others for some
time now. Over the past 4 months, discussion drafts have been
circulated, pros and cons have been weighed, and obstacles have been
overcome to get us to this day.
Given how politically charged the events of January 6 have become, we
need to come together in a patriotic, bipartisan way and approve this
independent body just as we created the
9/11 Commission.
The 9/11 Commission acted, not out of partisanship, but out of
patriotism. We need that same sense of duty today.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, this year, we will observe the 20th anniversary of the
terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. It will serve as a somber
reminder of the fragility of our security, the bravery of our law
enforcement and first responders, and the resilience of our democracy.
After the attacks on 9/11, Congress recognized the importance of
establishing a bipartisan commission to investigate these brazen acts
of terrorism. This body recognized the need to find the truth and help
all of us understand how these heinous acts that not only forever
changed our country, but also the entire world, could have been carried
out.
The highly respected 9/11 Commission identified numerous challenges
that needed to be addressed, which ultimately led to many concrete
recommendations that were later enacted into law. These critical
reforms vastly improved our information sharing, intelligence
collection, vetting capabilities, and broader homeland security
enterprise.
The security breach that took place at the U.S. Capitol on January 6
was completely unacceptable. It was a major breakdown in information
sharing and preparedness, much like the shortfalls that existed prior
to 9/11. It was not only an attack on this institution but an attack on
our law enforcement brethren who defend us every day.
Unfortunately, we know that the Capitol, Federal buildings, and even
Members of Congress remain a target for extremists of all ideologies,
as we all saw most recently during the April 2 vehicle attack that took
the life of Capitol Police Officer William ``Billy'' Evans.
The bill before us today, H.R. 3233, would create an independent,
bipartisan commission to investigate the relevant facts and
circumstances relating to the January 6 attack on the Capitol, as well
as targeted violence and domestic terrorism relevant to that attack.
It also charges the commission with providing and finding
recommendations to, among other things, prevent, prepare for, and
respond to similar attacks; improve the security posture of the Capitol
complex; and ensure the security of Members of Congress and
congressional staff.
Modeled after the 9/11 Commission, this bill creates a 10-member
panel with five commissioners appointed by each party and equal
subpoena authority.
While the expedited December 2021 deadline would only give the
commission about 6 months to do its job, there is good reason for that:
The American people and the Capitol Police deserve answers and action
as soon as possible to ensure that nothing like this ever happens
again.
We must find answers to the many questions surrounding that day. What
information was known leading up to January 6? Why was that information
not shared with the proper entities? Why were Capitol Police officers
left so unprepared? Who failed to provide them with support? Why did it
take so long for reinforcements to come to their aid? How can we
improve the decisionmaking and bureaucracy that is clearly hampering
the Capitol Police and the security of the Capitol complex? How can we
ensure that the Capitol, Members of Congress, and our staffs are secure
from attacks? And how do we ensure that this is a safer place for the
members of the Capitol Police force who risk their lives every day to
protect us?
These are only a few of the many questions that need to be answered.
The American people and the Capitol Police deserve those answers.
As I have called for since the days just after the attack, an
independent, 9/11-style review is critical for removing the politics
around January 6 and focusing solely on the facts and circumstances of
the security breach at the Capitol, as well as other instances of
violence relevant to such a review.
Make no mistake about it, Mr. Thompson and I know this is about
facts. It is not partisan politics. We would have never gotten to this
point if it was about partisan politics.
Thanks to the strong partnership with Mr. Thompson, the Homeland
Security Committee remains a bipartisan committee focused on securing
the Nation while leaving partisanship at the door, which is exactly
what the American people expect of us.
Chairman Thompson and I were able to work together to block out all
the political noise surrounding the January 6 attack and turn the
Speaker's partisan proposal into a reasonable, nonpartisan bill.
Now, H.R. 3233 is nearly identical to the original commission bill,
H.R. 275, that I, along with 30 other Republican cosponsors, introduced
on January 13, 6 days after the attack.
I sincerely appreciate Chairman Thompson's robust collaboration and
strong commitment, as well as his friendship, by working together on
this effort. The American people expect Congress to put partisanship
aside for the sake of our homeland security.
I fully recognize that in a diverse body like this, Members come down
on different sides of different issues. I welcome that. We all should.
That is America; because, after all, none of this is personal. It is
about our mutual desire to keep America safe and secure. To my friends
on both sides of the aisle, I welcome honest, vigorous, and civil
debate.
At the end of the day, I strongly believe this is fair and necessary
legislation. I encourage all Members, Republicans and Democrats alike,
to put down their swords just for once and support this bill.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, let me just say to the
ranking member, this won't be the last time that we put together
legislation for the good of this country, I assure you of that.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Torres), the vice chair of the Homeland Security Committee.
{time} 1615
Mr. TORRES of New York. Mr. Speaker, when I was sworn in the week of
January 6, I never imagined living through an insurrection against the
U.S. Capitol during the electoral college vote count.
On January 6, I felt the same sense of shock and trauma that I had
felt on 9/11. Like most of America, I took for granted that the
peaceful transfer of power is so natural as to transcend even the most
turbulent period of partisan politics.
I was wrong. We were all wrong. Democracy is too fragile to be taken
for granted. It demands from all of us a vigilant defense.
As Members of the United States Congress, we took an oath to defend
and uphold the Constitution of the United States. The insurrection
against the U.S. Capitol was a literal and metaphorical assault on the
very Constitution we have been charged with defending.
The January 6 Commission is, therefore, not a choice, but an
obligation. We have a duty to investigate what happened and why it
happened and who is responsible.
As a Congress, if we are not able or willing to ascertain the full
truth surrounding an invasion of our very home,
[[Page H2578]]
of our Nation's Capitol, then why are we here? The 11th-hour attempt to
sabotage a bipartisan, bicameral position is not a difference of
opinion, nor is it politics as usual. It is an abdication of the oath
that we took to uphold the Constitution.
The United States of America is not a cult of personality, it is a
Nation of laws. And our loyalty should not be to one political figure
or one political party. Our highest loyalty should be to our country
and the Constitution that governs it.
We must never forget that the truth trumps politics. And if the truth
is what we seek, then we have nothing to fear from bringing the clarity
that only truth can bring to the chaos and confusion of January 6.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Michigan (Mr. Meijer).
Mr. MEIJER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my strongest support
for H.R. 3233, a bill to establish a bipartisan commission to
investigate the disgraceful January 6 attack on this institution.
Let us be clear, the imperative to have a public, objective, fact-
based investigation of the Capitol attack is not a partisan issue and
it should never be treated as such. A violent mob breached this
building to disrupt the lawful Presidential transition and threaten the
lives of Vice President Pence and Members of Congress. That this mob
attacked the Capitol with the encouragement of prominent elected
officials is a chilling reminder of President Reagan's warning that
``freedom is never more than one generation away from extinction.''
Unfortunately, many who rightly criticized and condemned the attack
that day have walked back their words or softened their speech. But
even more troubling, there has been an active effort to whitewash and
rewrite the shameful events of that day to avoid accountability and
turn away from difficult truths.
If we avoid confronting what happened here just a few short months
ago, we can be sure that intimidation, coercion, and violence will
become a defining feature of our politics.
On the evening of January 6, as I was walking back to the Capitol
after it was cleared of rioters, I received a text from a constituent
who asserted that those who stormed the Capitol today were the true
American heroes, that the election was a fraud, and that I must know
that that was true. He then warned: ``You can bet that there will be
more blood on Congress' hands if you let that stand.''
I refuse to accept that possibility, this abrogation of our sacred
obligation to the Republic. There is no replacement for an independent,
bipartisan commission with a mandate to produce a definitive report to
the public to clear away myths and fictions and get right on the facts.
This is not picking at a scab. In order to scab over, a cut has to
first heal. Rather than start to mend, the wound from January 6 was
hastily bandaged and continues to fester. Only by airing it out and
addressing what occurred can we hope to move past and heal. I applaud
my friend, Congressman John Katko, for his good-faith, bipartisan
leadership to put this commission in place.
Mr. Speaker, I supported this effort in January, I support it today,
and I urge my colleagues to do so as well.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Gottheimer).
Mr. GOTTHEIMER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today, as a member of the
Committee on Homeland Security, in strong support of H.R. 3233,
Chairman Thompson and Ranking Member Katko's bill to form a bipartisan,
independent commission to investigate the January 6 domestic terrorism
attack on the United States Capitol.
On January 6, the world witnessed an attempted insurrection against
our government to overturn the will of the American people. I know that
because I was right here in this House Chamber that day as doors were
barricaded and Members and staff were forced to evacuate. The mob that
stormed our Capitol, resulting in the death of a Capitol police
officer, tore down the American flag and desecrated the seat of our
democracy. These lawless thugs, led by members of extremist groups like
the Oath Keepers, and Proud Boys, and Stop the Steal, attempted an
insurrection. In the end, they failed. We gathered back together here,
uncowed, and the electoral college was certified.
Mr. Speaker, but true healing cannot come without a serious
investigation and real accountability. I am very proud that last night,
the bipartisan Problem Solvers Caucus, 29 Democrats and 29 Republicans,
came together to endorse this legislation, putting aside politics to
get to the bottom of what happened that day.
This bipartisan commission, modeled on the 9/11 Commission, will
undertake an investigation into the facts and what caused the attack.
Mr. Speaker, this legislation will help us deter further would-be
extremists, and provide the law enforcement homeland security community
with the tools needed to protect the Capitol and our country from
future attacks.
I thank Chairman Thompson and Ranking Member Katko for their
extraordinary leadership and months of hard work together on the bill,
the way governing should occur.
Mr. Speaker, I urge all my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to
join in support of securing and protecting the very foundation of our
democracy.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Jeffries), chair of the Democratic Caucus.
Mr. JEFFRIES. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished chair for his
tremendous leadership.
Mr. Speaker, the January 6 bipartisan commission will explore what
happened on that fateful day, why it happened, and how do we prevent
another violent insurrection and attack on the Capitol from ever
happening again.
In the aftermath of the attack on Pearl Harbor, America had a
bipartisan commission. In the aftermath of the September 11 attack,
America had a bipartisan commission. In the aftermath of the attack on
this Capitol on January 6, America should have a bipartisan commission.
The violent insurrection was an attack on the Congress, the
Constitution, and the Capitol. Lives were lost. More than 140 officers
were seriously injured. A violent mob stormed this building to
assassinate the Speaker, hang Mike Pence, and hunt down Members of
Congress. They urinated, defecated, and desecrated the citadel of our
democracy.
It was a violent attack designed to bring about one objective; halt
Congress from undertaking our constitutional responsibilities. And yet,
a few of my colleagues seem to want to convince America that it was all
puppies and rainbows. We will not be hoodwinked. We will not be
bamboozled. We will not be led astray.
The January 6 bipartisan commission will find the truth, the whole
truth, and nothing but the truth. And that is the American way.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Langevin), the former Secretary of
State from Rhode Island, who is now a member of the Committee on
Homeland Security.
Mr. LANGEVIN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 3233. On
September 11, 2001, I was a freshman in Congress. We suffered attacks
that day because of a failure of imagination. Since then, I have
dedicated myself to getting ahead of the curve, to seeing over the
horizon, to preventing another such devastating surprise. Yet, on
January 6, I, along with so many others, was caught by surprise.
In the past 5 months, I have reflected. What signs did we miss? Were
we unprepared for a tide of American rioters? Why were some citizens
actually taking the big lie about the election seriously enough to
actually commit violence?
The January 6 commission will answer these and many other difficult
questions and deliver a complete record for posterity of what could
possibly have happened to bring about such a betrayal of our democracy.
We will not defeat darkness with darkness. We need light. We will not
defeat lies with lies. We need truth. This commission will bring forth
the truth and it is only the truth that can truly heal the rift that is
tearing our country apart.
[[Page H2579]]
Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairman Thompson and Ranking Member Katko for
their leadership.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Michigan (Mr. Upton).
Mr. UPTON. Mr. Speaker, January 6 is going to haunt this institution
for a long, long time. No, it was not the joyous day on Capitol Hill
with our constituents celebrating the start of a new Congress and a new
administration. COVID came first, then this.
So nearly 5 months later, we still don't have the answers to the
basic questions: Who knew what? When? What did they do about it?
Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleagues, Katko and Thompson, for the
really good job on working together to establish a bipartisan
commission seeking to find the answers to the questions that are still
out there.
Hundreds of people were arrested. People died. Millions of dollars of
damage to this building, feces spread on the walls, and, yes, the very
core of democracy, this institution, was threatened.
I wasn't in the Chamber that day when the breach was attempted, but I
heard the shouts, saw the flash bangs, smelled the gas on that sorry
day. And if it had not been for the brave Capitol and Metropolitan
policemen and women that day, who knows how many of our heads would
have been swinging on those gallows that were constructed on the east
front of the Capitol.
I talked to the exhausted SWAT team members, the police, and watched
some of the body cams. I talked to some of our still-shaken colleagues
who endured that day.
Mr. Speaker, we need the answers, not political rhetoric. That is
what this bipartisan commission can provide for all of us, for our
country. Let the truth shine in.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from California, (Mr. Correa).
Mr. CORREA. Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairman Thompson and Ranking Member
Katko for this legislation.
Mr. Speaker, this bill is simply about the truth. It is about the
truth behind the assault on our Capitol on January 6. Enough with lies.
Enough with conspiracy theories. The January 6 commission will have the
power, power to find the truth. It will have subpoena power to compel
people to testify, to testify under oath under penalty of perjury.
An attack on our Capitol, an attack on our democracy, an attack on
the election of our President--these cannot be tolerated, and they
cannot happen again.
What happened? What happened January 6? This bill is about sunshine,
this bill is about transparency. That is why I ask for every Member on
this floor, I ask you to vote ``aye'' on this most important measure.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I just want to note for the Record that the
subpoena to which my colleague from California mentioned can only be
issued if there is a consensus by both sides of the aisle on the
commission. It is not something that one side can do unilaterally. And
that is one of the key provisions of this, because it depoliticizes the
process and it is a consensus-driven process.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Green), a member of the Committee on Homeland
Security.
Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, and still I rise, and I rise today
understanding that William Cullen Bryant was right: ``Truth, crushed to
earth, shall rise again.'' Whether you believe that it was just a group
of tourists walking through the Capitol or not, you should want this
commission.
{time} 1630
If you believe that it was an insurrection, you should want this
commission. You should want this commission because you cannot bury the
truth in an earthly grave of lies and not realize the words of William
Cullen Bryant, ``Truth, crushed to earth, shall rise again.''
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank Chairman Thompson and the ranking member
for standing together to make this moment possible. Bipartisanship is
achieved when you have good decent people who can stand together for
the good of all.
God bless you, dear brothers.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman and I thank the
ranking member for showing, no matter how much confusion and upside
down interpretation that leadership may give in changing their mind,
truth will prevail.
Let us show what America is today. Let us show what unity is today.
Let me take a few moments to explain why the intended purpose of the
January 6 insurrection to disrupt the joint meeting of Congress to
tally the votes of Presidential electors and announce the results to
the Nation and the world was the greatest threat to the American
Experiment since the Civil War, when the pro-slavery forces would
rather make war than let the Nation survive, and pro-freedom forces
would accept war rather than let the Nation perish.
Mr. Speaker, I was here on 9/11, and I understand what we did not get
accomplished, yet when we became part of the Homeland Security
Committee, we moved the 9/11 Commission that still stands as the
standard-bearer for finding out what happened.
All the American people want, and those officers who were beat and
beat and beat, is to find out the truth. This commission will help us
find out the truth. It will answer the cry of those law enforcement
officers who were called racial names. We will be able to explain why
someone was trying to kill the Vice President, kill the Speaker, and
kill Members of Congress.
This is a truth time. Can we stand for truth?
And might I add, I want to thank all of those officers who put their
line in front for us. Let us get them the truth so the Nation will know
the truth and so we can stand on the truth and be free.
Mr. Speaker, as Chair of the Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime,
Homeland Security, and Terrorism, and a senior member of the Homeland
Security, and Budget Committees, I rise in strong support of H.R. 3233,
the National Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the
Capitol Complex Act, which establishes a national commission charged
with investigating and reporting upon the facts and causes of the
January 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol as well as the influencing
factors that may have provoked the attack on our democracy.
Specifically, the January 6 Commission's mandate includes:
1. examining and evaluating evidence developed by relevant Federal,
State, and local governments, in a manner that is respectful of ongoing
investigations, regarding the facts and circumstances of the attack;
2. building upon other investigations regarding the attack and
targeted violence and domestic terrorism related to such attack; and
3, reporting to the President and Congress regarding its findings,
conclusions, and recommendations for corrective measures taken to
prevent future acts of targeted violence and domestic terrorism and
improves the security posture of the United States Capitol Complex in a
manner that preserves the accessibility of the Capitol Complex for all
Americans, and strengthen the security and resilience of nation and
American democratic institutions against domestic terrorism.
Like the 9/11 Commission, the measure establishes a 10-person
bipartisan commission with five commissioners, including the Chair,
appointed by the Speaker of the House and the Majority Leader of the
Senate and five commissioners, including the Vice Chair, appointed by
the Minority Leaders of the House and Senate.
Like the 9/11 Commission, the January 6 Commission will be granted
authority to issue subpoenas to secure information to carry out its
investigation but only upon agreement between the Chair and the Vice
Chair or a vote by a majority of Commission members.
January 6 Commissioners must have significant expertise in the areas
of law enforcement, civil rights, civil liberties, privacy,
intelligence, and cybersecurity. Current government officers or
employees are prohibited from appointment.
The January 6 Commission will be required to issue a final report
with findings regarding the facts and causes of the attack, along with
recommendations to prevent future attacks on our democratic
institutions, by December 31, 2021.
Like September 11, 2001, we cannot and must not ever forget the
existential threat faced by our democracy on January 6, 2021, when
thousands of domestic terrorists inspired
[[Page H2580]]
by the 45th President stormed the U.S. Capitol in a violent, crazed,
and desperate effort to disrupt the Joint Meeting of Congress
prescribed by the Constitution to tally the votes of presidential
electors and announce the results to the nation and the world.
Mr. Speaker, the morning of September 11, 2001, is, and will always
be, a day like no other.
It is a day all living Americans will remember because not since
Pearl Harbor had there been such a dastardly and deadly attack on
American soil.
My heart still grieves for those who perished on flights United
Airlines 93, American Airlines 77, American Airlines 11, and United
Airlines 175.
When the sun rose on the morning of September 11, none of us knew
that it would end in an inferno in the magnificent World Trade Center
Towers in New York City and the Pentagon and in the grassy fields of
Shanksville, Pennsylvania.
Mr. Speaker, as hard as it is to believe, out of a tragedy so
overwhelming and horrific, something good and great emerged in the
aftermath of September 11.
On that day there were no Republicans or Democrats; there were no
Northerners or Southerners or West or East Coasters.
We were not Red State or Blue State; we were all simply Americans.
On that day, we were united in our shock and anger and sadness and in
our resolve to defend our country and protect the freedoms that has
made America the greatest country in the history of the world.
I experienced the same gamut of emotions on January 6: grief, hope,
resolve, and fierce commitment to protect our country.
Mr. Speaker, the assault on the U.S. Capitol by domestic terrorists
and insurrectionists rightly takes its place as one of the darkest
moments in our nation's history since the Civil War.
Mr. Speaker, the January 6 insurrection caused tragic loss of life
and many injuries, while leaving behind widespread physical damage to
the Capitol Complex and emotional trauma for Members, Congressional
employees, and the Capitol Police.
It bears repeating often that the Congress and the nation owe undying
gratitude to the men and women who answered the call of constitutional
duty and heroically won the day on that bloody and deadly afternoon.
That is why I introduced H. Res. 169, a resolution commending the
officers of the United States Capitol Police Department, the
Metropolitan Police Department of Washington, DC, and other law
enforcement personnel for their selfless and heroic service in defense
of American democracy in responding to the assault on the United States
Capitol by domestic terrorists on January 6, 2021.
H. Res. 169 notes that the January 6, 2021, siege of the Capitol
assault resulted in one of the worst days of injuries for law
enforcement in the United States since the September 11, 2001,
terrorist attacks but that the officers of the United States Capitol
Police Department, the Metropolitan Police Department of Washington,
DC, and other uniformed law enforcement officers stood their ground in
defense of American democracy while being attacked metal pipes,
discharged chemical irritants, and other weapons.
The resolution conveys the thanks and appreciation of a grateful
nation to them for their selfless and heroic service, encourages all
educational and media institutions throughout the United States to
teach and celebrate the story of their heroism and patriotism; and
calls upon all Americans to read, celebrate, and revere the
Constitution of the United States, fidelity to which is the surest best
means of forming a more perfect union, establishing justice, ensuring
domestic tranquility, providing for the common defense, promoting the
general welfare, and securing the blessing of liberty to them and their
posterity.
Mr. Speaker, the domestic terrorists and seditionists who attacked
the Capitol Building on January 6, 2021, were not, as some of their
ardent defenders and apologists across the aisle have stated falsely,
on a ``normal tour visit''; nor was their effort to lay siege to the
Capitol and disrupt the processes of government an act of persons who
love their country.
And it is absurd to suggest that it was a celebration of the United
States and what it stands for when the leading edge of terrorists
desecrated the Capitol by offensively parading the treasonous
Confederate flag through the building and when, because of their
insurrection, several members of law enforcement made the supreme
sacrifice and scores more were seriously injured.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to take a few moments to explain why the
intended purpose of the January 6 insurrection--to disrupt the Joint
Meeting of Congress to tally the votes of presidential electors and
announce the results to the nation and the world--was the greatest
threat to the American Experiment since the Civil War when the
proslavery forces would rather make war than let the nation survive and
the pro-freedom forces would accept war rather than let the nation
perish.
Mr. Speaker, the Framers had first-hand experience with the types of
abuses and usurpations committed by political leaders who ruled them
but were not accountable to them and detailed many of those wrongs in
the Declaration of Independence.
The Framers understood and declared to the world that democratic
governors derived their powers from the knowing and voluntary consent
of the governed as expressed in free, fair, and unfettered elections
unmarred by the influence or sabotage of any foreign country or entity
not a member of the political community.
The Framers understood that if elections are influenced by foreign
actors or authoritarian forces within, then voters are reduced from the
great role of citizens to mere subjects, and government for and by the
people is a sham.
The most important feature of a democracy is that it is the voters
who alone can confer the legitimate consent and authorization necessary
to govern upon the governors who are then duty-bound to represent the
voters' interests, and only their interests.
Mr. Speaker, the fundamental democratic compact between the governed
and the governors is that the latter's authority and continuance in
office comes exclusively from the governed and allegiance is owed
exclusively to the governed.
This agreement can only be reached through free and fair elections, a
breach of which threatens the vitality and viability of the social
contract upon which democratic self-rule of, by, and for the people
depends.
Mr. Speaker, President Lincoln called the United States the ``last
best hope of man on earth'' and stated at Gettysburg the importance of
finishing the work we are in to ensure that ``government of the people,
for the people, by the people does not perish from the earth.''
By our actions in voting to establish and empower a National
Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the Capitol Complex,
we are taking an indispensable step in ensuring the preservation of our
democracy, which has been the envy of the world for than 240 years.
I urge all Members to join me in voting for H.R. 3233, the National
Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the Capitol Complex
Act.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Clarke).
Ms. CLARKE of New York. Mr. Speaker, I rise today on behalf of the
American people, our Republic, my colleagues, congressional staff,
Capitol Police officers, and the late Officer Brian Sicknick, in
support of H.R. 3233, the National Commission to Investigate the
January 6 Attack on the United States Capitol Complex Act.
Let me be very clear: What took place on January 6 in the United
States Capitol Building was an act of domestic terrorism. To witness
this hallowed place, the seat of our democracy, being breached and
invaded by a mob of incensed blood-thirsty individuals, sycophants, all
as we barricaded ourselves in our offices and on this floor, fearing
for our lives, was devastating beyond belief. It was an attack on our
democracy. Full stop.
This commission is necessary to ensure all parties involved are
brought to justice and the American people are made aware of the facts
and causes that led to this heinous act of domestic terrorism.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, how much time do we have
remaining?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Mississippi has 16
minutes remaining. The gentleman from New York has 20 minutes
remaining.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from California (Mr. Swalwell).
Mr. SWALWELL. Mr. Speaker, today, our country has a choice: Our
Constitution or chaos?
Our democracy was attacked on January 6. We survived this once, but
we will not survive another attack. This commission ensures that we are
better prepared if one is to come to this House again.
We don't just owe this to our democracy, we owe it to the men and
women in uniform, who fought in hand-to-hand combat for hours to
protect our lives. These are the cops that we see every day. These are
the cops who take care of us. Three of them lost their life. One of
them lost a number of fingers, and one of them had his eye gouged out.
Don't walk away from these cops.
[[Page H2581]]
We can't agree on much as a country anymore. We choose the news that
agrees with us. But this commission cannot be spun. The testimony is
the testimony. It is unimpeachable. It is going to be factual. And we
owe those facts, the ground truth, not only to our democracy, but to
the police officers who so bravely served us that day.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from New York (Miss Rice).
Miss RICE of New York. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R.
3233, the National Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on
the United States Capitol Complex Act.
This cannot be said enough. January 6 was an act of domestic
terrorism. An armed mob of insurrectionists stormed the Capitol
intending to murder the Speaker, the Vice President, and Members of
Congress.
We cannot let our friends on the other side of the aisle whitewash
the events of that day. We cannot let them gaslight the American people
by calling January 6 an ordinary tourist visit.
The 9/11-style commission we are proposing in this bill will issue a
full report on the facts and provide recommendations to prevent future
attacks.
Mr. Speaker, I truly appreciate Chairman Thompson and Ranking Member
Katko for negotiating this bill in good faith.
I thank my friend, Ranking Member Katko, for actually recognizing the
events of January 6 and working to find a bipartisan path forward,
despite the opposition in his own party. That is a true act of courage
and being a true American.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Demings).
Mrs. DEMINGS. Mr. Speaker, the insurrectionists attacked this very
building we are standing in right now. The violent mob attacked, bear-
sprayed, and beat down the police officers who protect us every day.
140 officers were injured, and we need to care about that. Some have
died, and they deserved better.
Mr. Speaker, accountability and truth are the foundation upon which
all of our rights and freedoms exist. We need answers, and this
commission will give them to us. We need accountability, and this
commission will pave the way for full accountability. We need an
independent commission, and a vote against it is a vote for a cover-up.
Choose ye this day whom you will serve. Our democracy or the big lie?
History will remember us.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Barragan).
Ms. BARRAGAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the National
Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the United States
Capitol Complex Act.
So many questions have surfaced since the attempted insurrection from
January 6, but one question encompasses everything: What happened?
A truth-telling commission will set the record straight about the
January 6 uprising, its causes, and potential remedial measures. This
is about a fact-finding and truth-telling mission. It was the very
absence of these two things that helped bring the insurrection on
January 6.
We can't move on until we look back and make sure we know what
happened, why, and make sure it never happens again.
On behalf of fallen Capitol Police Officer Sicknick, the men and
women of the U.S. Capitol Police, the congressional and Capitol Hill
staff that keep our offices running, and the American people, we must
uncover the truth.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from Virginia (Mrs. Luria).
Mrs. LURIA. Mr. Speaker, like all of us, I watched with horror as our
Capitol was overrun on January 6 by those seeking to overturn a free
and fair election.
As a 20-year Navy veteran, I swore an oath multiple times throughout
my career to support and defend our Constitution against all enemies,
foreign and domestic. As Members of Congress, we swear the same oath,
and we swear this oath, not as a member of a political party, but as
Americans. There is no carve-out for political expediency.
I implore every Member of this body to uphold their oath and vote in
support of this bipartisan commission. The American people deserve to
understand exactly what happened that day in January.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues not to turn this into a partisan
litmus test, not to pit Republican against Democrat, and not to
perpetuate the big lie. Finding the truth should not be controversial
or a question of partisanship.
This is about our shared future, the future of this Congress, and the
future of democracy. We must do this together, and I urge an ``aye''
vote.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record a
listing of national security, military, and elected officials, former
Members of Congress, U.S. Attorneys, diplomats, all who have specific
expertise in this matter before the body today.
Letter From Former Senior National Security, Military, and Elected
Officials Calling On Congress To Create A Bipartisan 1/6 Commission
Dear Members of Congress: We are former senior national
security, military, and elected officials who have
represented or served Democrats, Republicans, or
administrations of both parties. We write to encourage this
Congress to establish an independent and bipartisan national
commission to investigate the January 6th assault of the U.S.
Capitol Complex and its direct causes, and to make
recommendations to prevent future assaults and strengthen the
resilience of our democratic institutions.
We also write to you with great urgency in light of what we
collectively see as an exigent and growing threat. The events
of January 6th exposed severe vulnerabilities in the nation's
preparedness for preventing and responding to domestic
terrorist attacks. The immediate security failings that
permitted a lethal breach of the Capitol Complex by armed
extremists raise serious questions and demand immediate
solutions.
But January 6th was also the result of complex national
security threats. These include coordinated disinformation
campaigns, nontransparent financing of extremist networks,
potential foreign influences, and white supremacist violent
extremism, which the Department of Homeland Security
identified in an October 2020 report as among ``the most
persistent and lethal threat[s] in the Homeland.'' As FBI
Director Christopher Wray testified to you recently,
``January 6th was not an isolated event. The problem of
domestic terrorism has been metastasizing across the country
for a long time now and it's not going away anytime soon.''
Understanding how these forces culminated in an attack on the
infrastructure of our democracy is critical to preventing
future attacks.
In the wake of September 11th, the administration and
Congress jointly acknowledged that the attack's causes were
complex and that an independent and well-equipped national
commission was an essential tool to aid the federal
government. Congressional inquiries, law enforcement
activities, and a national commission not only worked in
parallel, but critically complemented each other's necessary
work. An independent commission should not supplant the
ongoing work by the legislative and executive branches, but
it can uniquely support them by providing comprehensive and
expert recommendations for Congress to act upon.
Commissions--properly empowered, resourced, and led--can
establish a full picture of events and an analysis of their
causes, from which nonpartisan recommendations can
authoritatively flow. With dedicated time, resources, and
expert staffing, they can also exclusively focus on the
matter at hand over an appropriate time horizon. Given the
gravity of January 6th as a national security matter--the
violent disruption to the transition of power and the
continuing threat of future attacks--a national commission
examining the lead up to the January 6th assault, and the
attendant security lapses, is not only appropriate, but a
critical component of the national response.
A failure to deploy the full suite of tools available to
fully understand January 6th and address its causes will
leave the Capitol, and the nation, vulnerable to future
attacks. In bipartisan fashion, we have successfully
marshaled these tools before, and we implore you to do so
once again.
Sincerely,
(Note: All titles are former positions or military ranks
held prior to retirement.)
Javed Ali, Senior Director for Counterterrorism, National
Security Council.
Thad Allen, Admiral, U.S. Coast Guard; Commandant of the
Coast Guard.
Wendy R. Anderson, Deputy Chief of Staff, U.S. Department
of Defense.
Daniel Baer, U.S. Ambassador; Deputy Assistant Secretary of
State.
[[Page H2582]]
Brian Baird, U.S. Representative, 1999-2011.
Daniella Ballou-Aares, Senior Advisor to the Secretary of
State.
Rand Beers, Acting Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland
Security; Deputy Homeland Security Advisor.
John Bellinger, Legal Adviser, U.S. Department of State;
Legal Advisor, National Security Council.
Tatyana Bolton, Cyber Policy Lead--Senior Policy Analyst,
U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
Charles Boustany, U.S. Representative, 2005-2017.
Steven Browning, U.S. Ambassador; Principal Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State.
Todd F. Buchwald, U.S. Ambassador, Office of Global
Criminal Justice, U.S. Department of State.
Sharon Burke, Assistant Secretary of Defense for
Operational Energy.
Daniel Byman, Professional Staff Member, 9/11 Commission.
Piper Campbell, U.S. Ambassador; Head U.S. Mission to
ASEAN.
Kevin Carroll, Senior Counselor to the Secretary of
Homeland Security; Senior Counsel to the House Homeland
Security Committee.
J.E. Cartwright, General, U.S. Marine Corps; Vice Chairman
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Steven Cash, Chief Counsel, U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein;
Intelligence Officer, CIA; Assistant District Attorney, New
York.
Michael Chertoff, Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland
Security.
Peter Chiarelli, General, U.S. Army, 32nd Vice Chief of
Staff of the U.S. Army.
James Clapper, Director of National Intelligence.
William Cohen, Secretary, U.S. Department of Defense.
Tom Coleman, U.S. Representative, 1976-1993.
Gary Corn, Colonel, U.S. Army, Staff Judge Advocate, U.S.
Cyber Command.
Thomas Countryman, Assistant Secretary of State for
International Security and Nonproliferation.
Ryan Crocker, U.S. Ambassador.
George Croner, Litigation Counsel, National Security
Agency; Special Assistant U.S. Attorney, Criminal Division,
U.S. Department of Justice.
Carlos Curbelo, U.S. Representative, 2015-2019.
John Danforth, U.S. Senator, 1976-1995.
J. Michael Daniel, Special Assistant to President Obama and
Cybersecurity Coordinator.
Tom Daschle, U.S. Senator, 1987-2005.
Greg Delawie, U.S. Ambassador.
Charles W. Dent, U.S. Representative, 2005-2018.
Murray Dickman, Chief of Staff to the Attorney General.
David Durenberger, U.S. Senator, 1978-1995.
R.P. Eddy, Director, National Security Council; Chief of
Staff, U.S. Ambassador to the U.N.
Eric Edelman, Under Secretary of Defense for Policy.
Mickey Edwards, U.S. Representative, 1977-1993; Chair,
House Republican Policy Committee, 1989-1993.
Susan Elliott, U.S. Ambassador.
Jeffrey Feltman, United Nations Under-Secretary-General for
Political Affairs; U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Near
Eastern Affairs.
Brenner Fissell, Appellate Counsel, Guantanamo Bay Military
Commissions.
Emil Frankel, Assistant Secretary for Transportation
Policy, U.S. Department of Transportation.
Charles Fried, Solicitor General of the United States.
Francis Fukuyama, Deputy Director, Policy Planning, U.S.
Department of State.
Kim Fuller, U.S. Department of the Army, Director of
International Affairs (Special Assistant to the Deputy
Secretary).
Larry Garber, USAID Mission Director, West Bank/Gaza.
Richard Gephardt, U.S. Representative, 1977-2005.
Stuart Gerson, Acting Attorney General of the U.S.;
Assistant Attorney General; U.S. Air Force
Counterintelligence Officer.
Glenn Gerstell, General Counsel, National Security Agency.
James Glassman, Under Secretary for Public Diplomacy and
Public Affairs, U.S. Department of State.
Kevin Green, Vice Admiral, U.S. Navy.
Nina Hachigian, U.S. Ambassador.
Chuck Hagel, Secretary, U.S. Department of Defense.
Morton Halperin, Director, Policy Planning, U.S. Department
of State.
Jane Harman, U.S. Representative, 1993-1991, 2001-2011.
Gary Hart, U.S. Senator, 1975-1987.
Luke Hartig, Senior Director for Counterterrorism, National
Security Council.
Michael V. Hayden, General, U.S. Air Force; Director, CIA;
Director, NSA.
Jason Healey, Director, Critical Infrastructure Protection,
Homeland Security Council.
Margaret Henoch, CIA Senior Intelligence Service.
Rush D. Holt, U.S. Representative, 1999-2015.
Cameron Hume, U.S. Ambassador.
Gordon Humphrey, U.S. Senator, 1979-1991.
Paul Douglas Humphries, CIA.
Carol Humphries, CIA, Captain, U.S. Navy Reserve.
Bob Inglis, U.S. Representative, 1993-1999, 2005-2011.
Steve Israel, U.S. Representative, 2001-2017.
Jeh Johnson, Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland
Security.
Susan Koch, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for
Threat Reduction Policy.
Jim Kolbe, U.S. Representative, 1985-2007.
David J. Kramer, Assistant Secretary of State for
Democracy, Human Rights & Labor.
David Laufman, Chief of the Counterintelligence and Export
Control Section in the National Security Division, U.S.
Department of Justice.
J. William Leonard, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense
(Security & Information Operations).
Jason Lewis-Berry, Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary, U.S.
Department of State.
Andrew Liepman, Deputy Director, National Counterrorism
Center; Deputy Director, CIA/Counterterrorism Center;
Director, Office of Iraq Analysis; Deputy Director, Weapons
Intelligence Non Proliferation and Arms Control Center.
Robert Litt, General Counsel, Office of the Director of
National Intelligence.
George Little, Press Secretary, Pentagon; Spokesman, CIA.
James Loy, Admiral, U.S. Coast Guard; Commandant of the
U.S. Coast Guard; Deputy Secretary, U.S. Department of
Homeland Security.
Lewis Lukens, U.S. Ambassador.
Michael McFaul, Ambassador; Special Assistant to the
President and Senior Director for Russian and Eurasian
Affairs at the National Security Council.
Steven McGann, U.S. Ambassador.
Dennis McGinn, Vice Admiral, U.S. Navy; Assistant Secretary
of the Navy.
Joseph Medina, Brigadier General, U.S. Marine Corps.
Christopher Mellon, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense.
Connie Morella, U.S. Representative, 2003-2006; U.S.
Ambassador.
Janet Napolitano, Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland
Security.
Elizabeth Neumann, Assistant Secretary for Counterterrorism
and Threat Prevention, U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
Suzanne Nossel, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State.
William Owens, Admiral, U.S. Navy; Vice Chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Christopher Painter, Coordinator for Cyber Issues, U.S.
Department of State.
William Perry, Secretary of Defense.
Larry Pfeiffer, Chief of Staff, CIA; Senior Director, White
House Situation Room.
Annie Pforzheimer, Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary of
State for Afghanistan.
Randal Phillips, Senior Intelligence Service, CIA.
William Piekney, Senior Operations Manager, CIA.
Steven Pifer, Senior Foreign Service Officer; U.S.
Ambassador.
Tony Pipa, Chief Strategy Officer, USAID.
Marc Polymeropoulos, Senior Intelligence Service,
Directorate of Operations, CIA.
Allison Price, Senior Spokesperson, U.S. Department of
Justice.
Deborah Pryce, U.S. Representative, 1993-2009.
Ben Rhodes, Deputy National Security Advisor.
Thomas Ridge, Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland
Security.
Denver Riggleman, U.S. Representative, 2019-2021.
Thomas B. Robertson, U.S. Ambassador.
Tim Roemer, 9/11 Commissioner; U.S. Ambassador; U.S.
Representative, 1991-2003.
Michael Rogers, Admiral, U.S. Navy; Commander, U.S. Cyber
Command; Director, National Security Agency.
Todd Rosenblum, Deputy Under Secretary of Intelligence,
U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
Paul Rosenzweig, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Policy,
U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
Nicholas Rostow, Legal Advisor to the National Security
Council; Staff Director, U.S. Senate Select Committee on
Intelligence.
Joel Rubin, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State.
Nilmini Rubin, Director, National Security Council.
David Scheffer, U.S. Ambassador.
Robert Shanks, Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Office of
Legal Counsel, U.S. Department of Justice; General Counsel,
Overseas Private Investment Corporation; General Counsel,
Peace Corps.
Christopher Shays, U.S. Representative, 1987-2009.
Douglas Silliman, U.S. Ambassador.
John Sipher, Senior Intelligence Service, CIA Clandestine
Service.
Peter Smith, U.S. Representative, 1989-1991.
Suzanne Spaulding, Under Secretary, U.S. Department of
Homeland Security.
Strobe Talbott, Deputy Secretary of State.
Miles Taylor, Chief of Staff, U.S. Department of Homeland
Security.
Tomicah Tillemann, Senior Advisor to the Secretary of
State; Speechwriter to the Secretary of State.
Kurt Tong, U.S. Ambassador.
Olivia Troye, Homeland Security and Counterterrorism
Advisor to Vice President Mike Pence.
Stanley A. Twardy, Jr., United States Attorney for the
District of Connecticut, 1985-1991.
Alexander Vershbow, NATO Deputy Secretary General;
Assistant Secretary of Defense; U.S. Ambassador.
Alexander Vindman, Lieutenant Colonel, U.S. Army; Director
for European Affairs, National Security Council.
[[Page H2583]]
Edward Walker, U.S. Ambassador; Assistant Secretary of
State for Near Eastern Affairs.
James Walsh, U.S. Representative, 1989-2009.
Zach Wamp, U.S. Representative, 1995-2011.
Thomas Warrick, Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Counterterrorism Policy, U.S. Department of Homeland
Security.
William Wechsler, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defence for
Special Operations and Combatting Terrorism.
Pamela White, U.S. Ambassador.
Christine Todd Whitman, Governor of New Jersey;
Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency.
Jonathan Winer, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for
International Law Enforcement; Special Envoy for Libya.
Tim Wirth, Under Secretary of State for Democracy and
Global Affairs; U.S. Senator, 1987-1993; U.S. Representative,
1975-1987.
Lawrence Wilkerson, Colonel, U.S. Army; Chief of Staff,
U.S. Secretary of State.
Douglas H. Wise, CIA Senior Intelligence Service; Deputy
Director, Defense Intelligence Agency.
Tamara Cofman Wittes, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State.
Stephen N. Xenakis, Brigadier General, U.S. Army.
Marie Yovanovitch, U.S. Ambassador.
Dov S. Zakheim, Under Secretary of Defense (Comptroller).
Peter D. Zimmerman, Chief Scientist, Senate Foreign
Relations Committee; Chief Scientific Advisor, US Arms
Control and Disarmament Agency; Science Advisor for Arms
Control, U.S. Department of State.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record a
joint statement from Governor Tom Kean and former Congressman Lee
Hamilton in support of this commission.
[From Issue One]
Joint Statement from Governor Tom Kean and Congressman Lee Hamilton,
Chairman and Vice Chairman of the 9/11 Commission
``We very strongly urge House Members to support H.R. 3233,
the bipartisan National Commission to Investigate the January
6 Attack on the United States Capitol Complex. That bill
would create a 9/11 style commission to investigate the
January 6th assault on the U.S. Capitol. That was a dark day
in American history, one of the darkest.
``As Chairman and Vice Chairman of the 9/11 Commission,
unity of purpose was key to the effectiveness of the group.
We put country above party, without bias, the events before,
during and after the attack. We sought to understand our
vulnerabilities in order to prevent future attacks or future
acts of terrorism.
Today, democracy faces a new threat. The January 6 attack
on the U.S. Capitol was one of the darkest days in the
history of our country. Americans deserve an objective and an
accurate account of what happened. As we did in the wake of
September 11, it's time to set aside partisan politics and
come together as Americans in common pursuit of truth and
justice.''
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record a
letter from Protect Democracy, Ian Bassin, Executive Director.
Protect Democracy,
Washington, DC, May 19, 2021.
Protect Democracy Urges Representatives to Support H.R. 3233, the
National Commission To Investigate the January 6 Attack on the United
States Capitol Complex Act
Dear Representative: On January 6th the very foundations of
our democracy--and our Congress and Capitol that lie at its
heart--came under attack. More than 130 days later, Members
of Congress, their staff, and their constituents are still
struggling to come together to understand what happened and
how to prevent it from ever happening again.
We strongly urge you to vote in favor of H.R. 3233, the
National Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on
the United States Capitol Complex Act, which would establish
an independent national commission to comprehensively
investigate the January 6th attack on the U.S. Capitol
Complex.
This bipartisan bill is a measured and thoughtful response
to the attack. It will bring together a bipartisan group of
experts to examine the facts and circumstances surrounding
the January 6th attack. The Commission is structured to
ensure it is a bipartisan endeavor: all reports must be
agreed to by a majority of Commission members and the
Commission may only issue subpoenas upon an agreement between
the Chair and the Vice Chair or a vote by a majority of
Commission members.
The Commission will build on the work that has begun in
various congressional committees to gather information and
hold hearings on the attack. It will not intefere with those
ongoing efforts nor will it delay immediate security fixes to
the Capitol Complex.
By creating this Commission, Congress can assure the
American people, and all who work in the Capitol Complex,
that these events and the circumstances leading up to them
are thoroughly investigated outside of the pressured and
partisan environment of Congress itself.
We are grateful to Chairman Bennie Thompson and Ranking
Member John Katko for their leadership in advancing this
critical legislation, and we urge continued bipartisan
support for the bill. Today marks an important milestone
toward seeking a shared understanding, protecting our
cherished freedoms, and restoring faith in government.
Sincerely,
Ian Bassin,
Executive Director, Protect Democracy.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, we have had a number of my
colleagues come before us encouraging this body to support this
commission and this legislation. They have spoken valiantly in support
of it. They have put their hearts and souls into making sure that it is
correct and proper.
I am happy, again, to share with my colleague from New York. I
appreciate working with him, and I appreciate the ability to work out
our differences. I think it should be part of the role model for future
legislation in this body.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms.
Pelosi), the Speaker of the United States House of Representatives.
{time} 1645
Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. I also
thank him for his great leadership working with Ranking Member Katko on
bringing this bipartisan legislation to the floor for a bipartisan
commission.
Let's talk about where we are. Here we are in the Capitol of the
United States. The dome of the U.S. Capitol has always been a beacon of
democracy and hope to America and to the world. Under this dome, our
Nation has abolished slavery; secured equal protections for all; ended
a civil war; enfranchised women; established Medicare and Medicaid,
voting rights and civil rights; and met the needs of the American
people.
Under this dome, schoolchildren learn about their country's history
and what we are doing to advance their future. They come here and see
us honor those who have contributed to the success of our country:
Washington, Lincoln, Jefferson, et cetera. But they know that our
Founders, those patriots, wanted us to be working for a better future
as we honor our history.
Under this dome, when children learn about our country's history,
they also learn about what we are doing for their futures. Legislators
pass laws. The press engages with our democracy, reporting on it. Staff
and workers enable all of this to happen.
This dome is a symbol of the determination of America. But this was
not always so. Let us recall that the dome of the Capitol was built
during the Civil War as our country was riven by brutal conflict. At
the time, many said the iron and steel used for construction were
needed for the war effort. They urged the President not to continue the
work on the dome. President Lincoln said no. He knew that our country
needed a symbol of strength and unity, a reminder of the shared ideals
and common purpose that built our Nation.
It was a beacon of hope to guide us through times of darkness, and he
knew that the work must continue as a sign of our strength and the
unity of our country.
Mr. Speaker, on January 6, and in the days, weeks, and months after,
the Capitol dome was, once again, such a beacon.
Would we prevail?
January 6 was the day called for in the Constitution to validate the
Presidential election. It was not just another day in the life of
Congress. That day, one of the darkest days in our history, our temple
of democracy was under assault by insurrectionists.
The gleeful desecration of our Capitol resulted in multiple deaths
and physical harm to over 140 members of law enforcement and terror and
trauma among staff, workers, and even Members.
The insurrection was called for to impede our constitutional mandate,
but the Congress returned to the Capitol that night to accomplish our
purpose. We agreed in a bipartisan way that day that we would return to
the Capitol, and that sent an important signal to the world.
The insurrection called for people to impede our constitutional
mandate,
[[Page H2584]]
but we returned to the Capitol. Thanks to the courage of the Capitol
Police, Members, and support workers, we showed the country and,
indeed, the world that we would not be diverted from our duty and that
we would respect our responsibility to the Constitution of the United
States.
We take that oath to protect and defend the Constitution. Again, in a
bipartisan way, we agreed to come back to the Capitol.
Today, over 4 months later, many questions regarding the
circumstances of this assault on our democracy and response to it
remain. It is imperative that we seek the truth of what happened on
January 6.
To do that, Congress must, in a spirit, I believe, of bipartisanship
and patriotism, establish an independent and bipartisan 9/11-type
commission. Today, thanks to the leadership of Chairman Bennie Thompson
and Ranking Member John Katko, legislation to create such a
commission is on the House floor.
It is important to note, Mr. Speaker, that this is happening 4\1/2\
months after the January 6 insurrection. Mr. Speaker, my colleagues
know, but many were not here at the time, legislation establishing the
9/11 Commission, 9/11/2001, was not signed into law until the end of
November 2002, over 14 months after the attacks.
So, people have been saying: How come we don't have a commission?
It takes time to build bipartisanship and come to agreement. Let us
hope that the leadership that Mr. Thompson and Mr. Katko have
demonstrated will be leadership that we will follow and that we will
continue in the most bipartisan way in order to seek the truth.
Today, 4 months later, many questions regarding the circumstances
still exist. This commission is designed to be impartial and
experienced. The legislation requires that the commissioners be
``prominent United States citizens with national recognition and
significant depth of experience.''
It also indicates that they should not be Members of Congress or
elected in another capacity. Commissioners will be appointed from the
highest echelons of government service; law enforcement; civil rights,
civil liberties, and privacy; Armed Forces; intelligence;
counterterrorism; cybersecurity; technology; and law.
The commission will be, again, bipartisan and bicameral, with
commissioners appointed by the majority and minority leadership in the
House and Senate. It will be actionable and effective, culminating in a
final report on the facts and causes of January 6, along with
recommendations to prevent further attacks on our democratic
institutions.
I heard earlier Chairman Thompson acknowledge the support and
endorsement of the previous chairs of the 9/11 Commission, Governor
Kean and Chairman Lee Hamilton from Congress, the co-chairs of the 9/11
Commission. They had written to us earlier about the need for such a
bipartisan commission, but they also wanted not only to find out the
truth so this doesn't happen again, but also to reinforce our
commitment to democracy and take us on a path that is better and more
unifying.
That is a responsibility we have, and that is a hope that I have
emerging from this debate and this vote today, that we will be able to
have a strong bipartisan vote that takes us down a path more unifying
for our country. We have this opportunity.
Mr. Speaker, the press says to me: Why don't you just go do your own
task force and your own select committee to investigate this? You have
the votes, you have subpoena power, and you have this or that.
I said: I don't want to do that. We want this to be as it is shaped,
bipartisan with shared responsibility and shared staff in a way that
the public will have respect for the outcome.
To that end, 140 national security leaders have called for such a
commission. This is what they have said: ``The events of January 6
exposed severe vulnerabilities in the Nation's preparedness for
preventing and responding to domestic terrorist attacks. The immediate
security failings that permitted a lethal breach of the Capitol complex
by armed extremists raise serious questions and demand immediate
solutions. . . . A failure to deploy the full suite of tools available
to fully understand January 6 and address its causes will leave the
Capitol, and the Nation, vulnerable to future attacks.''
This list is nonpartisan, 140 Democrats and Republicans. I don't even
know what party some of them are.
I include their statement in the Record, Mr. Speaker.
Letter From Former Senior National Security, Military, and Elected
Officials Calling On Congress To Create a Bipartisan 1/6 Commission
Dear Members of Congress: We are former senior national
security, military, and elected officials who have
represented or served Democrats, Republicans, or
administrations of both parties. We write to encourage this
Congress to establish an independent and bipartisan national
commission to investigate the January 6th assault of the U.S.
Capitol Complex and its direct causes, and to make
recommendations to prevent future assaults and strengthen the
resilience of our democratic institutions.
We also write to you with great urgency in light of what we
collectively see as an exigent and growing threat. The events
of January 6th exposed severe vulnerabilities in the nation's
preparedness for preventing and responding to domestic
terrorist attacks. The immediate security failings that
permitted a lethal breach of the Capitol Complex by armed
extremists raise serious questions and demand immediate
solutions.
But January 6th was also the result of complex national
security threats. These include coordinated disinformation
campaigns, nontransparent financing of extremist networks,
potential foreign influences, and white supremacist violent
extremism, which the Department of Homeland Security
identified in an October 2020 report as among ``the most
persistent and lethal threat[s] in the Homeland.'' As FBI
Director Christopher Wray testified to you recently,
``January 6th was not an isolated event. The problem of
domestic terrorism has been metastasizing across the country
for a long time now and it's not going away anytime soon.''
Understanding how these forces culminated in an attack on the
infrastructure of our democracy is critical to preventing
future attacks.
In the wake of September 11th, the administration and
Congress jointly acknowledged that the attack's causes were
complex and that an independent and well-equipped national
commission was an essential tool to aid the federal
government. Congressional inquiries, law enforcement
activities, and a national commission not only worked in
parallel, but critically complemented each other's necessary
work. An independent commission should not supplant the
ongoing work by the legislative and executive branches, but
it can uniquely support them by providing comprehensive and
expert recommendations for Congress to act upon.
Commissions--properly empowered, resourced, and led--can
establish a full picture of events and an analysis of their
causes, from which nonpartisan recommendations can
authoritatively flow. With dedicated time, resources, and
expert staffing, they can also exclusively focus on the
matter at hand over an appropriate time horizon. Given the
gravity of January 6th as a national security matter--the
violent disruption to the transition of power and the
continuing threat of future attacks--a national commission
examining the lead up to the January 6th assault, and the
attendant security lapses, is not only appropriate, but a
critical component of the national response.
A failure to deploy the full suite of tools available to
fully understand January 6th and address its causes will
leave the Capitol, and the nation, vulnerable to future
attacks. In bipartisan fashion, we have successfully
marshaled these tools before, and we implore you to do so
once again.
Sincerely,
(Note: All titles are former positions or military ranks
held prior to retirement.)
Javed Ali, Senior Director for Counterterrorism, National
Security Council.
Thad Allen, Admiral, U.S. Coast Guard; Commandant of the
Coast Guard.
Wendy R. Anderson, Deputy Chief of Staff, U.S. Department
of Defense.
Daniel Baer, U.S. Ambassador; Deputy Assistant Secretary of
State.
Brian Baird, U.S. Representative, 1999-2011.
Daniella Ballou-Aares, Senior Advisor to the Secretary of
State.
Rand Beers, Acting Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland
Security; Deputy Homeland Security Advisor.
John Bellinger, Legal Adviser, U.S. Department of State;
Legal Advisor, National Security Council.
Tatyana Bolton, Cyber Policy Lead--Senior Policy Analyst,
U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
Charles Boustany, U.S. Representative, 2005-2017.
Steven Browning, U.S. Ambassador; Principal Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State.
Todd F. Buchwald, U.S. Ambassador, Office of Global
Criminal Justice, U.S. Department of State.
Sharon Burke, Assistant Secretary of Defense for
Operational Energy.
Daniel Byman, Professional Staff Member, 9/11 Commission.
Piper Campbell, U.S. Ambassador; Head U.S. Mission to
ASEAN.
Kevin Carroll, Senior Counselor to the Secretary of
Homeland Security; Senior Counsel to the House Homeland
Security Committee.
[[Page H2585]]
J.E. Cartwright, General, U.S. Marine Corps; Vice Chairman
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Steven Cash, Chief Counsel, U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein;
Intelligence Officer, CIA; Assistant District Attorney, New
York.
Michael Chertoff, Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland
Security.
Peter Chiarelli, General, U.S. Army, 32nd Vice Chief of
Staff of the U.S. Army.
James Clapper, Director of National Intelligence.
William Cohen, Secretary, U.S. Department of Defense.
Tom Coleman, U.S. Representative, 1976-1993.
Gary Corn, Colonel, U.S. Army, Staff Judge Advocate, U.S.
Cyber Command.
Thomas Countryman, Assistant Secretary of State for
International Security and Nonproliferation.
Ryan Crocker, U.S. Ambassador.
George Croner, Litigation Counsel, National Security
Agency; Special Assistant U.S. Attorney, Criminal Division,
U.S. Department of Justice.
Carlos Curbelo, U.S. Representative, 2015-2019.
John Danforth, U.S. Senator, 1976-1995.
J. Michael Daniel, Special Assistant to President Obama and
Cybersecurity Coordinator.
Tom Daschle, U.S. Senator, 1987-2005.
Greg Delawie, U.S. Ambassador.
Charles W. Dent, U.S. Representative, 2005-2018.
Murray Dickman, Chief of Staff to the Attorney General.
David Durenberger, U.S. Senator, 1978-1995.
R.P. Eddy, Director, National Security Council; Chief of
Staff, U.S. Ambassador to the U.N.
Eric Edelman, Under Secretary of Defense for Policy.
Mickey Edwards, U.S. Representative, 1977-1993; Chair,
House Republican Policy Committee, 1989-1993.
Susan Elliott, U.S. Ambassador.
Jeffrey Feltman, United Nations Under-Secretary-General for
Political Affairs; U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Near
Eastern Affairs.
Brenner Fissell, Appellate Counsel, Guantanamo Bay Military
Commissions.
Emil Frankel, Assistant Secretary for Transportation
Policy, U.S. Department of Transportation.
Charles Fried, Solicitor General of the United States.
Francis Fukuyama, Deputy Director, Policy Planning, U.S.
Department of State.
Kim Fuller, U.S. Department of the Army, Director of
International Affairs (Special Assistant to the Deputy
Secretary).
Larry Garber, USAID Mission Director, West Bank/Gaza.
Richard Gephardt, U.S. Representative, 1977-2005.
Stuart Gerson, Acting Attorney General of the U.S.;
Assistant Attorney General; U.S. Air Force
Counterintelligence Officer.
Glenn Gerstell, General Counsel, National Security Agency.
James Glassman, Under Secretary for Public Diplomacy and
Public Affairs, U.S. Department of State.
Kevin Green, Vice Admiral, U.S. Navy.
Nina Hachigian, U.S. Ambassador.
Chuck Hagel, Secretary, U.S. Department of Defense.
Morton Halperin, Director, Policy Planning, U.S. Department
of State.
Jane Harman, U.S. Representative, 1993-1991, 2001-2011.
Gary Hart, U.S. Senator, 1975-1987.
Luke Hartig, Senior Director for Counterterrorism, National
Security Council.
Michael V. Hayden, General, U.S. Air Force; Director, CIA;
Director, NSA.
Jason Healey, Director, Critical Infrastructure Protection,
Homeland Security Council.
Margaret Henoch, CIA Senior Intelligence Service.
Rush D. Holt, U.S. Representative, 1999-2015.
Cameron Hume, U.S. Ambassador.
Gordon Humphrey, U.S. Senator, 1979-1991.
Paul Douglas Humphries, CIA.
Carol Humphries, CIA, Captain, U.S. Navy Reserve.
Bob Inglis, U.S. Representative, 1993-1999, 2005-2011.
Steve Israel, U.S. Representative, 2001-2017.
Jeh Johnson, Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland
Security.
Susan Koch, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for
Threat Reduction Policy.
Jim Kolbe, U.S. Representative, 1985-2007.
David J. Kramer, Assistant Secretary of State for
Democracy, Human Rights & Labor.
David Laufman, Chief of the Counterintelligence and Export
Control Section in the National Security Division, U.S.
Department of Justice.
J. William Leonard, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense
(Security & Information Operations).
Jason Lewis-Berry, Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary, U.S.
Department of State.
Andrew Liepman, Deputy Director, National Counterrorism
Center; Deputy Director, CIA/Counterterrorism Center;
Director, Office of Iraq Analysis; Deputy Director, Weapons
Intelligence Non Proliferation and Arms Control Center.
Robert Litt, General Counsel, Office of the Director of
National Intelligence.
George Little, Press Secretary, Pentagon; Spokesman, CIA.
James Loy, Admiral, U.S. Coast Guard; Commandant of the
U.S. Coast Guard; Deputy Secretary, U.S. Department of
Homeland Security.
Lewis Lukens, U.S. Ambassador.
Michael McFaul, Ambassador; Special Assistant to the
President and Senior Director for Russian and Eurasian
Affairs at the National Security Council.
Steven McGann, U.S. Ambassador.
Dennis McGinn, Vice Admiral, U.S. Navy; Assistant Secretary
of the Navy.
Joseph Medina, Brigadier General, U.S. Marine Corps.
Christopher Mellon, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense.
Connie Morella, U.S. Representative, 2003-2006; U.S.
Ambassador.
Janet Napolitano, Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland
Security.
Elizabeth Neumann, Assistant Secretary for Counterterrorism
and Threat Prevention, U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
Suzanne Nossel, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State.
William Owens, Admiral, U.S. Navy; Vice Chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Christopher Painter, Coordinator for Cyber Issues, U.S.
Department of State.
William Perry, Secretary of Defense.
Larry Pfeiffer, Chief of Staff, CIA; Senior Director, White
House Situation Room.
Annie Pforzheimer, Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary of
State for Afghanistan.
Randal Phillips, Senior Intelligence Service, CIA.
William Piekney, Senior Operations Manager, CIA.
Steven Pifer, Senior Foreign Service Officer; U.S.
Ambassador.
Tony Pipa, Chief Strategy Officer, USAID.
Marc Polymeropoulos, Senior Intelligence Service,
Directorate of Operations, CIA.
Allison Price, Senior Spokesperson, U.S. Department of
Justice.
Deborah Pryce, U.S. Representative, 1993-2009.
Ben Rhodes, Deputy National Security Advisor.
Thomas Ridge, Secretary, U.S. Department of Homeland
Security.
Denver Riggleman, U.S. Representative, 2019-2021.
Thomas B. Robertson, U.S. Ambassador.
Tim Roemer, 9/11 Commissioner; U.S. Ambassador; U.S.
Representative, 1991-2003.
Michael Rogers, Admiral, U.S. Navy; Commander, U.S. Cyber
Command; Director, National Security Agency.
Todd Rosenblum, Deputy Under Secretary of Intelligence,
U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
Paul Rosenzweig, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Policy,
U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
Nicholas Rostow, Legal Advisor to the National Security
Council; Staff Director, U.S. Senate Select Committee on
Intelligence.
Joel Rubin, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State.
Nilmini Rubin, Director, National Security Council.
David Scheffer, U.S. Ambassador.
Robert Shanks, Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Office of
Legal Counsel, U.S. Department of Justice; General Counsel,
Overseas Private Investment Corporation; General Counsel,
Peace Corps.
Christopher Shays, U.S. Representative, 1987-2009.
Douglas Silliman, U.S. Ambassador.
John Sipher, Senior Intelligence Service, CIA Clandestine
Service.
Peter Smith, U.S. Representative, 1989-1991.
Suzanne Spaulding, Under Secretary, U.S. Department of
Homeland Security.
Strobe Talbott, Deputy Secretary of State.
Miles Taylor, Chief of Staff, U.S. Department of Homeland
Security.
Tomicah Tillemann, Senior Advisor to the Secretary of
State; Speechwriter to the Secretary of State.
Kurt Tong, U.S. Ambassador.
Olivia Troye, Homeland Security and Counterterrorism
Advisor to Vice President Mike Pence.
Stanley A. Twardy, Jr., United States Attorney for the
District of Connecticut, 1985-1991.
Alexander Vershbow, NATO Deputy Secretary General;
Assistant Secretary of Defense; U.S. Ambassador.
Alexander Vindman, Lieutenant Colonel, U.S. Army; Director
for European Affairs, National Security Council.
Edward Walker, U.S. Ambassador; Assistant Secretary of
State for Near Eastern Affairs.
James Walsh, U.S. Representative, 1989-2009.
Zach Wamp, U.S. Representative, 1995-2011.
Thomas Warrick, Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Counterterrorism Policy, U.S. Department of Homeland
Security.
William Wechsler, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defence for
Special Operations and Combatting Terrorism.
Pamela White, U.S. Ambassador.
Christine Todd Whitman, Governor of New Jersey;
Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency.
Jonathan Winer, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for
International Law Enforcement; Special Envoy for Libya.
Tim Wirth, Under Secretary of State for Democracy and
Global Affairs; U.S. Senator, 1987-1993; U.S. Representative,
1975-1987.
Lawrence Wilkerson, Colonel, U.S. Army; Chief of Staff,
U.S. Secretary of State.
Douglas H. Wise, CIA Senior Intelligence Service; Deputy
Director, Defense Intelligence Agency.
Tamara Cofman Wittes, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State.
[[Page H2586]]
Stephen N. Xenakis, Brigadier General, U.S. Army.
Marie Yovanovitch, U.S. Ambassador.
Dov S. Zakheim, Under Secretary of Defense (Comptroller).
Peter D. Zimmerman, Chief Scientist, Senate Foreign
Relations Committee; Chief Scientific Advisor, US Arms
Control and Disarmament Agency; Science Advisor for Arms
Control, U.S. Department of State.
Ms. PELOSI. After the bipartisan agreement on this commission was
reached, the respected bipartisan chairs of the 9/11 Commission, Thomas
Kean and Lee Hamilton, endorsed it, as was mentioned by the chairman
and as I referenced earlier.
I want to repeat it because I think it bears repetition:
We very strongly urge House Members to support H.R. 3233,
the bipartisan National Commission to Investigate the January
6 Attack on the United States Capitol Complex bill that would
create a 9/11-style commission to investigate the January 6
assault on the U.S. Capitol. That was a dark day in American
history, one of the darkest.
As chairman and vice chairman of the 9/11 Commission, unity
of purpose was key to the effectiveness of the group. We put
country above party, without bias, the events before, during,
and after the attack. We sought to understand our
vulnerabilities in order to prevent future acts of terrorism.
The chair and vice chair went on to say:
Today, democracy faces a new threat. The January 6 attack
on the U.S. Capitol was one of the darkest days in the
history of our country. Americans deserve an objective and
accurate account of what happened.
Mr. Hamilton and Governor Kean said:
As we did in the wake of 9/11, it is time to set aside
partisan politics and come together as Americans in common
pursuit of truth and justice.
As I said earlier, Mr. Speaker, the Capitol of the United States has
always been a glorious beacon of democracy for the American people and
for the world.
This legislation is about something larger even than the commission,
vital as the commission is. This legislation is about our democracy,
about ensuring that the Capitol dome remains a symbol of freedom and
about preserving America's role as an emblem of resilience,
determination, and hope to the world.
Indeed, creating this commission sends a resounding message to
terrorists both at home and abroad: The commitment of the United States
Congress to the Constitution and to the American people is unshakeable.
In establishing the truth of January 6, this commission will protect
our temple of democracy and our democracy itself. It will ensure that
such an attack shall never happen again.
Can we just not wait, Mr. Speaker, for a time very soon when children
come here to learn, where the press can cover in a more open way, and
where the American people can come into the people's House?
That is what this Chamber has been called, the people's House. They
come to witness the debate that affects their lives. And whatever our
disagreement about policy, they are assured that we are unified in our
commitment in honoring our Constitution and respecting the institution
in which we serve.
Mr. Speaker, I urge a strong bipartisan vote for H.R. 3233 to
establish the national commission to investigate the January 6 attack
on the United States Capitol complex. I do so with the greatest
appreciation and respect to Chairman Bennie Thompson and to Ranking
Member Katko, and I hope, again, that the spirit of bipartisanship that
they engendered in bringing this legislation to the floor will only
grow as we go forward with the commission and with its recommendations.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the Speaker for her comments.
I want to reiterate for everyone to understand: The way that Mr.
Thompson and I crafted this bill, we crafted it in such a manner to
make sure it would be depoliticized entirely. There is an equal number
of members on both sides appointed by both sides. They have equal
subpoena power. They can't subpoena one person without the other person
on the other side of the aisle agreeing. They have to hire staff
together, all those things.
I want to make sure people understand that we did this for a reason
because that is exactly what made the 9/11 Commission successful and
made it effective.
As someone who was in Federal law enforcement for 20 years before I
took this job, I can tell you, Mr. Speaker, that our country is
infinitely safer because of what the 9/11 Commission did. We are much
stronger against terrorism, and we share information in much better
ways than we ever did--for example, the Joint Terrorism Task Forces,
which are all over this country.
I ask my colleagues to consider the fact that this commission is
built to work. It will be depoliticized, and it will get the results we
need because the Capitol itself and the Capitol Police officers will be
better off for it.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Georgia (Mrs.
Greene).
Mrs. GREENE of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this
bill and to the January 6 commission. I do so as a Member of Congress
because I believe this institution's duty is to serve the people of
this country and not itself.
In this past year, we have witnessed violent riots in American cities
all over this country. We have witnessed tremendous damage. Minneapolis
city officials estimate 700 buildings were damaged, burned, or
destroyed, including 360 local businesses. There has not been a
commission launched to study the reasons why that happened.
There has not been an investigation to stop the BLM and antifa riots
that have hurt innocent people and attacked government buildings and
Federal courthouses, taken over police precincts, created autonomous
zones in the city of Portland, and done so much damage to people all
over the country.
Studies show 570 protests in 220 different U.S. locations turned
violent over the summer. The $1 billion-plus riot damage is estimated
to be the most expensive in insurance history. It resulted in up to $2
billion of damages in 20 cities across the U.S., mostly concentrated in
L.A., Detroit, Miami, D.C., and New York.
{time} 1700
As a person who was a victim of the January 6 Capitol attack, I can
tell you that I am against the violence that happened that day, but I
do not believe a January 6 commission will achieve any resolution
because we have already had our Department of Justice arrest 445
people, with 100 more to be arrested soon.
There are also reports of people being held for 23 hours in solitary
confinement. That should not be happening. These people haven't even
had a court date yet.
What is going to happen with the January 6 commission is the media is
going to use this to smear Trump supporters and President Trump for the
next few years and cover up the real damage that is happening to the
people of this country, which is tearing down our economy, ripping our
borders wide open, and hurting this country.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the majority leader of the
Democratic Party.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding, and I
thank the chairman for his work.
I have been here a long time. This is my 40th year in the Congress of
the United States. I came at the same time Ronald Reagan was elected
President of the United States. It was clearly a time of difference in
the House and in the country between Republicans and Democrats, but it
was also a time when, frankly, the John Katkos of the Congress were
in the majority in the Republican Party. And by that I mean, Mr.
Speaker, people who wanted to work together to get results that, while
not perfect for either side, were good for the country.
So while I thank Mr. Thompson for the hard work he has done, I thank
Mr. Katko as well for doing what Americans expect us to do, to come
together, looking at a challenge to our country and to our people,
coming to a decision to resolve those challenges and those problems.
That is what Mr. Thompson and Mr. Katko have done. Indeed, I think
this is, in some ways, the best of days and, in some ways, the worst of
days because we have seen today two Republican leaders turn what ought
to be a nonpolitical issue, an issue with reference to a unique event,
not just a demonstration that has occurred.
[[Page H2587]]
I grew up in the 1960s. Whether it was civil rights or Vietnam, there
were a lot of demonstrations. But the Capitol of the United States was
not attacked. It was not invaded. It was not breached.
The work of the Congress of the United States was not stopped because
people were trying to get through the door, with some Members trying to
stop them who then said: These are just tourists.
It is sad because what the minority leader in the Senate and the
minority leader in the House said is exactly what Mr. Katko pointed
out. They wanted a commission that was even, as the 9/11 Commission was
even, so that both sides would have an equal voice.
What was the resolution that Mr. Thompson and Mr. Katko attained?
Equal division, equal voice. Not only equal voice in terms of numbers
but, for instance, one of the things that was controversial was about
subpoenas. Mr. Thompson and Mr. Katko arrived at a resolution that said
both sides have to agree, or alternatively, the committee can agree. In
light of the fact that the committee is evenly divided, it would
obviously have to be a bipartisan request for subpoenas.
Now, what we didn't agree on was the distraction and the dissembling.
Let's look at this corner; don't look here. Let's look at this corner;
don't look here. Let's look at that corner; don't look there. Don't
look at just the invasion, the insurrection that occurred on January 6;
look at everything else because maybe we can confuse the issue enough
that we will lose sight of the insurrection on January 6. We ought not
to do that.
I have been here a long time, but I also know the history of the
House, and I do not know of any other instance that is analogous to
January 6, not one.
In 1812, of course, there was a similar invasion, but it was from a
foreign enemy. It was not the enemy within. I said that on the floor
that morning as we finished the business of the House, notwithstanding
the insurrection.
Mr. Speaker, it is vital that Congress establish a bipartisan,
independent commission to investigate January 6, not some other date.
That does not absolve any wrongdoing anywhere at any time. But it says
that this unique insurrection is a danger to our democracy, not to
Republicans or Democrats, to our democracy, to our Congress, to the
people's House and the United States Senate, which was occupied. At
least this House was not occupied.
But Members were terrified, work was stopped, and democracy, for a
short period of time, was overtaken by armed, violent insurrectionists.
Certainly, each one of us ought to be very concerned about getting to
the bottom of why that happened. How did it happen? How can we stop it
from happening again? What are the resources that we need, and, yes,
who was responsible? Some, perhaps, are going to vote against this
because that is what they fear.
The 9/11 Commission, as Mr. Katko pointed out, made America safer. It
made this institution safer. It made our law enforcement more acutely
aware of the failures that led to 9/11. I hope this commission does the
same. I have talked to numerous Republicans who tell me they think it
was right that we focused on January 6. Don't be distracted. Don't
cover up or make it more lacking in clarity by trying to deal with
every problem that we may have. Focus on January 6.
Together, Mr. Katko and Mr. Thompson negotiated a bipartisan
agreement to move forward with such a commission based on input from
Democrats and Republicans. There are going to be a significant number
of Republicans who vote for this bill.
Unfortunately, the truth has been a victim over the last couple of
weeks. It was okay for Liz Cheney to tell the truth once, but when the
former President of the United States kept telling a lie, and she said
that is a lie each time that he said it, well, that was not
appropriate, so she was removed. But the truth was removed with her.
See no evil, hear no evil.
The commission, as a result of Ranking Member Katko's participation
in these discussions, will be equally composed, as I said. It will have
subpoena power that will be shared by both sides. I was pleased that we
reached a bipartisan agreement and sad for this institution, for this
country, for the American people who must think: Well, can't you agree
on anything?
The minority leader got what he asked for, yet he won't take yes for
an answer. Trump does not want this commission. That can be my only
explanation.
Throughout my career, both in the State senate for 12 years, as
president of the Senate, and here in this body for 40, I think I am
known on the other side of the aisle as somebody you can work with. I
hope that is the case because I think that is the way Americans want us
to work.
President Trump opposes this commission. I am not sure why. It is
deeply disappointing that there is a division among Republicans about
whether to support the ranking member who worked hard to get to this
place and got what the minority leader asked for, except for the
distraction, except for the dissembling. He didn't get that. But he got
everything else.
Mr. Speaker, I hope my Republican colleagues will think not about
their politics, not about the former President, not about themselves. I
hope they will think of the country, of this Congress, of this House.
As they do so, I hope they say to themselves: We will vote for this
legislation.
What if George Bush had said we shouldn't have a 9/11 Commission,
perhaps out of fear that somehow the administration would have been
perceived as being responsible for 9/11? They weren't. Wouldn't all of
us have said: What are you talking about that we are not going to have
a commission to see how we can protect the Capitol and why this Capitol
was stopped from doing the work of our democracy?
This legislation is going to pass. It is going to pass on a
bipartisan basis, and I want to thank Mr. Katko for having the courage
and the integrity to stand up, fighting for what the minority leader
asked for.
I say to Mr. Thompson that that is the funny thing about this. I hope
Senators will think long and hard about rejecting this bipartisan
compromise to move forward, to protect our democracy, and to lift it up
as the beacon that it has been and needs to be not only for our own
citizens but for all the world.
How sad that day was as the world watched, as TVs showed them
America's citadel of democracy and of freedom invaded by its own
citizens.
Vote ``yes.'' It is the right thing to do.
{time} 1715
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from North
Carolina (Mr. Bishop).
Mr. BISHOP of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I had not intended to
speak, but the careful mask of bipartisanship seems to have faltered
here at the last, with the majority leader's attacks on the minority
leader, who has not spoken, and the minority leader in the Senate for
comments he has made in public but not in debate.
So what was an image of bipartisan cooperation has now become one
more partisan attack. It caused me to believe that it was important to
stand up and say this: How can you have a bipartisan commission with an
all-Democrat staff? How do you do that?
And why is it that there is no willingness to look into all of the
riots and the arson and the violence and the burning? If we are
concerned about the danger that police officers were in on January 6--
and certainly they were--then why don't we have that concern for the
dangers, the violence, the injuries, the deaths that have been faced by
police officers across this country?
Why is one form of political violence equivalent to 9/11 when a blind
eye has been turned by this Congress, or at least by the majority in
this Congress, to that same phenomenon across this country for a year?
Where is the inquiry into that?
When the images are raised, the lurid images of insurrection--let me
just say this. If it was an insurrection, it was the worst example of
an insurrection in the history of mankind. It was a riot, it was a mob,
it was significant, and it was troublesome.
But this is not bipartisanship, and I fear that the gentleman from
New York may find that he has been played.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as
I may consume.
[[Page H2588]]
Mr. Speaker, I am not going to argue with the previous speaker. I
just say: Read the bill. And if you read the bill, you will understand
it is a bipartisan bill.
It is not a partisan bill; it is absolutely bipartisan. The staff
will be picked just like the staff was picked for the 9/11 Commission.
It is just like the earlier bill the ranking member talked about, the
Rodney Davis bill.
We looked, Mr. Speaker, at this issue because the world saw what
happened on January 6, and it is clear that we put together a
bipartisan bill for the good of the country. It is in that spirit that
we are here today.
Mr. Speaker, how much time is remaining?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Mississippi has 6 minutes
remaining. The gentleman from New York has 15 minutes remaining.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Carolyn B. Maloney), the chair of the
Committee on Oversight and Reform.
Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I thank the
chairman and ranking member for their extraordinary leadership, for
doing the right thing, and for working to make this country safer and
stronger.
Like my friend on the other side of aisle from North Carolina, I
didn't intend to speak either.
As a New Yorker, I was closely involved in supporting the work of the
9/11 Commission. It, too, like January 6, was one of the darkest days
in the history of our country, and we needed answers on how such a
horrible thing could happen. Almost 3,000 people were murdered just
because they went to work that day. Many things needed to be answered.
This body came together. We were united; we were determined; we
passed the Commission. We had two outstanding leaders, Governor Kean
and Lee Hamilton. They did everything together. They issued a report
that sold more copies than Harry Potter. I nominated it for a National
Book Award. It laid out what happened so clearly from their joint
investigations. More importantly, it told us what to do about it. They
had a series of recommendations to make this country safer.
This body worked together and enacted most of them, and it did make
this country safer. In fact, I get periodic reports from the law
enforcement in my city on attempts to hurt us and how the reforms and
the programs we put in place are helping us, making us stronger and
protecting us better.
We need this January 6 commission, for the sake of America. Let's
stop fighting long enough to work together to help our country
understand what happened.
Why did it take 4 hours for the National Guard to respond? In New
York, they would have been there in 10 minutes. Why didn't they respond
to all of the news reports about what was happening? We need answers.
Let's come together and work together and get them.
A January 6 commission, I urge for the sake of the country, everyone
should vote for it.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas
(Mr. Gohmert).
Mr. GOHMERT. Mr. Speaker, look, things have changed a lot since the
9/11 Commission. Back then, we did not have a problem on either side of
the aisle condemning anti-Semitic remarks. Now one side has a problem
doing that.
Back then, we had never, in the history of Congress, had one party
commit what arguably is felony, up to 20 years in prison, by preventing
an ongoing session of Congress, the exact charge, 18 USC 1512, that is
being alleged against people that came in. As a judge, I would have no
problem sentencing anybody that broke into the Capitol, anybody that
committed a crime here.
But let's be real. The partisanship has been dramatic. That is why it
is different now than the 9/11 Commission. Let's get back to being
bipartisan and not use every tool as a partisan stick to beat
Republicans with.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from the Virgin Islands (Ms. Plaskett).
Ms. PLASKETT. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this bill, the
National Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the U.S.
Capitol.
I want to thank Chairman Thompson and Ranking Member Katko for
bringing this bill to the floor.
On January 6, we witnessed one of the darkest moments in our Nation's
history when a violent mob attacked the U.S. Capitol. These individuals
desecrated the Halls of Congress, attacked law enforcement, and
attempted to stop the democratic process. The clearest way for us to
uphold our oath to defend the Constitution and protect this
institution, our democracy, from those who directly attempted to thwart
its operations, is through an independent, evenly-divided, bipartisan
commission. We need to understand not just what were the breakdowns in
security and the failures of our intelligence, but why. What are those
issues which caused fellow Americans to believe they needed to
overthrow their government?
Those who believe the former President had no culpability should not
be afraid of a commission that derives its power from both sides
equally.
I ask all of my colleagues to join me in supporting this bill.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas
(Mr. Roy).
Mr. ROY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York for his
work on this effort. I appreciate my colleagues on the other side of
the aisle and the intent of what we are trying to accomplish.
Obviously, we are all very concerned and should be concerned about
what occurred on January 6, all of us who were here in the Chamber, all
of us who saw what unfolded.
My concern, and the reason that I am opposing this legislation, is
that I believe we have got a significant amount of power with our
existing structures in place, the Committee on Oversight and Reform,
the Committee on the Judiciary, and otherwise. While the investigation
is going on at the Department of Justice, we ought to be looking at
that and using those powers to do what we can to seek the truth
wherever it may lead.
I have questions right now for the Department of Justice. We have got
450 Americans who have been arrested. I don't know for how long, I
don't know how many of them are in jail, or for what period of time. We
are trying to look into that. I have sent letters to the Department of
Justice to get those answers.
I wish the gentlewoman who spoke, the chair of the Committee on
Oversight and Reform, would afford us the ability to call people
forward from the Department of Justice. Let's inquire as to what is
going on. Let's inquire about the investigations. Let's inquire about
the facts that have been found. Let's use the powers that we have and
the powers of this body and the committees we have to seek the
information and the truth, wherever it may lead.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the
gentlewoman from Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky).
Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank Chairman Thompson for
his leadership.
While the events of January 6 were devastating and will stain our
country's history forever, I have no doubt that democracy will prevail.
This Nation has fought back against hatred, authoritarianism, and
fascism since the very founding.
Yes, I stand proudly today to ask for a January 6 commission so that
we can develop a full public record that will let us know how we can
avoid this in the future.
We should all vote ``yes.''
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I just want to take a few moments to address some of the
arguments that have been made here today, and some of the arguments
that have been made in opposition to this bill.
One of them is talking about the scope of the commission being too
narrow. I want to note that the commission is granted sufficient scope
and flexibility to investigate targeted violence and domestic terrorism
relevant to the January 6 attack. It will be up to the commission to
decide how far they want to go with that perimeter.
Do I feel that the attack on the Capitol on April 2 that killed a
Capitol Police Officer is relevant? I do. I hope the commission does,
too.
[[Page H2589]]
Do I feel that the June 17 attack on Republican Members of Congress
is relevant to the January 6 attack? I do. I hope the commission does.
They have the flexibility to do so, if they want.
If there are other issues outside of this scope, we can look into
them. We can have separate legislation. I encourage my colleagues, who
are concerned about that, to do that.
Another charge I heard was that the commission could be controlled by
partisan staff hired unilaterally by the commission chair. That is
simply not true.
Here is what the bill does. It requires consultation between the
chair, appointed by the Democrats, and the vice chair, appointed by the
Republicans, for any hiring of staff. Further, it requires that it be
in accordance with the rules agreed upon by the commission. The
commission creates the rules as a team. They then hire as a team.
Lastly, there has been some concerns or arguments made about the
criminal investigations. Make no mistake about it. This commission has
nothing to do with the criminal investigations. This commission, by
law, cannot interfere with criminal investigations. Criminal
investigations alone won't get us what we need, like the 9/11
Commission concluded. It won't get us the recommendations, the insight,
the expertise from the people on the commission who can come in, look
at the Capitol security matrix, and say this is what needs fixing. A
prosecutor can't tell you that. The commission can. That is what we
want to do.
Second, the bill specifically requires the commission to respect
ongoing investigations and build upon the investigations, learn from
them, and avoid unnecessary duplication.
This language, in that respect, goes further than the 9/11 Commission
in H.R. 275 in granting deference to other ongoing investigations.
So I just want to make sure people are clear about that going
forward.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
{time} 1730
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Ryan).
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from New York
and the other Republicans who are supporting this for their
bipartisanship.
To the other 90 percent of our friends on the other side of the
aisle, holy cow. Incoherence. No idea what you are talking about.
Benghazi, you guys chased the former Secretary of State all over the
country, spent millions of dollars. We have people scaling the Capitol,
hitting the Capitol Police with lead pipes across the head, and we
can't get bipartisanship.
What else has to happen in this country?
This is a slap in the face to every rank-and-file cop in the United
States.
If we are going to take on China, if we are going to rebuild the
country, if we are going to reverse climate change, we need two
political parties in this country that are both living in reality, and
you ain't one of them.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to direct their remarks
to the Chair.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I ask that we all take a deep breath right
now. Everybody breathe for a minute and everybody stop the theatrics,
and everybody stop the arguments that are not relevant to this issue.
This is a very solemn moment. We are here to talk about something
that is very important to the entire of our Government and the entire
of our country. I ask that we think about the officers and their
families and conduct ourselves accordingly.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the
gentlewoman from New Jersey (Mrs. Watson Coleman).
Mrs. WATSON COLEMAN. Mr. Speaker, I just want to say that January 6
was a frightening experience. It was an assault upon the fundamentals
of this Government. It was an assault upon the place I thought I was
going to be the safest I could possibly be, and we politicize this.
This is an opportunity to bring this bipartisan commission into
existence so that we can get out of the politics of it and look at the
facts that happened, the evidence that happened, and the
recommendations that will ensue from that effort.
I wholeheartedly support this effort. I am grateful for the
bipartisanship of it, and I pray that all of our colleagues will
support this.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time remains?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York has 9\1/2\
minutes remaining. The gentleman from Mississippi has 1\1/2\ minutes
remaining.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close and I yield myself the
balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, this legislation is not about partisan politics. It is
about finding the truth and addressing the vulnerabilities of our
security apparatus so that we can emerge stronger and better prepared.
The January 6 attack was a completely preventable failure of
intelligence, information sharing, decisionmaking, and preparedness.
The Capitol Police and D.C. police suffered greatly and continue to
suffer as a result.
The institutions of our democracy are and will continue to be a
target for extremists set on using violence to further their ideology.
We, in Congress, owe it to this Nation, to our constituents, and to the
dedicated men and women who risk their lives every single day to
protect those institutions--and I honor them--to see that we learn from
those attacks, that we get answers to the hard questions, and that we
do not repeat the mistakes of the past.
Capitol Police Officers Brian Sicknick and Howard Liebengood, as well
as D.C. Police Officer Jeffrey Smith, all lost their lives in the wake
of the January 6 attack. Over 140 more law enforcement officers--140--
were injured as a result of that attack.
Less than 4 months later, on April 2, Capitol Police Officer William
``Billy'' Evans was killed and another officer was injured when yet
another extremist attacked the Capitol.
And, of course, we can't forget the 2017 terrorist attack against
Republican Members of Congress during practice for the Congressional
Baseball Game. Were it not for the officers involved, there would be
scores of dead Congressmen. That is the plain truth. I acknowledge the
heroic efforts of David Bailey and Crystal Griner.
We owe it to all of these officers and their families to ensure that
nothing like this ever happens again. This legislation is modeled
directly on the legislation that created the 9/11 Commission. I
sincerely believe that this commission, with strong support from this
body, will embark on an objective, nonpartisan search for answers and
solutions, just as the 9/11 Commission did.
Again, I want to thank my friend, Chairman Thompson, for his
partnership.
I urge everyone in the body, on both sides--not just my side and not
just the other side, all of us--to set aside politics just this once--
just this once. I beg Members to pass this bill.
I was a prosecutor for 20 years prior to coming here to Congress, and
many times we would meet at 4:30 in the morning or 5:00 in the morning,
and they would get ready to go out and do the raids and arrest very,
very dangerous people. I was always the last person to see them before
they went out to get these awful, dangerous people off the street: drug
dealers, murderers, violent people. They did their job every day, and I
was sending them into harm's way. It always made my heart sink.
Imagine being a family member of these officers who do this. So let's
take a deep breath and think about what is really important here. These
people, every single day, are willing to lay down their lives for us.
They deserve better, and we are going to deliver this. We are going
to deliver it on behalf of Capitol Police Officer Brian Sicknick. We
are going to deliver it on behalf of Capitol Police Officer Howard
Liebengood. We are going to deliver it on behalf of Capitol Police
Officer William ``Billy'' Evans. We are going to deliver it on behalf
of D.C. Police Officer Jeffrey Smith. We are going to deliver it on
behalf of D.C. Police Officer Michael Fanone and so many others who
struggle with the events of that day. We do so on behalf of the people
who risked their lives for us and continue to, like Capitol Police
[[Page H2590]]
Officer David Bailey and Capitol Police Officer Crystal Griner.
I want these officers and their families to know that we are doing it
not for us and not for politics. We are doing it for them. We are doing
it for them.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this legislation, and I
yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance
of my time.
At the outset, let me salute Mr. Katko for his agreeing to work in a
bipartisan manner so that we can get this bill to the floor and adopted
today.
Mr. Speaker, we are here today at a unique moment in American
history. Trust in our government's ability to share information and
coordinate at all levels to keep our democracy secure was severely
shaken by the January 6 attack.
We need a bipartisan commission with experts who put country ahead of
party to come together, just as the commission did, to lay out the
facts and proposed solutions to make us more secure.
When the chairman of the 9/11 Commission issued their final report,
they concluded a message to the public. It asked that each of us
remember how we felt on that day of the attack. It asked that we recall
the grief and sorrow.
This moment is no less historic, no less important, no less
momentous, and it requires the same common action, both as Congress and
as a country.
I, too, salute the brave men and women of the Capitol Police who put
their lives on the line on January 6 protecting this citadel of
democracy, and it is in their spirit that I ask that you vote in
support of this legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, the chairman and ranking member
of the House Homeland Security Committee have negotiated in good faith
over several weeks a bipartisan bill--H.R. 3233--to establish a ten-
member national commission to investigate the January 6th attack on the
Capitol.
I'm voting yes.
If enacted into law both the Republican and Democrat leaders would
each select five commissioners who would be tasked with investigating
the ``facts and causes'' of the attack.
The Commission may issue subpoenas, but subpoenas may only be issued
by agreement between the Chair and Vice Chairperson of the Commission--
one Democrat and one Republican--or by the vote of a majority of the
members of the Commission.
Any interim report, or the final report--which must be submitted to
the President and Congress no later than December 31, 2021--must be
agreed to by a majority of Commission members.
According to the text of H.R. 3233, the final report should include
``findings, conclusions, and recommendations, which may include changes
in law, policy, procedures, rules, or regulations, to improve the
detection, prevention, preparedness for, and response to targeted
violence and domestic terrorism and improve the security posture of the
United States Capitol Complex and ensure the security of Members of
Congress and staff.''
The attack on January 6 resulted in a tragic loss of life and
physical injury. 140 Capitol and D.C. police officers were injured on
January 6th, including 15 who were hospitalized. Three police officers
later died--including a brave Capitol police officer from New Jersey,
Brian Sicknick, who died of a stroke on January 7th and two other
officers died by suicide. Four rioters died--one was shot by police.
It is my hope that the Commission will establish the truth and
provide a way forward to ensure that such an attack never happens
again.
Ms. SLOTKIN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my strong support
for H.R. 3233, which would create an independent, bipartisan ``National
Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the United States
Capitol Complex.''
The attack on the Capitol was one of the darkest days in our Nation's
history--an assault on the foundation of our democratic system, and an
attempt to stop Congress's work through violence. I am proud that we
didn't let the attempt succeed: thanks to the heroism and incredible
sacrifices of the U.S. Capitol Police that day to defend the heart of
our democracy, both houses of Congress returned to the Capitol and
worked through the night to certify and uphold the will of the American
people.
Now, it is our duty to ensure that such an attack on our democracy is
never able to happen again. That work begins with ensuring that we have
an honest, independent investigation of what happened that day and how
it was possible--a task perfectly suited for the commission the House
has voted to create today, with bipartisan support. This bill creates a
1/6 Commission that follows the model set by the 9/11 Commission, whose
landmark investigation wasn't just for Washington insiders or policy
wonks, but the American people.
The 9/11 Commission's final report was written in easily accessible
prose, and published as a bestselling paperback which was available in
bookstores and newsstands across the country. It helped ordinary
Americans understand how such an appalling attack had been possible,
who needed to be held accountable, and what we as a nation had to do to
ensure it would never happen again.
And two decades later, its impact hasn't faded: even today, a whole
generation of Americans who were just children on 9/11, or were even
born after the attacks, have looked to the Commission's work to help
them make sense of that dark chapter in our history.
The Commission also delivered a vital wake-up call to our national
security establishment. As one of the first dozen staff members at the
Office of the Director of National Intelligence, which grew out of the
9/11 Commission's recommendations, I saw firsthand how the Commission's
independent investigation pushed our government to meet the serious
challenges we faced. I keep my original, dog-eared copy of the 9/11
Commission report in my congressional office as a constant reminder,
because it drove systemic change where systemic failures had occurred.
The 1/6 Commission that the House has approved today is built on the
same principles that enabled the success of the 9/11 Commission: It has
a bipartisan structure--five Republicans, five Democrats--and
bipartisan support in Congress.
It will operate by consensus and will have the subpoena power, budget
and staff needed to conduct a proper investigation.
And it has a mandate to look at the full scope of facts and causes
that led to or influenced this specific, unprecedented attack on our
democracy. As those of us from Michigan are well aware, this attack
didn't happen in isolation. It was the result of months, if not years,
of escalating rhetoric and activity--which is why it's vital that this
commission has a strong, focused mandate.
But even beyond its structure, what characterized the 9/11
Commission's work was a commitment among its members to work together
in good faith, to uncover the truth behind what led to the attack on
our Nation, no matter how disturbing or painful.
As Governor Tom Kean and Congressman Lee Hamilton, the bipartisan
leaders of the
9/11 Commission, said in a statement today, it was their commitment to
``put country over party, without bias'' that led to the ``unity of
purpose [that] was key to [its] effectiveness.''
The Commission's findings and work were seen as objective and
legitimate because of that combination of structure and patriotic, good
faith commitment--the model only works if we have both.
That's why it's so important that this is, from its very design, a
bipartisan initiative. To that end, I want to take a moment to thank
Chairman Thompson and Ranking Member Katko for their leadership and
their commitment to finding this consensus.
As a member of the Committee on Homeland Security, and as Chair of
the Subcommittee on Intelligence and Counterterrorism, I have been
honored to work alongside them both over the past few years. Their
collaboration sets an example that we would all do well to follow.
We cannot allow this vital inquiry to turn into a political
football--it's simply too important to our country. That's why I
opposed an early proposal for this bill that skewed the number of
commissioners towards Democratic appointees.
I'm committed to ensuring that this commission has the credibility it
needs to take on this investigation, and I am pleased that the bill we
passed today gives it the structural integrity it needs. That's why I
urge my Republican colleagues in the Senate to take the time, and do
what I did last week: actually sit down and read this bill.
Print out a copy of it, as well a copy of the bill from 2002 which
created the 9/11 Commission. Put them side-by-side, take out a pen and
mark up the similarities.
You'll see that in so many cases, this bill uses the exact same
language on scope, participation and authorities as the 9/11 Commission
authorization, which was approved by a Republican-led House, and signed
into law by a Republican president.
Because, let's be clear: if you oppose this bill and the commission
it creates, you would have opposed the 9/11 Commission twenty years
ago. The American people deserve the truth, and we owe it to them as
their elected representatives to ensure they hear it in its entirety
from an independent and objective body they can trust. And if you
oppose this bipartisan legislation, you are choosing political
expediency over ensuring that our citizens hear the truth they deserve.
[[Page H2591]]
The 9/11 attacks took place during my first week of graduate school,
and I joined the CIA because I wanted to help make sure nothing like it
ever happened again--a motivation that was informed by a clear
understanding of what had happened and of our own failures, made
possible by the 9/11 Commission.
Today, I will cast my vote in support of taking the next step that
will help us understand this attack on our Nation--no matter how
disturbing or painful that truth may be.
Its work will be vital to meeting the new security challenges we
face, and to beginning to heal the divisions across our country. I urge
my colleagues in the Senate to join the House in passing this bill and
starting an honest conversation with the American people.
Ms. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, today I rise in support of H.R.
3233, the National Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on
the United States Capitol Complex Act.
Just four months ago, the nation stood still as the Capitol of the
United States--the very beacon of our democracy--was attacked by a
violent and armed mob of insurrectionists. Seeking to interrupt, even
prevent, the proceedings to certify the result of the 2020 General
Election, these insurrectionists descended upon our capital city
inspired by the rhetoric of former President Donald Trump and leaders
in the Republican party. What then transpired on January 6 will be
recorded as one of the darkest days in the history of our nation and of
democracies everywhere.
The halls of the Capitol remain littered with remnants of the attack.
Shattered glass panes, broken furniture, and missing statues now define
the building--none of which compare to the trauma and fear still
lingering in the minds of Members, aides, press, and support staff
alike. Three officers of the U.S. Capitol Police Force lost their
lives, and hundreds more were injured during the hours-long siege.
That is why the establishment of this bipartisan commission is
necessary, Mr. Speaker. Composed of both Republicans and Democrats, it
would explore the events that led to the attack, the security failures
at the Capitol complex, and the corrective measures necessary to
prevent it from ever happening again. Members of the commission would
be experts in the fields of law, security, and intelligence. They would
be thorough in their investigation, wide in their scope, and united in
their mission to uncover the truth.
Those who oppose the commission as part of an effort to write off
what happened, or to simply ``move on,'' clearly don't understand what
is at stake. The same hatred that drove the insurrectionists that day
is still alive and well--even present here in this body. If we fail to
address, review, and reflect on what happened on January 6th, I fear
that this hatred will go unpunished, and therefore remain prevalent in
our society and in the Congress.
Mr. Speaker, I urge the swift passage of the legislation and hope for
its immediate consideration in the Senate.
Ms. BONAMICI. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 3233, the
National Commission to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the United
States Capitol Complex Act.
On January 6, 2021, our democratic republic came under direct attack
in an attempt to block the certification of Joseph R. Biden as the duly
elected President of the United States of America. Donald Trump and
others sought to subvert the will of voters when they incited violent
rioters to invade the U.S. Capitol with the hope of overturning a
legitimate election. Criminals and domestic terrorists, many espousing
racist and hateful ideologies, desecrated the sacred center of the
people's government. This was terrifying and infuriating for those
whose lives were in danger and for the millions of Americans who
watched in horror. I am grateful for the actions of the U.S. Capitol
Police and DC Metropolitan Police officers who put their lives on the
line to protect this institution and the people who work here. I also
mourn for the lives that were lost.
Many questions remain about the actions of those involved and the
security response that day, as well as in the days prior to and
following the violent attack on the Capitol. The country deserves
answers. This independent, bipartisan commission will investigate and
report the facts surrounding the events of January 6. It will provide a
full and fair accounting of the mistakes made and lessons learned. And,
importantly, the commission will recommend steps that Congress and the
federal government can take to prevent future violence and strengthen
our democratic institutions.
Our Nation is resilient, and the Constitution will endure because of
the commitment of those who have sworn to support and defend it. In
keeping with my oath, I look forward to acting on the findings of the
National Commission so the country emerges stronger from this dark
chapter of its history.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate has expired.
Pursuant to House Resolution 409, the previous question is ordered on
the bill.
The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the bill.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was
read the third time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the passage of the bill.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. KATKO. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further proceedings on this question
are postponed.
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