[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 37 (Friday, February 26, 2021)]
[House]
[Pages H762-H773]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 1319, AMERICAN RESCUE PLAN ACT OF
2021
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules,
I call up House Resolution 166 and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 166
Resolved, That immediately upon adoption of this
resolution, the House shall proceed to the consideration in
the House of the bill (H.R. 1319) to provide for
reconciliation pursuant to title II of S. Con. Res. 5. All
points of order against consideration of the bill are waived.
The amendment printed in the report of the Committee on Rules
accompanying this resolution shall be considered as adopted.
The bill, as amended, shall be considered as read. All points
of order against provisions in the bill, as amended, are
waived. The previous question shall be considered as ordered
on the bill, as amended, and on any further amendment
thereto, to final passage without intervening motion except:
(1) one hour of debate equally divided among and controlled
by the chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on
the Budget or their respective designees and the chair and
ranking minority member of the Committee on Ways and Means or
their respective designees; and (2) one motion to recommit.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Massachusetts is
recognized for 1 hour.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield
the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Burgess),
pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During
consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose
of debate only.
General Leave
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Massachusetts?
There was no objection.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, today the Rules Committee met for over
10 hours and reported a rule, House Resolution 166, providing for
consideration of H.R. 1319, the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021, under
a closed rule.
The rule provides 1 hour of debate equally divided among and
controlled by the chairs and ranking minority members, or their
designees, of the Committee on the Budget and the Committee on Ways and
Means.
The rule self-executes a manager's amendment by Chairman Yarmuth and
provides one motion to recommit.
Madam Speaker, since the emergence of the coronavirus, our Nation has
been in a perpetual state of mourning. The number of Americans killed
by this pandemic is nearly equal to one death a minute every minute for
a year.
Every corner of society has been impacted: More than 18 million
Americans are receiving unemployment benefits; nearly 24 million
Americans are going hungry with roughly 12 million children living in
households with food insecurity; up to 40 million Americans cannot
afford to pay rent; 8 of 10 minority-owned businesses are on the brink
of closure; and I could go on and on and on, Madam Speaker. This is a
time to act and to act boldly.
That is why we began work on the American Rescue Plan nearly 1 month
ago. Nine committees have now marked up portions of the bill, spending
more than 100 hours debating more than 400 amendments. We have acted
swiftly, Madam Speaker, but we have also acted deliberately, guided by
the reality that the American people need us to act urgently.
More vaccines need to get to more people, so this plan will set up
community vaccination sites nationwide. Our schools need to safely
reopen, so this bill will deliver new resources to help them do so.
Working families need more immediate relief, so the American Rescue
Plan also provides an additional $1,400 per person and direct
assistance. That will bring the total amount of direct assistance
recently provided to $2,000 per person.
This bill also extends unemployment benefits and boosts the Federal
minimum wage so that 27 million workers get a raise. Sadly, the Senate
rules will cause this provision to be removed when it is considered
there.
But I want the American people to know this, we, on the Democratic
side, we will not stop fighting to make a minimum wage increase a
reality. No one, and I mean no one, who works full time in the richest
nation on this planet should have to live in poverty.
There is also nutrition assistance included to combat the growing
hunger crisis. And support for local communities on the frontlines of
this health emergency. There is aid here for small businesses, expanded
PPP eligibility, and resources for our first responders, for our
teachers, for our transit workers, and so much more.
This is what it looks like when Congress acts in a way that matches
the scale of the problem that we face. Nearly 7 in 10 Americans support
this plan. More than 150 leaders of our Nation's top businesses came
out this week in support of this plan.
Republican officeholders like the Governor of West Virginia have
encouraged Congress to go big here. And local Republican leaders, like
the mayor of Miami, and so many other Republican mayors across this
country from red States, support our President's proposal. This is a
bipartisan response to the coronavirus crisis.
We all joined together on the Capitol steps on Tuesday to mark the
500,000 lives lost to the coronavirus in this country. We didn't stand
as Democrats or Republicans, but as one Congress. We mourn the empty
seats at dinner tables, and the missed graduations, and weddings the
same way, not from our partisan corners, but as one American family.
Through our grief, we should respond here the same way. United in our
purpose to defeat this pandemic and rebuild our Nation.
Madam Speaker, I urge all my colleagues to stand together and with
the American people in support of this plan. Let's act big. Let's act
bold. Let's crush this virus.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts
for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time
as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, just before I begin, I also want to acknowledge that I
had sent the chairman of the Rules Committee a letter earlier in the
week, to which he today kindly responded, and I appreciate the prompt
response to my concerns about Capitol security.
Madam Speaker, today's rule provides for consideration of H.R. 1319,
the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021. Throughout this process,
Republicans have been completely excluded. I sit on the Committee on
Energy and Commerce, I sit on the Budget Committee, and I sit on the
Rules Committee, and throughout the markups in each of these committees
Republicans offered sincere amendments to improve the bill for the
American people.
While only 2 of the 245 Republican amendments offered were adopted,
the rule before us today strips out the one amendment adopted by a
rollcall vote.
Earlier today in the Rules Committee, over 200 amendments were
offered and debated, not a single one was made in order. The American
people at least deserve to have the suggestions of Members that they
elected to be debated on the House floor. They don't have to be
adopted, but they should at least be heard on the House floor. It seems
that the Democrats are unwilling to allow elected Members of Congress
to do their job and represent their constituents.
{time} 2045
With $1 trillion of funding left unspent from the previous--from the
[[Page H763]]
previous--coronavirus response bills, it does seem that we do have some
time to do our work, but, instead, we didn't even hold markups on this
portion of the bill.
While the Energy and Commerce Committee did hold a markup, all
Republican amendments were defeated. This portion of the bill includes
changes that will take months to implement, if indeed they happen at
all. Perhaps the most startling figure is less than 10 percent of these
dollars are actually spent on combating the coronavirus.
Despite spending over $14 billion on vaccines and therapeutics, after
$28 billion was just recently provided in the fiscal year 2021 omnibus,
this package does not contain any funding--zero funding--for the
National Institutes of Health. The National Institutes of Health has
been a critical partner in Operation Warp Speed and getting the vaccine
through the approval process in literally warp speed time and helping
the vaccine manufacturers in developing the coronavirus vaccine that we
are now so urgently needing.
This legislation includes many provisions that really should be
addressed outside of a coronavirus relief package, like providing a
State option for postpartum Medicaid coverage for women. While this is
a policy I have long advocated for, it should not be temporary, as this
legislation directs it to sunset after 7 years. Let's bring that bill
separately to the floor and get this policy right, just as we did in
the last Congress.
Furthermore, although there are billions of dollars directed to
public health, the Provider Relief Fund is curiously not replenished.
Again, why are we not supporting programs which we know work and we
know provide direct, targeted relief?
The Provider Relief Fund is a program that works, and that is why I
offered an amendment to add $35 billion to the Provider Relief Fund.
Adding to the partisan nature of this legislation is the lack of any
Hyde protections ensuring that none of this funding is used to
subsidize abortion. The Hyde amendment is a longstanding, bipartisan
agreement. Instead, there is $50 million included for Title X Family
Planning, which likely is going to go to Planned Parenthood and has
nothing to do with coronavirus relief.
This is a $1.9 trillion partisan wish list that could ultimately
increase the Federal deficit to between $2 trillion to $3 trillion
without addressing the immediate needs of Americans simply trying to
survive this pandemic.
So I would suggest that now is not the time to push through partisan
priorities. Barely a month ago, Congress passed, and President Trump
signed into law, a $900 billion coronavirus relief package. Combined
with previous relief packages, which were bipartisan and which were
worked on by both Democrats and Republicans in the last calendar year,
there remains $1 trillion in unspent funding.
Why is it so urgent to pass another $2 trillion now?
It is reminiscent of our former colleague, Rahm Emanuel, who said:
Never let a crisis go to waste.
Madam Speaker, I urge opposition to the rule, and I reserve the
balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Colorado (Mr. Perlmutter), who is a distinguished member of the Rules
Committee.
Mr. PERLMUTTER. Madam Speaker, I rise today to support the rule and
the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021.
The COVID-19 pandemic has cost the lives of over 500,000 Americans--
more than all the casualties of World War I, World War II, and the
Vietnam war combined. Millions more have been infected and are
recovering from the virus. Our economy has lost more than 10 million
jobs. Countless businesses have failed or are at risk of failing. So
our job today in Congress is to move quickly to address the physical,
emotional, and financial health of all Americans. We can accomplish all
three of these priorities through passage of the American Rescue Plan.
I want to touch on a few of the provisions included in this package.
First, our State and local governments, firefighters, police,
transportation workers, and healthcare providers have been on the front
lines of the pandemic, supporting their communities by developing
testing capabilities, supporting vulnerable populations, and now
deploying the vaccines as quickly as possible.
I am glad this bill includes $350 billion for State and local
governments all across the country.
We also need to work quickly to extend expiring unemployment
programs, which expire on March 14. We saw what happened when Senator
McConnell paused last year, and Coloradans are still struggling to
receive the benefits they are owed.
This legislation will invest $130 billion to support K-12 schools as
they work to return to in-person learning and help students catch up.
It will also include $40 billion in rental and housing assistance. In
the last month, Colorado has seen a record amount of requests for
rental assistance.
The time for action is now. President Biden is laser focused on
delivering relief to all Americans, and I am proud of his leadership so
we can provide this needed assistance as we vaccinate more people each
day. America needs this, America wants this, and they are going to get
it.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Reschenthaler), who is a valuable member of the Rules
Committee.
Mr. RESCHENTHALER. Madam Speaker, the payoff to progressives package
before us today has little to do with the ongoing pandemic. This bill,
which is the most expensive single bill in history, only allocates 9
percent of the $1.9 trillion price tag to actually defeating COVID.
So what are the Democrats spending the rest of the money on?
Corrupt pet projects, of course, and also payoffs to Progressive
liberal special interest groups.
Just look at it: $100 million for a Silicon Valley rail project near
Speaker Pelosi's district. Totally coincidentally, I am sure. Taxpayer
funded healthcare subsidies for illegal immigrants. Fifty million
dollars for Planned Parenthood. Hundreds of billions in bailouts to
blue State Governors, who crush small businesses with their draconian
lockdown measures. And a minimum wage mandate that, right off the bat,
would kill 1.4 million American jobs. The list goes on and on.
But do you know what Democrats aren't putting in this bill?
They aren't reopening our schools. In fact, this bill spends 95
percent of the education funding after the school year.
Democrats also aren't reopening our economy with this bill. In fact,
this bill spends $471 billion on policies that actually reduce
employment.
And they aren't targeting relief to where it is actually needed. In
fact, this bill gives checks to individuals who have not lost any
income and gives taxpayer-funded healthcare to millionaires.
President Biden and congressional Democrats had a chance to make good
on their empty promises to show unity and bipartisanship. They could
have worked with Republicans on a targeted relief bill that sends money
to where it actually needs to go and effectively spends $1 trillion in
the remaining funds that have already been allocated. Instead, they are
using this pandemic as pretext to force through a corrupt bill filled
with Progressive payoffs.
Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on H.R. 1319.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I include in the Record an article from
The Washington Post, titled ``Biden is winning Republican support for
his $1.9 trillion coronavirus relief plan. Just not in Washington.''
[From the Washington Post, Feb. 14, 2021]
Biden Is Winning Republican Support for His $1.9 Trillion Coronavirus
Relief Plan--Just Not in Washington
(By Griff Witte)
The pandemic has not been kind to Fresno, the poorest major
city in California. The unemployment rate spiked above 10
percent and has stubbornly remained there. Violent crime has
surged, as has homelessness. Tax revenue has plummeted as
businesses have shuttered. Lines at food banks are filled
with first-timers.
But as bad as it's been, things could soon get worse:
Having frozen hundreds of jobs last year, the city is now
being forced to consider laying off 250 people, including
police and firefighters, to close a $31 million budget
shortfall.
[[Page H764]]
``That,'' said Jerry Dyer, mayor of the half-million-strong
city in the Central Valley, ``is going to be devastating.''
The looming cuts explain why Dyer's eyes are fixed on
Washington, where President Biden's $1.9 trillion coronavirus
relief plan dangles the tantalizing prospect of a reprieve.
Though Dyer is a Republican, he's rooting for the president
to successfully push through federal aid that, after a
nightmarish year for Fresno, will ``help get us to the end.''
The first-term mayor's stance reflects a broader split, one
that gives Biden and his fellow Democrats a key tactical
advantage as negotiations near an expected climax early next
month.
Republicans in Congress overwhelmingly oppose the relief
bill, casting it as bloated and budget-busting, with some
heaping particular scorn on a measure to send $350 billion in
assistance to states and cities. Should Biden go ahead
without their approval, GOP leaders say, it will prove that
his mantra of bipartisanship rings hollow.
But to many Republicans at city halls and statehouses
across the country, the relief package looks very different.
Instead of the ``blue-state bailout'' derided by GOP
lawmakers, Republican mayors and governors say they see badly
needed federal aid to keep police on the beat, to prevent
battered Main Street businesses from going under and to help
care for the growing ranks of the homeless and the hungry.
``It's not a Republican issue or a Democrat issue,'' said
Dyer, who became mayor last month following a long career as
the city's police chief. ``It's a public health issue. It's
an economic issue. And it's a public safety issue.''
Surveys show that a broad majority of Americans support the
assistance, including large numbers of Republicans. Only a
minority among Republican voters agree with GOP lawmakers
that the aid package is too large, polls have found.
Biden on Friday highlighted the rift, inviting a bipartisan
group of mayors and governors to the White House to discuss
the specifics of the bill.
You folks are all on the front lines and dealing with the
crisis since day one,'' he told the group, which included the
Republican governors of Maryland and Arkansas, as well as
Republican mayors.
Miami Mayor Francis Suarez (R) later told reporters from
the podium in the White House briefing room that he had
spoken with Biden and Vice President Harris more in the first
several weeks of their administration ``than I had spoken to
the prior administration in the entirety.''
Biden said he brought the group to the White House to ask
``what do they think they need most.''
To many mayors and governors, it's a long list.
``I don't know of any city that hasn't been affected
negatively,'' Oklahoma City Mayor David Holt (R) said. ``Some
may be worse off than others. But we have all had to make
cuts.''
The impact has not been as severe as some economists
initially projected, however. When the pandemic first struck
American shores and much of the U.S. economy shut down last
spring, the prognosis for states and cities looked dire.
Analysts warned that cities--some of which had still not
fully recovered from the Great Recession more than a decade
ago--could be forced into bankruptcy.
But some of the worst consequences have already been
blunted by previous rounds of federal aid, as well as by the
nature of the economic recovery, with high-income
individuals--who contribute much of the state and local tax
base--bouncing back relatively quickly, even as poorer
families languish.
When 10 Republican senators visited the White House this
month to lay out their slimmed-down $618 billion
counterproposal to the president's plan, Mitt Romney (Utah)
came brandishing details from a J.P. Morgan analysis showing
that most states had seen only modest revenue declines.
Romney later told reporters that Biden's insistence on $350
billion in state and local aid was the biggest stumbling
block in negotiations.
``That kind of number just makes no sense at all,'' he
said. The Republican plan proposed to cut it entirely.
Yet as the J.P. Morgan analysis shows, the impact of the
pandemic has been unevenly felt, with some states--especially
those whose economies are heavily dependent on tourism or oil
and gas extraction--suffering dramatic declines.
A Brookings Institution analysis in September found that
although income tax revenue had proved resilient during the
pandemic, sales tax and transportation-related revenue had
been hit especially hard. As a result, states and cities were
projected to lose out on more than $450 billion over three
years.
And the pain hasn't only been on the revenue side. New
needs arising from the pandemic have created new costs.
``Cities were confronting some really big challenges even
before this crisis--income inequality, homelessness, housing
affordability,'' said Tracy Gordon, acting director of the
Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center.
All have been exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic, she
said. But many cities now have fewer resources with which to
address them.
In Oklahoma City, Holt said, revenue has been down by about
5 percent, a sharp departure from the robust growth the city
had become accustomed to before the pandemic. To compensate,
he said, the city has had to leave jobs unfilled and cut
funding for parks and recreation, even as the overall needs
of citizens and businesses have grown.
``We don't do much fluff here,'' he said. ``So whatever
we've had to cut, residents have experienced it.''
Republican lawmakers in Washington have dismissed aid to
cities as a bailout for governments that have long spent
beyond their means.
But Holt called that ``a red herring.'' Most state and city
governments--unlike the federal government--have to balance
their budgets, just as a business would.
But unlike businesses large and small that have received
grants or loans to make up for the damage done by the
coronavirus, cities have been left out.
``In a sense, we're the only employer that hasn't been able
to make an application to anyone to save our jobs and save
our services,'' said Holt, who noted that the city government
is one of his metro area's biggest employers. ``Support for
cities and states is way overdue.''
There has been some relief. The Cares Act, signed into law
by President Donald Trump last March, included $150 billion
for states and for the nation's 38 largest cities. But money
had to be spent directly on coronavirus expenses, creating
logistical hurdles in getting it out the door. Nearly a year
later, some of it remains unspent, a point Republicans make
in arguing for why additional taxpayer dollars should not be
allocated.
The aid proposed by Biden would not have the same
restrictions. Mayors say that will make it easier to quickly
get it into the hands of those who need it and to stimulate
economic growth.
Betsy Price proudly calls Fort Worth, the metropolis of
nearly 900,000 she has led for the past decade, ``a fiscally
conservative city.'' But the Republican said the pandemic has
forced the city government to spend more just to keep people
afloat, doling out small-business support, rental assistance
and help with utility bills.
Price joined more than 400 fellow mayors late last month--
including many Republicans--in signing a U.S. Conference of
Mayors letter that called on Congress to quickly pass Biden's
coronavirus relief plan. She said she had spoken with both of
Texas's senators--Republicans Ted Cruz and John Cornyn--and
made the same case.
``We're not asking the Democrats or the Republicans to put
money into city coffers,'' she said. ``We're asking them to
put it into the community to help people get back on their
feet.''
The National Governors Association has not released a
letter similar to the one endorsed by the mayors. But the
group did call for $500 billion in relief for states last
spring. And individual Republican governors have spoken up to
back Biden's relief plan, which can be enacted without GOP
support. That includes moderates such as Maryland's Larry
Hogan, as well as Trump-aligned conservatives such as West
Virginia's Jim Justice, who has urged Congress to ``go big.''
Suarez, the Miami mayor, has pushed the same message and
has put pressure on Florida's two Republican senators, Marco
Rubio and Rick Scott, to follow through.
The Republican recently co-wrote an op-ed with St.
Petersburg Mayor Rick Kriseman, a Democrat, in which they
addressed the senators directly and enumerated the problems
facing their cities, including unemployment, bankrupt
business and lines at food pantries that look like
``gridlocked freeways.''
``Florida's cities are in agony and are crying out for
help,'' they wrote. ``This is not sustainable.''
In an interview, Suarez said both senators have been
receptive to his message in private, though they also
expressed concerns about the price tag--concerns that Suarez
said he could understand, to a point.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Takano), who is the distinguished chairman of the
Committee on Veterans' Affairs.
Mr. TAKANO. Madam Speaker, I thank Chairman McGovern for yielding.
Madam Speaker, as of this week, over 10,000 veterans and 130 VHA
employees have lost their lives to COVID-19. Over 226,000 veterans and
18,000 VA employees have tested positive.
It is clear: We must act now.
This bill would provide funding to increase VA's claims and appeals
processing to reduce the backlog caused by COVID-19. It would deliver
critical funding for the Veterans Health Administration, bolster VA's
supply chain modernization, and support State veterans homes to upgrade
and enhance their safety operations. It would also fund stronger
oversight through the VA's Office of Inspector General, secure
assistance for unemployed veterans, and prohibit copayments for
veterans during the pandemic.
This bill is critical to ensure the health system that veterans rely
on can continue to meet their needs and serve as a backup to America's
overwhelmed healthcare systems.
While a return to handshakes, hugs, and visible smiles is on the
horizon, the
[[Page H765]]
path to get there requires this Congress to do quick and thorough work
to ensure we all get there together.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Meuser).
Mr. MEUSER. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas for
yielding.
Madam Speaker, over the past year, Congress has allocated nearly $4
trillion to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic. Now Democrat leadership
is following through on a campaign promise made by President Biden to
spend another $2 trillion.
Madam Speaker, further assistance is appropriate for those
individuals, families, and businesses who have been hit the hardest,
including restaurants; but this bill fails to recognize the improving
economic conditions, as well as the fact that more than $1 trillion
from previous relief packages remains unspent.
Just 9 percent of this bill goes towards combating the virus, and
just 1 percent is directed for vaccines. Instead, the apparent
priorities for Democrat leadership include a bailout for mismanaged
States, pension funds, an increase in the minimum wage, and half a
billion dollars for the arts and humanities.
Madam Speaker, Congress has already provided $68 billion for our
schools, more than double the CDC's highest estimate of what it would
take for our schools to open safely. We should be able to unite in
supporting an economic recovery, open our schools, increase testing,
and ensure the efficient distribution of vaccines.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
New Jersey (Mr. Pallone), who is the distinguished chairman of the
Energy and Commerce Committee.
Mr. PALLONE. Madam Speaker, President Biden has set forth a national
plan to crush the virus. With this bill, Congress is providing the
President with the resources and tools to implement a national plan
that was sorely lacking under President Trump. States competed against
each other during the Trump administration for personal protection
equipment, ventilators, and testing supplies. That now ends.
This legislation provides $20 billion to speed up the distribution
and administration of COVID-19 vaccines. It invests over $47 billion in
a national testing strategy. It invests $7 billion to hire 100,000 new
full-time public health workers to perform vital tasks, like vaccine
outreach and contact tracing. It invests more than $25 billion to
address health disparities.
We also include assistance for struggling families to help keep their
lights on, the heat working, and the water running. We included $7.6
billion to expand internet connectivity to help students and teachers
without home internet access.
Madam Speaker, the American Rescue Plan meets the unprecedented
challenges our Nation is facing, and it deserves strong bipartisan
support.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Pfluger), who is another valuable member of the Texas
delegation.
Mr. PFLUGER. Madam Speaker, I rise today in complete opposition to
the Democrats' blue State bailout bill.
This bill will cost the American taxpayer nearly $2 trillion--let
that sit for a second--$2 trillion when our Nation is already $27
trillion in debt.
Where does this money go?
Surely it will be spent towards fighting the pandemic and COVID.
Wrong. Only 9 percent of this money will go towards fighting COVID-19.
The rest of the funding is going towards Democrat pet projects, like a
subway in Silicon Valley and a bridge in New York. Taxpayers in Texas
should absolutely not be rewarding States who have kept their economies
shuttered and prevented workers from earning a living.
Madam Speaker, for these reasons and more, I urge my colleagues to
vote ``no.''
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Georgia (Mr. David Scott), who is the distinguished chairman of the
Committee on Agriculture.
Mr. DAVID SCOTT of Georgia. Madam Speaker, let's face facts. Let me
tell my Republican friends: We have a terrible hunger crisis going on
in this country right now. Fourteen million of our children are going
to bed hungry this night.
The American people are crying out: Congress, help us.
We have support of our measure from the American Farm Federation and
from Cargill, and we have support of our legislation from God Almighty
Himself.
What did He tell you and me?
He said: Feed the hungry and heal the sick.
America is hungry, America is sick, and America is calling on you
Republicans to love your people and take care of your people at this
critical time of need.
Madam Speaker, as the first African American Chairman of the House
Agriculture Committee, I am proud that the American Rescue Plan Act
provides support for all sectors of agricultural production, including
farmers, ranchers, and private forest land owners of color.
The U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) spends billions of dollars
annually in providing much needed support to American producers. Sadly,
Black farmers and other farmers of color have received a small share of
the USDA farm loans and payments as a result of discrimination. When
these producers did receive loans or payments, many of them were not
provided timely or proper loan servicing options due to discrimination,
which led to producers of color losing their land and operations.
Sections 1005 and 1006 of the American Rescue Plan Act provide
targeted and tailored support for these farmers and ranchers. I note
for the record that changes made to these sections in the Manager's
Amendment were to ensure that these sections would meet the
requirements of section 313 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 for
consideration in the United States Senate.
The systemic discrimination against Black farmers and other farmers
of color by USDA is longstanding and well-documented and continues to
present barriers for these producers to participate in the agricultural
economy. It is important that we document this history and the
continuing challenges for these farmers of color in the Congressional
Record.
A 1965 report by the United States Commission on Civil Rights found
that Federal, state, and local officials discriminated against Black
farmers in agricultural programs and that this discrimination actively
contributed to the decline in the Black ownership of farmland.
In 1968, a follow up report from the United States Commission on
Civil Rights found that Black farmers continued to face discrimination
when seeking farm loans and other forms of assistance.
In 1970, the United States Commission on Civil Rights again found
that discrimination continued in USDA program administration. The 1970
report indicated that prior to 1968, no Black farmer had ever been
elected to any former Agricultural Stabilization and Conservation
Service committee at the county level in the South. In 1970, two out of
more than 4,100 committee members in the South were Black farmers, even
though there were 58 counties in the South, where Black farmers
comprised a majority of the farm operator population.
In 1982, the United States Commission on Civil Rights issued another
report on the rapid decline of Black-operated farms. The report noted
that between 1970 and 1980, the Black farm population declined 65
percent, compared to a 22 percent decline in the white farm population.
The report also documented numerous discrimination complaints filed
against USDA field offices regarding the administration of farm loan
programs and noted that for many of these complaints, USDA's Office of
Equal Opportunity investigated and found equal opportunity violations
at those field offices. The report concluded that racial discrimination
was continuing within the USDA, at USDA headquarters, and in the
network of field offices that implement USDA programs.
In 1988, Congress passed section 617 of the Agricultural Credit Act
of 1987 requiring the USDA to establish annual target participation
rates, on a county-wide basis, that would ensure that members of
socially disadvantaged groups receive direct or guaranteed farm
ownership loans. Congress amended this requirement in 1996, to ensure
that USDA's implementation was consistent with the holding of the
Supreme Court in Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Federico Pena, Secretary
of Transportation, 515 U.S. 200 (1995), which held that race-based
actions by the government is within constitutional constraints when it
is necessary to further a compelling interest such as the ``unhappy
persistence of both the practice and lingering effects of racial
discrimination against minority groups.''
A 1995 U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) report found that
socially disadvantaged producers were significantly underrepresented on
the county and community committees of the former Agricultural
Stabilization
[[Page H766]]
and Conservation Service. Specifically, the report found that while
minority producers accounted for nearly 5 percent of the producers
eligible to vote for committee members, minority producers only
represented 2.1 percent of county committee members in the United
States.
In 1997, the USDA formed a Civil Rights Action Team to hold
nationwide listening sessions to hear from socially disadvantaged and
minority farmers. A report published after the listening sessions
documented Black, Hispanic, Asian-American, and American Indian farmers
who told stories of USDA hurting minority farmers more than helping
them. Minority farmers described how their discrimination complaints
were caught in the backlog of appeals or if successfully appealed, were
given findings of discrimination that were not enforced. The report
acknowledged that discrimination in USDA program delivery continued to
exist to a large degree unabated.
Also in 1997, the USDA Office of the Inspector General (OIG) issued a
report to the USDA Secretary that noted ``a climate of disorder within
the civil rights staff at [the Farm Service Agency].'' It was difficult
for the OIG to even determine the number and status of civil rights
complaints at the agency and department because of that climate. As the
OIG later summarized in a 2005 audit, ``it took 12 days longer to
complete minority applications, delinquencies were higher for minority
borrowers than nonminority borrowers, and minority borrowers were
reluctant to enter into FSA offices to apply for loans.''
In 1998, the USDA National Commission on Small Farms further
described and documented the longstanding discrimination of USDA
towards socially disadvantaged producers. And, it observed that
``discrimination has been a contributing factor in the decline of Black
farmers over the last several decades.'' The Commission's report also
notes the ``history of under-allocation of resources to institutions
that have served minority farmers,'' the ``disgraceful'' ``failure to
elect minority farmers to positions on FSA County Committees,'' and
more.
During the period between 1997 and 2000, Black farmers, Native
American farmers, and Latinx farmers filed lawsuits alleging USDA
discriminated against them on the basis of race in processing their
farm program applications and that USDA failed to investigate their
complaints of discrimination. But settlements resulting from these
lawsuits have not provided the relief necessary for these farmers of
color to participate fully in the American agricultural economy.
For example, the Los Angeles Times reported in 2012 that payments
made to Black farmers under the Pigford settlements were significantly
eroded by state taxes, as well as tax debt related to forgiven USDA
farm loans.
In 2001, a report by the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights documented
the continued discriminatory lending practices against minority
farmers. The Commission found that Black farmers waited four times
longer than white farmers for USDA farm loans. The Commission
recommended that USDA resolve the backlog of civil rights complaints
and document and alleviate discriminatory lending practices. However,
USDA continued to struggle with resolving its backlog of civil rights
complaints. In 2008, GAO reported that USDA's difficulties in resolving
discrimination complaints persisted and that the USDA had not achieved
its goal of preventing future backlogs of discrimination complaints.
Recent studies and reports continue to document the challenges and
barriers faced by farmers of color due to race or ethnic discrimination
or the legacy of such discrimination. A September 20, 2017, study in
the Agriculture and Human Values journal described the challenges faced
by Latinx farmers due to failure of agricultural agencies to engage in
appropriate outreach or account for language barriers.
In 2019, a GAO report observed that socially disadvantaged farmers
and ranchers had proportionately less agricultural credit than non-
socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers. This report found that
farmers and ranchers of color continued to face more difficulties in
obtaining farm loans and highlighted the historic, systemic
discrimination against such farmers.
The Market Facilitation Program and Coronavirus Food Assistance
Program are recent USDA programs designed to bolster the farm economy;
in both programs the majority of funds went to non-minority farmers.
For example, the Environmental Working Group reported that nonminority
farmers received nearly 97 percent of the $9.2 billion provided by the
USDA's Coronavirus Food Assistance Program. Additionally, the Farm Bill
Law Enterprise reported that 99 percent of Market Facilitation Payments
went to non-minority farmers.
The systemic discrimination of farmers, ranchers, and other producers
of color by the USDA is longstanding and well-documented. I urge my
colleagues to support me and the Committee on Agriculture as we work to
enable socially disadvantaged producers to succeed in the agricultural
economy. Sections 1005 and 1006 of the bill before the House today are
critical to that work, and I urge my colleagues to support this
measure.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to address their
remarks to the Chair.
{time} 2100
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I thank the Chair for that reminder.
Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr.
Smith).
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, in a radical departure from
all previous COVID-19 relief laws, the bill before us today mandates
taxpayer funding for abortion on demand. Today, the Rules Committee
refused to even allow a pro-life amendment sponsored by Cathy McMorris
Rodgers, Virginia Foxx, and Jackie Walorski, cosponsored by 206
Members.
Madam Speaker, it is shocking to learn that the methods of abortion
include dismemberment of a child's fragile body, including
decapitation, and that drugs like RU-486 starve the baby to death.
Unborn babies killed by abortion at 20 weeks or later experience
excruciating suffering and physical pain. And until rendered
unconscious or dead by these hideous procedures, the baby feels every
cut.
Mr. Biden once wrote constituents, explaining that his support for
laws against funding for abortion by saying ``it would protect both the
woman and her unborn child.''
Mr. Biden went on to say ``that those of us who are opposed to
abortion should not be compelled to pay for them.'' I agree. Most
Americans agree; 58 percent, according to the recent Marist poll.
Unborn babies, Madam Speaker, need the President of the United States
and Members of Congress to be their friend and advocate, not their
adversary.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Evans).
Mr. EVANS. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of the American Relief
Plan desperately needed by Philadelphia constituents. This plan extends
the poverty-busting earned income tax credits and provides billions for
small businesses. It expands vaccine access, addresses health
disparities, and helps schools open safely. The American people are
counting on us to crush the virus. Let's do the right thing and pass
this very critical bill.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
Oklahoma (Mr. Cole), the ranking member of the House Committee on
Rules.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I thank my good friend from Texas for
yielding.
Today, the House is considering a massive budget reconciliation
package that the majority claims to be using for additional coronavirus
relief funds. Having already passed five bipartisan relief packages
over the last year, totaling almost $4 trillion in spending, the
majority is now seeking to spend nearly $2 trillion more.
But unlike the past five measures, which were bipartisan deals with
both Republican and Democratic support, today's bill is strictly
partisan, with only Democratic support and input. And with a glance at
the bill, it is easy to see why.
First, the vast majority of this so-called rescue package has nothing
to do with the COVID-19 pandemic. The bill fails to keep a laser focus
on providing relief for Americans, ensuring schools are open to educate
our children, and moving to swiftly reopen the economy.
Instead, the majority has thrown in completely unrelated items that
just so happen to be at the top of their progressive wish list. This
includes irresponsible policies like Federal bailouts for certain
pension funds, providing bloated contributions to State and local
governments, and arbitrarily raising the minimum wage, which will cost
well more than a million people to lose their jobs. Incidentally, the
same minimum wage provision is not going to be considered in the Senate
and will have to be stripped from the bill.
But perhaps I shouldn't be surprised by these misguided provisions,
given how completely shut out of this process Republicans have been.
During the markups across nine committees that
[[Page H767]]
considered this package, Republicans offered 245 amendments to help fix
these and other problems.
Republicans offered commonsense amendments to reopen schools, give
additional resources to the NIH, provide funding to make sure all
teachers have the opportunity to receive a COVID vaccine, and many
more. Yet, only two of these amendments were accepted by the Democrats
in committee markups, and one of those two amendments is actually being
stripped out of the bill in the manager's amendment today.
A $1.9 trillion package that is being brought to the floor with next
to no Republican input? Simply astonishing.
Madam Speaker, it is clear what we need to do. Our entire Nation is
suffering as a result of this pandemic. Every day, more businesses
shutter. Every day, children are falling further behind. And every day,
people fall deeper and deeper into despair caused, in part, by
isolation.
Instead of proceeding with this progressive wish list, we need to
take real action to open the economy. Above all else, we need to get
children back in school.
Prior to the pandemic, children had access to in-person staff and
services at school. But now, with schools remaining closed, we see the
results: more students falling behind, more students contemplating
suicide, more children falling into despair.
For millions of children, the ground lost during the pandemic may
never be recovered. We are failing an entire generation of our
children, and we need to reverse course and get them back in school.
Madam Speaker, there was, and still is, an opportunity to put
together a bipartisan relief package. There is still time to focus on
policies that will reopen the economy and make sure kids can learn in
person, but we cannot do it if the majority insists on this bloated
package with so many unrelated policies.
So long as the majority insists that it is their way or the highway,
true help for the American people cannot be achieved. Madam Speaker, I
urge my colleagues to reject this rule and the underlying legislation.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
New Mexico (Ms. Leger Fernandez).
Ms. LEGER FERNANDEZ. Madam Speaker, this pandemic's tentacles have
infiltrated every facet of our communities' lives. The brilliance of
this rescue package is that it understands those complexities and
addresses those many needs.
For example, since the pandemic began, we have seen increased reports
of abuse of women and children, so this bill helps fund shelters and
refuge.
The country has also seen the heartbreaking devastation in Tribal
communities. Native Americans are four times more likely to be
hospitalized and twice as likely to die from COVID-19 than White
Americans. So, this bill includes over $20 billion to assist Native
people, including their Tribal governments, health facilities, and
education.
We need this package to end the Nation's suffering. Let's pass this
bill, save lives, save livelihoods, save communities.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Arkansas (Mr. Womack), a valuable member of our Appropriations
Committee and a subcommittee ranking member.
Mr. WOMACK. Madam Speaker, I think a little honesty is in order
tonight. It is no secret that this so-called American Rescue Plan Act
has little to do with the hardships placed on Americans by COVID.
When 90 percent of a spending plan, rammed through on a sham of a
budget resolution, gets spent years down the road, with much of it
having little to do with the coronavirus, we should at least be honest
with our constituents. It is apparently Christmas again.
Here is an example. What does the multiemployer pension issue have to
do with the pandemic? Remember the failed joint select committee that
was supposed to solve that problem back in 2018? That was long before
COVID. But here we are, about to spend $85-plus billion on this
bailout. That is double the amount of money we give to the National
Institutes of Health. Look, before we ask future generations to float
us another $2 trillion to pay off these liberal promises, let's at
least have the integrity to admit that this really isn't about COVID.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume. Let me just remind my colleagues that 70 percent of the
American people support this bill. Republican governors and Republican
mayors from all across the country support this bill. The only place
where it isn't bipartisan is here in the Congress.
Republicans say, oh, the people can't be trusted to know what is in
the bill. The fact of the matter is, people support this because they
support more money for vaccinations; more money in terms of direct
payments to individuals and enhanced unemployment benefits; and more
money for our cities and towns, our first responders, our police and
our fire departments, and so many other things.
I know my Republican friends have developed this habit of trying to
overturn the will of the American people. Well, enough. The American
people want this, and we are going to deliver it for them.
Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Illinois (Ms.
Schakowsky).
Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Madam Speaker, over half a million Americans have
been killed by a merciless virus. That is about the population of New
Haven, Connecticut. Now, also picture wiping out Grand Rapids,
Michigan; Toledo, Ohio; or McAllen, Texas.
Ten million Americans are unemployed right now. Nearly one in four
households have experienced hunger this year. These are horrible
statistics, but there is good news building on this floor right now.
President Biden promised help is on the way, and here it comes, the
American Rescue Plan, a real plan to crush the virus, put money into
people's pockets, allow our States and counties and cities to continue
to provide the services that are necessary.
No wonder up to 80 percent of Americans want all of us--all of us--to
vote ``yes'' tonight. Let's give it to them.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Kentucky (Mr. Guthrie), the ranking member of the Health Subcommittee
on Energy and Commerce.
Mr. GUTHRIE. Madam Speaker, I rise today due to my strong concerns
with the Democrats' COVID-19 bill. With a very small percentage of this
massive package specifically directed at combating COVID-19, the $1.9
trillion COVID bill is more of a Democratic wish list.
I have tried to add relief for healthcare providers, with funds
specifically for rural and Medicaid providers, but Democrats voted this
down.
It is amazing how it is okay to have the Silicon Valley subway, the
Seaway bridge in New York, and a bailout of multiemployer pension plans
from problems prior to COVID-19, but my amendment to help healthcare
providers was not included.
I was proud to support the last five COVID-19 relief packages to help
Kentuckians. I think we can all agree that we need to boost vaccine
distribution, safely return all students back to in-person learning,
and help people return to work. Much of the funds in this partisan bill
will not be used until next year or later.
Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to oppose this bill.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Illinois (Mr. Schneider).
Mr. SCHNEIDER. Madam Speaker, I rise today to implore that my
colleagues pass this urgently needed COVID relief for millions of
struggling Americans.
Across the country, families and friends have had to say good-bye to
more than 500,000 loved ones, too often knowing that they have died
alone.
In our communities, large and small, more than 18 million Americans
are receiving unemployment benefits as their only lifeline. Millions of
small businesses are on the brink of permanent closure. Schools are
struggling to reopen.
Meanwhile, the miraculous vaccines offer a light, but it is still at
the end of a long and steep tunnel.
President Biden's American Rescue Plan will get people back to work,
help parents safely send their children back to school, assist our
families in paying their bills and our small businesses in building
their future.
[[Page H768]]
This bill helps people and businesses in every community in Illinois
and in every State in America. That is why it has such bipartisan
support across the country. It deserves the same support here in
Congress.
To truly heal our economy and our Nation, we must pass the American
Rescue Plan. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes.''
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Minnesota (Mr. Stauber).
Mr. STAUBER. Madam Speaker, I am disappointed because we are again on
the floor in a closed rule, where zero Republican amendments were made
in order because, again, we are here voting on a package that has
hundreds of billions of dollars in non-COVID-related spending.
Again, I am down here on the floor, disappointed that the majority
disallowed my amendments.
One of my amendments would have reported on the impact the Biden job-
killing Keystone XL order would have on small businesses.
My other amendment, which was denied, prevented taxpayer dollars from
funding child slave labor. No, you did not hear that wrong. In fact,
this is the fifth time the Democrats have blocked this type of
amendment from me. What is the issue with being anti-child slave labor?
Like I said, I am not sure how this is controversial, but when faced
with the binary decision to source these minerals from human rights
abusers in Africa and China or source them from Minnesota under the
best labor standards and the best environmental standards in the world,
I will take made in America 150 percent of the time.
I join my constituents' disappointment in this process. This is very
concerning.
{time} 2115
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott), the chair of the Committee on
Education and Labor.
Mr. SCOTT of Virginia. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of the
legislation because there are many reasons to vote for the American
Rescue Plan.
If you want to ensure that schools can reopen safely and make up for
lost time in the classroom, vote for the bill.
If you want to provide relief for institutions of higher education
and their students, vote for the bill.
If you want to save our childcare system from collapse, vote for the
bill.
If you want to protect workers against the virus and increase their
wages, vote for this bill.
If you want to maintain access to affordable healthcare for workers
who have lost their jobs, vote for the bill.
If you want to prevent more than a million retirees from losing their
hard-earned pensions, vote for this bill.
Finally, if you want to keep children and families from going hungry,
prevent domestic and gender-based violence, and protect older Americans
during this pandemic, you must vote for this bill.
The American people need to know that help is on the way. I urge my
colleagues to support the bill.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the
gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Malliotakis).
Ms. MALLIOTAKIS. Madam Speaker, this bill is not tailored to the
specific needs of our Nation or its citizens. I support helping the
unemployed, struggling businesses, and returning money to taxpayers,
but you give $1,400 with one hand and it costs $15,000 per American
household to pay for it.
Congress thinks it knows how to spend hardworking taxpayers' money
better than they do, all while our Nation approaches $30 trillion in
debt and $1 trillion from previous relief remains unspent.
Right now, vaccine production and distribution is a top priority, yet
less than 1 percent of these funds go to it, showing how bloated this
bill is. It spends billions on unrelated projects, from a San Francisco
rail line to family planning; and a whopping $3.5 billion for The
Global Fund, forcing American taxpayers to pick up 88 percent of this
international fund's expenditures, all while our diplomats can't even
get the vaccine.
My amendment would have required States receiving billions to commit
to not raising taxes on their citizens. The CDC said it would cost $25
billion to reopen America's schools safely. Only in this mismanaged
government would things end up costing eight times more than originally
estimated. This is an epic fail.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
New York (Ms. Velazquez), the distinguished chair of the Committee on
Small Business.
Ms. VELAZQUEZ. Madam Speaker, half a million lives lost, over 400,000
small businesses closed for good, 700,000 new unemployment claims filed
last week, 54 million are food insecure. This is a crisis the scope of
which none of us have seen in our lifetimes in this country.
The Federal Government has a responsibility to show up for the
American people, and that is exactly what President Joe Biden is doing,
to assure them that their struggles aren't theirs alone, that this
relief is coming, and we will get through this together.
As chairwoman of the House Small Business Committee, I am proud this
bill includes $50 billion to get our small businesses back on their
feet. We are providing targeted assistance for those hardest hit,
including grants for small entertainment businesses, cultural
institutions, and independent restaurants, plus an additional $15
billion for EIDL advances, and more for PPP. Let's pass this rule and
let's move forward.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
Iowa (Mrs. Hinson).
Mrs. HINSON. Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to the rule.
It has been nearly a year now since the COVID-19 pandemic reached our
shores, and Iowans are still struggling. Iowans need targeted pandemic
relief.
I would have been the first to cross the aisle and compromise on
legislation that would help Iowans and Americans who are in need, but
this behemoth of a bill fails to provide targeted relief that my
constituents asked for. It forces taxpayers to bail out States that
have chronically mismanaged their budgets. It includes a $15 minimum
wage hike, which would decimate the rural economy in Iowa and destroy
the very livelihoods this bill claims to be saving. It opens the door
for taxpayer funding for abortions.
With $1 trillion from previous relief packages still unspent, this
legislation contains no guardrails to ensure new money is used on
pandemic relief this year. This legislation abdicates our
responsibility to those who need our support and to taxpayers. Voting
for this rule is a slap in the face to taxpayers, and I urge a ``no''
vote on this rule.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Waters), the distinguished chair of the Committee on
Financial Services.
Ms. WATERS. Madam Speaker, I am so grateful that we have President
Biden's leadership in the White House to tackle the ongoing pandemic.
H.R. 1319, the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021, carries out this plan
and delivers the relief that communities across this country need so
very much.
Critically, the bill provides more than $75 billion for programs in
my committee's jurisdiction, including $20 billion for emergency rental
assistance, $5 billion for 70,000 new housing vouchers, $10 billion in
homeowner assistance, $10 billion to boost emergency medical equipment
production, $10 billion for small businesses, and $15 billion for
airline workers.
I am so pleased that we are increasing the stimulus payments from
$600 to $2,000 for each of our constituents. I am a happy camper
tonight. This is what America needs.
Republicans ought to be a part of this; but if they are not, then we
are going without them.
With hunger growing and millions out of work and at risk of eviction
or foreclosure, America needs this bill passed into law. Vote ``yes''
on this bill.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
Arizona (Mrs. Lesko), a valuable member of the Energy and Commerce
Committee.
Mrs. LESKO. Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to the rule.
Only 9 percent of the underlying bill goes to combating COVID-19
through public health spending. The other 91
[[Page H769]]
percent is a partisan wish list being pushed by my colleagues on the
other side of the aisle. Union pensions, blue State bailouts, Planned
Parenthood, and even a bridge and a tunnel. That is what most of this
bill is about, not COVID-19 relief.
We need targeted, tailored relief that actually helps the American
people, not this $2 trillion boondoggle.
Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to oppose the rule and the
underlying bill.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
New York (Mr. Suozzi).
Mr. SUOZZI. Madam Speaker, this pandemic has been cruelly uneven.
Some people remain unscathed. Wall Street is booming, online retailers
are surging, some work remotely with their incomes intact, and some
families remain healthy. Yet 17 percent of Americans go to food banks
every week. One in six people can't pay their rent. Some people are
enduring a long winter in sub-zero temperatures, unable to pay their
heating bill. Twenty-five percent of the people who make under $40,000
a year are now unemployed. State and local governments crippled,
businesses and restaurants closed. Worst of all, we all know people who
have gotten sick and died.
This legislation is not a blue State bailout or liberal handout, it
is how we address the suffering that has crippled our country, it is
how we move forward and beat this pandemic.
We have this great and awesome responsibility, this great and awesome
honor to try to help people facing some of the most desperate times
they have ever faced. Let's pass this comprehensive plan. Let's move
our country forward, and let's do it together.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. C. Scott Franklin).
Mr. C. SCOTT FRANKLIN of Florida. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong
opposition to the rule and to H.R. 1319.
We do need targeted relief for those hurt by this pandemic, but this
is bad legislation. Republicans introduced over 250 amendments to this
nearly $2 trillion bill, and Democrats only ultimately accepted one.
That is not unity. This is merely socialism in sheep's clothing,
redistribution of wealth through cash payouts to many who have had no
financial impact whatsoever from COVID. It is also redistribution of
wealth from future generations who will be stuck with the tab.
The CBO predicts our economy will grow by 3.7 percent this year
without any further congressional action. With over $1 trillion in
unspent funds from previous packages, we can't afford to jeopardize our
children's future with this socialist spending spree. I urge a ``no''
vote.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
the U.S. Virgin Islands (Ms. Plaskett).
Ms. PLASKETT. Madam Speaker, the time for bold and decisive action is
now. This American Rescue Plan Act will crush the virus, return
children safely to school, support vaccinations, put dollars in
families' pockets, and put people back to work. The plan will mount a
national vaccination program that sets up community vaccination sites
nationwide.
In the Virgin Islands, the loss of cruise ships, along with air
travel tourists, have cut the heart of our economy, causing loss of
jobs, closure of businesses, and lost revenues for government
operations.
Additionally, we have yet to understand the long-term impact the
pandemic will have on our children. In the Virgin Islands and Puerto
Rico, our children are already overwhelmed and severely compromised due
to facilities and the school year loss that they had from the 2017
hurricanes.
Lastly, I am proud to note provisions in this bill for the U.S.
territories that I have been fighting for. This plan creates equality
in the child tax credit and earned income tax credit.
Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to please support this bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Ms. PLASKETT. And for my colleagues on the other side who have to
give divisive platitudes and nonsupport, you are welcome.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to heed the gavel.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Virginia (Mr. Cline).
Mr. CLINE. Madam Speaker, we all want to beat this virus, but you
can't beat a COVID pandemic with 91 percent pork barrel spending in the
bill. Only 9 percent of the funding in this bill is going to COVID
programs.
$1,400 checks at what cost? $13,000 per taxpayer?
If we have any additional relief we need to pass for addressing
COVID, it must be targeted, temporary, and tied to the pandemic.
What is not targeted?
$350 billion in State and local bailouts that reward States that
continue to shut down their economies.
What is not temporary?
A $1.5 million bridge to Canada or $112 million for an underground
subway to Silicon Valley.
What is not tied to COVID?
$86 billion to bail out the multiemployer pension plans that were
poorly managed in Democrat-run States before the pandemic even started,
$50 million in taxpayer dollars for abortion on demand.
This liberal wish list masquerading as COVID relief will cripple our
economy, harm our ability to reopen our Nation, and burden our children
and grandchildren with unsustainable levels of debt.
Madam Speaker, I strongly oppose this spending package, and I urge my
colleagues to do the same.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Virginia (Mr. Beyer).
Mr. BEYER. Madam Speaker, we have a choice tonight. Our American
children are hungry, the recovery is stalling, and a million new people
file for unemployment every week.
We can do our jobs, pass a national vaccination plan, safely reopen
our schools, send relief checks to those in need, support the
unemployed, and protect American jobs. Or we can let them fend for
themselves and slowly scratch their way back to health at great human
cost.
I choose relief, recovery, and progress.
Madam Speaker, my first job: In 1966, $1.25 an hour, minimum wage.
Sixteen times this Congress has chosen to increase the minimum wage,
and every time there was a CBO score or a chamber of commerce or a
conservative economist who talked about the shrinkage of low-wage jobs.
But if we were persuaded by this job-loss mirage, we would never raise
the minimum wage. And I refuse to believe that this is American
exceptionalism.
{time} 2130
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Lubbock, Texas (Mr. Arrington).
Mr. ARRINGTON. Madam Speaker, there is an old country saying: You can
put all the perfume and lipstick you want on a pig, and it is still
pork, and it still stinks.
H.R. 1319 is filled to the brim with bad policies and partisan
priorities that is disguised as ``COVID relief.''
This bill: Pays people more to be on unemployment than to go to work.
Slaps small businesses with job-killing wage mandates.
Gives a $350 billion windfall to States who were mismanaged and broke
before COVID.
Hands a blank check to union bosses and greedy corporate executives
who ran their pensions into the ground and stuck taxpayers with the
tab.
It rewards temper tantrums from teacher unions by doling out billions
of dollars to schools who refuse to open their doors to their students.
This bill is chock full of bad policies, barriers to recovery, and
bailouts galore.
Madam Speaker, let's open the country up, get our kids back into the
classroom, and get America back to work.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
Texas (Ms. Johnson), the distinguished chair of the Committee on
Science, Space and Technology.
Ms. JOHNSON of Texas. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of the
American Rescue Plan Act of 2021 and in strong support of this rule.
Madam Speaker, when the COVID-19 pandemic hit our shores a year ago,
researchers across the Nation and across many fields of science and
engineering jumped into action. The Nation's STEM talent redirected
brainpower and resources to combatting the pandemic. And thanks in
large part to
[[Page H770]]
these efforts, we now have some positive news about our fight against
COVID.
However, important scientific work remains to be done in this effort.
The Committee on Science, Space, and Technology's provisions included
in this package direct funding through the National Science Foundation
and the National Institute of Standards and Technology for vital
research related to prevention, response, and recovery from COVID-19.
Madam Speaker, I thank my colleagues across the House for their work
on this important rescue package, and I urge its adoption.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Madam Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, Republicans will
amend the rule to strike the consideration of the Pelosi payoff bill,
and instead, consider H.R. 1371, the Crush the Virus Act, introduced by
Representative Tom Reed, which is attached, and will provide over
$160 billion to expand the administration of vaccines and provide
direct relief for the coronavirus.
Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of the
amendment in the record along with extraneous material immediately
prior to the vote on the previous question.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Texas?
There was no objection.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Ohio (Mr. Gonzalez), who is here to explain the amendment.
Mr. GONZALEZ of Ohio. Madam Speaker, I thank Mr. Burgess for his
leadership.
Madam Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, we will call up
H.R. 1371, the Crush the Virus Act of 2021, introduced by my good
friend, Mr. Tom Reed.
This is legislation that is based off of the Problem Solvers Caucus-
endorsed framework for additional funding in order to defeat the virus
by making further investments into testing, vaccine distribution, PPE,
and utilizing the Defense Production Act.
In other words, this is a targeted solution that can garner
bipartisan support--unlike what we are doing today--and show the
American people that we are committed to working together to defeat the
virus.
To date, while Congress may have struggled at times to deliver timely
results, we have come together each time to pass needed legislation to
help small businesses, hospitals, and Americans impacted by the virus.
This is the way Congress is supposed to work. But instead, House
Democrats have embarked upon a purely partisan approach, pushing aside
Republican lawmakers, like myself, who actually want to find common
ground.
And for what?
A nearly $2 trillion bill that is not targeted for the coronavirus,
includes policies that will hurt job creation, and in the words of
Larry Summers--who is no Republican--is a ``step into the unknown.''
Madam Speaker, what the American people need is for us to put
partisanship aside and identify targeted funding prior to spending $2
trillion of taxpayer dollars only weeks after this body enacted another
nearly $1 trillion, much of which has yet to be spent.
Madam Speaker, this is why the Problem Solvers Caucus came together
earlier this year to identify, in a bipartisan way, the still
outstanding funding that is needed to defeat the virus. The bipartisan
agreement is the basis for the legislation we will bring up if we
defeat the previous question here before us.
My friend Tom Reed's bill, the Crush the Virus Act, will provide
more than $160 billion in targeted aid, including: $11.5 billion for
manufacturing and production of vaccines; $35 billion for the Provider
Relief Fund; and $5 billion for the use of the Defense Production Act.
This proposal will speed up vaccine distribution and administration
in a timely manner and supports our brave frontline healthcare workers.
I thank Mr. Reed for his leadership as co-chair of the Problem
Solvers Caucus and for pushing this proposal.
Madam Speaker, let me make a final point and a broader appeal to my
colleagues on the other side of the aisle. The American people sent to
Washington the slimmest House majority in quite some time and an evenly
split Senate. The message they sent was clear: It was not that you have
some broad mandate to jam down a bunch of progressive policies, it was
that they want us to actually work together, to come together and solve
the problems in a bipartisan way. I think the message was clear. And
the more the majority ignores it, the shorter their majority will be.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
New York (Mr. Meeks), the distinguished chair of the Committee on
Foreign Affairs.
Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, as chair of the House Committee on Foreign
Affairs, I speak in strong support of the international provisions of
the American Rescue package. With a total of $10 billion, this is a
relatively small yet critical investment in fighting COVID and its
effects around the world.
Pandemics do not respect international borders. To control this
pandemic, we need to mitigate its global spread. This provision puts
global health front and center, supporting efforts to relieve
overburdened health systems and medical workers and help governments
develop and distribute vaccines.
To address the humanitarian crises that have been exacerbated by this
pandemic, this provision will provide funding for the most immediate
lifesaving assistance, including shelter, food, clean water, basic
medical care. Additionally, it provides COVID-related relief for
vulnerable refugees who are already vulnerable.
Madam Speaker, this provision would also provide flexible funding for
economic support to help ensure that even more need isn't created as a
result of the economic impacts of COVID, which are already severe.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is
remaining.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Texas has 5 minutes
remaining. The gentleman from Massachusetts has 8 minutes remaining.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Gomez).
Mr. GOMEZ. Madam Speaker, we don't have any time to waste. By the
time I am done with this 1-minute speech, roughly 10 people in L.A.
County, home to my district, will have tested positive for COVID-19.
And in another 5 minutes, someone in my county will die of COVID-19.
And while I am sure our healthcare heroes and frontline workers
appreciate our thanks, words alone are not enough.
Our gratitude needs to be expressed with funding and resources. Our
appreciation needs to be in the form of benefits and assistance.
Our Black and Brown communities, those being disproportionately
impacted by this pandemic, aren't going to get through this crisis with
platitudes. They need action. They need access to vaccines, money in
their pockets to pay their bills, help getting their kids back in the
classrooms, and support putting food on their tables.
Madam Speaker, that is why I am going to vote to pass the American
Rescue Plan, and I encourage my colleagues to do the same.
This is our chance to stop the spread of this virus, rebuild our
economy, and give every American, regardless of their background or ZIP
Code, the opportunity to turn the page on this dark chapter of our
country's history and come out stronger in the end.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Panetta).
Mr. PANETTA. Madam Speaker, after one long year of this pandemic,
many of my constituents are anxious. And, yeah, they are angry. Their
health has been harmed, their businesses have been shut down, and they
are absolutely frustrated waiting for their vaccines. They are not
happy with our ex-President's response, and they are not pleased with
the local response. That is why now, more than ever, we in Congress
need to continue our response to COVID-19.
Madam Speaker, in the past year, we passed five bipartisan bills that
kept
[[Page H771]]
the economy afloat and the poverty rate flat. That is why on this night
with this pandemic raging this year we must support this rule, which
will put shots in arms, checks in pockets, kids in schools, food on
tables, strike teams in nursing homes, keep police and firefighters on
our street, keep pensions secure, and provide vaccines for essential
workers, including my farmworkers on the Central Coast of California,
so that they can do their job for their families and for our food
security.
Madam Speaker, let's do our job tonight for our constituents and for
this country and pass the American Rescue Act.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself 2 minutes.
Madam Speaker, I recognize the critical work that was done by the
Congressional Doctors Caucus on this effort. The thesis was that we are
going to crush the coronavirus.
You think that you would want to involve the people who left the
world of healthcare providing to come and serve in the people's House.
Unfortunately, those amendments that were thoughtfully introduced
were rejected at the Committee on Rules.
We had amendments, such as allowing the FDA to use real-world
evidence in their evaluation of the emergency use authorization that is
currently pending.
We were going to reduce the Medicaid payment error rate, which seemed
like a good idea.
Medicaid home- and community-based services, substance use disorder
treatment, and mental health services were to be expanded.
The public health workforce allowing for loan repayment was rejected.
An amendment providing for coronavirus testing at the southern
border--we know we have got a problem with increased people coming
across the southern border without authorization. President Biden has
indicated that he is welcoming that, but as a consequence, we need to
be certain that we are protecting Americans from the introduction of
the coronavirus. This was a measure to allow for increased testing on
the southern border, but we couldn't accept that.
Hyde protections, you have heard many people talk about that. That
was rejected at the Committee on Rules, with a variety of amendments.
Dr. Miller-Meeks had an amendment to allow for the standardized
testing to go on in classrooms this next year, not using it to reduce
payments to schools that don't measure up but using it as a diagnostic
test. Let's find out how far behind some of our classrooms are.
All of these were thoughtful amendments introduced by the GOP Doctors
Caucus. Unfortunately, all were rejected. You would think if you wanted
to crush the coronavirus, you would ask your doctor.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs.
Carolyn B. Maloney), the distinguished chair of the Committee on
Oversight and Reform.
Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong
support of this bill and of the 1.4 million first responders, teachers,
transit workers, sanitation workers, and other public servants already
laid off from State and local governments across this Nation. We must
act before more people lose their jobs, and before more lifesaving
programs are cut.
Madam Speaker, the State and local funding included in this package
will provide many local governments dedicated support for the first
time since this pandemic struck. It can be used to administer vaccines,
increase testing, and save countless jobs by replacing lost revenue.
For New York City, which last month projected a $10.5 billion loss in
expected tax revenue, this money would mean it can continue to provide
vaccines and food assistance and reopen schools safely. Hundreds of
local officials told us the relief in this bill will mean recovery
instead of recession and cannot come fast enough. Taken together, this
could be the light this-- The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the
gentlewoman has expired.
The Chair would again remind all Members to heed the gavel.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I am prepared to close, and I yield
myself the balance of my time.
Madam Speaker, in closing, it doesn't look like this bill is going to
open our economy. It is not going to open our schools. It is not going
to provide targeted relief to those who need it most. I am willing to
talk about nutritional assistance, but what I am not willing to talk
about is a gilded underground railway under Silicon Valley.
Madam Speaker, this is one of the most expensive bills in the history
of the people's House. And it doesn't prioritize the immediate needs of
the American people. Rather than work for the American people,
Democrats are working for their own future 2 years from now. I think
that is unacceptable.
Look, I recognize that President Biden has worked hard to make
vaccines more available, but the very vaccines he's making available
are the ones that President Trump worked so hard to get developed and
into production.
{time} 2145
Let's acknowledge success where it has occurred. I am going to urge a
``no'' vote on the previous question so we can offer the amendment. I
am going to urge a ``no'' vote on the rule, a ``no'' vote on the
underlying measures.
Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, we are in the midst of a pandemic, the
likes of which we haven't seen in 100 years. It is catastrophic in
every way imaginable. To hear some of my Republican friends try to
nickel-and-dime our response, they should talk to an economist. If they
did, they would discover what will happen if we don't pass this package
now.
We could end up with 4 million fewer jobs this year. That is
according to Moody's.
It will take another 4 years of suffering before the GDP returns to
its prepandemic levels. That is according to the nonpartisan CBO.
Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen said: ``The smartest thing we can do
is to act big. In the long run, the benefits will far outweigh the
costs.''
Mark Zandi, former adviser to John McCain, said: ``You don't need a
textbook to know this is when you push on the fiscal accelerator.''
Now, let's be clear what we cannot afford. We cannot afford more
delay tactics, another lapse in unemployment assistance, or another
moment of inaction. This plan is what our economy needs, and it is what
America needs, bold, urgent action.
So, let's pass this rule and the underlying legislation, and let's
let the Senate do its job and send this bill to the President's desk
without delay. This historic crisis deserves a historic response. The
American people are counting on us.
Listening to the Republicans debate on the floor and in the Rules
Committee has been a disappointing experience. Barely, barely a word of
empathy or compassion for those who are suffering or for those who are
struggling.
What we have heard are delay tactics. What we have heard are
distortions. What we have heard is divisive talk.
My friends talk about bailouts. This is not a bailout. It is a rescue
package. My friends are out of touch with the American people.
People are struggling. People right now are trying to figure out how
they are going to put food on the table to feed their families. Here on
the House floor, what we hear is indifference, what we hear is
distraction.
The good news is this. We are going to pass this bill today. This is
a big deal. We are going to send it over to the United States Senate,
and we have a Senate that is not going to put this in the trash can. It
is going to debate it and vote on it, and then we are going to send it
to the President.
The good news to the American people is: Help is on the way. We
promised you that we would step up to the plate and that we would
respond appropriately to this crisis, and that is what we are going to
do.
Madam Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues, Democrats and
Republicans, to support this rule and to support this package.
The material previously referred to by Mr. Burgess is as follows:
Amendment to House Resolution 166
Strike all after the resolving clause and insert the
following:
Sec. 1. That immediately upon adoption of this resolution,
the House shall resolve into
[[Page H772]]
the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union
for consideration of the bill (H.R. 1371) making supplemental
appropriations for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2021,
providing coronavirus emergency response and relief, and for
other purposes. The first reading of the bill shall be
dispensed with. All points of order against consideration of
the bill are waived. General debate shall be confined to the
bill and shall not exceed one hour equally divided and
controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the
Committee on Appropriations. After general debate the bill
shall be considered for amendment under the five-minute rule.
All points of order against provisions in the bill are
waived. When the committee rises and reports the bill back to
the House with a recommendation that the bill do pass, the
previous question shall be considered as ordered on the bill
and amendments thereto to final passage without intervening
motion except one motion to recommit. If the Committee of the
Whole rises and reports that it has come to no resolution on
the bill, then on the next legislative day the House shall,
immediately after the third daily order of business under
clause 1 of rule XIV, resolve into the Committee of the Whole
for further consideration of the bill.
Sec. 2. Clause 1(c) of rule XIX shall not apply to the
consideration of H.R. 1371.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and
I move the previous question on the resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on ordering the previous
question.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 217,
nays 205, not voting 9, as follows:
[Roll No. 46]
YEAS--217
Adams
Aguilar
Allred
Auchincloss
Axne
Barragan
Bass
Beatty
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Bourdeaux
Bowman
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brown
Brownley
Bush
Bustos
Butterfield
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carson
Cartwright
Case
Casten
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Craig
Crist
Crow
Cuellar
Davids (KS)
Davis, Danny K.
Dean
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Delgado
Demings
DeSaulnier
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Escobar
Eshoo
Espaillat
Evans
Fletcher
Foster
Frankel, Lois
Fudge
Garamendi
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Golden
Gomez
Gonzalez, Vicente
Gottheimer
Green, Al (TX)
Grijalva
Haaland
Harder (CA)
Hastings
Hayes
Higgins (NY)
Himes
Houlahan
Hoyer
Huffman
Jackson Lee
Jacobs (CA)
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (TX)
Jones
Kahele
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Khanna
Kildee
Kilmer
Kim (NJ)
Kind
Kirkpatrick
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster
Lamb
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee (CA)
Lee (NV)
Leger Fernandez
Levin (CA)
Levin (MI)
Lieu
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Luria
Lynch
Malinowski
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Manning
Matsui
McBath
McCollum
McEachin
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Mfume
Moore (WI)
Morelle
Moulton
Mrvan
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Neguse
Newman
Norcross
O'Halleran
Ocasio-Cortez
Omar
Pallone
Panetta
Pappas
Pascrell
Payne
Perlmutter
Peters
Phillips
Pingree
Pocan
Porter
Pressley
Price (NC)
Quigley
Raskin
Rice (NY)
Ross
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan
Sanchez
Sarbanes
Scanlon
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schrier
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sewell
Sherman
Sherrill
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (WA)
Soto
Spanberger
Speier
Stanton
Stevens
Strickland
Suozzi
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres (NY)
Trahan
Trone
Underwood
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wexton
Wild
Williams (GA)
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NAYS--205
Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Bentz
Bergman
Bice (OK)
Biggs
Bishop (NC)
Boebert
Brady
Brooks
Buchanan
Bucshon
Budd
Burchett
Burgess
Calvert
Cammack
Carl
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Cawthorn
Chabot
Cheney
Cline
Cloud
Clyde
Cole
Comer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Curtis
Davidson
Davis, Rodney
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Donalds
Duncan
Dunn
Emmer
Estes
Fallon
Feenstra
Ferguson
Fischbach
Fitzgerald
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franklin, C. Scott
Gaetz
Gallagher
Garbarino
Garcia (CA)
Gibbs
Gimenez
Gohmert
Gonzales, Tony
Gonzalez (OH)
Good (VA)
Gooden (TX)
Gosar
Granger
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Greene (GA)
Griffith
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Hagedorn
Harris
Harshbarger
Hartzler
Hern
Herrell
Herrera Beutler
Hice (GA)
Higgins (LA)
Hill
Hinson
Hollingsworth
Hudson
Huizenga
Issa
Jackson
Jacobs (NY)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson (SD)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Katko
Keller
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
Kim (CA)
Kinzinger
Kustoff
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Latta
LaTurner
Lesko
Long
Loudermilk
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Mace
Malliotakis
Mann
Massie
Mast
McCarthy
McCaul
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
Meijer
Meuser
Miller (IL)
Miller (WV)
Miller-Meeks
Moolenaar
Mooney
Moore (AL)
Moore (UT)
Mullin
Murphy (NC)
Nehls
Newhouse
Norman
Nunes
Obernolte
Owens
Palazzo
Palmer
Pence
Perry
Pfluger
Posey
Reed
Reschenthaler
Rice (SC)
Rodgers (WA)
Rogers (AL)
Rose
Rosendale
Rouzer
Roy
Rutherford
Salazar
Scalise
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sessions
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smucker
Spartz
Stauber
Steel
Stefanik
Steil
Steube
Stewart
Stivers
Taylor
Tenney
Thompson (PA)
Tiffany
Timmons
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Van Drew
Van Duyne
Wagner
Walberg
Walorski
Waltz
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Williams (TX)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Young
Zeldin
NOT VOTING--9
Bilirakis
Bost
Buck
Fulcher
Gallego
Horsford
McClain
Rogers (KY)
Swalwell
Parliamentary Inquiries
Mr. ROY (during the vote). Madam Speaker, I have a parliamentary
inquiry.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will state his parliamentary
inquiry.
Mr. ROY. Does the rule regarding proxy voting require a form be
submitted and signed by Members of this body that they have a pandemic-
or COVID-related reason for being unable to be physically present?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair would advise the gentleman that
regulation A of the proxy voting regulations issued pursuant to section
3(s) of House Resolution 8 requires any letter authorizing proxy voting
to contain an affirmative statement that because of the public health
emergency the Member is unable to physically attend proceedings in the
House Chamber.
Mr. ROY. Madam Speaker, I have a parliamentary inquiry.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will state his parliamentary
inquiry.
Mr. ROY. Would the Chair consider it a violation of the rule for a
Member to be present physically here in the Chamber and on the same day
vote by proxy having submitted said letter?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair does not look behind a Member's
submission of a letter under section 3(s) of House Resolution 8.
Mr. ROY. Madam Speaker, I have a parliamentary inquiry.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will state his parliamentary
inquiry.
Mr. ROY. Madam Speaker, does the Constitution of the United States
require a quorum to be present for votes on the House floor?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman is not stating a proper
parliamentary inquiry. The Chair does not interpret the
constitutionality of a proposition adopted by the House.
{time} 2233
Mr. PALMER changed his vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
Ms. SANCHEZ and Mrs. MURPHY of Florida changed their vote from
``nay'' to ``yea.''
So the previous question was ordered.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Stated for:
Mr. SWALWELL. Madam Speaker, had I been present, I would have voted
``yea'' on rollcall No. 46.
[[Page H773]]
members recorded pursuant to house resolution 8, 117th congress
Allred (Davids (KS))
Amodei (Balderson)
Banks (Walorski)
Boebert (McHenry)
Bowman (Clark (MA))
Brown (Mfume)
Buchanan (Donalds)
Budd (McHenry)
Calvert (Garcia (CA))
Cardenas (Gomez)
Carter (TX) (Nehls)
Cawthorn (McHenry)
DeSaulnier (Matsui)
DesJarlais (Fleischmann)
Deutch (Rice (NY))
Fletcher (Kuster)
Frankel, Lois (Clark (MA))
Gaetz (Franklin, C. Scott)
Garcia (TX) (Escobar)
Gibbs (Bucshon)
Gonzalez, Vincente (Gomez)
Gosar (Herrell)
Green (TN) (Timmons)
Green, Al (TX) (Perlmutter)
Grijalva (Garcia (IL))
Hastings (Cleaver)
Hern (Lucas)
Himes (Courtney)
Issa (Valadao)
Jackson (Nehls)
Jackson Lee (Butterfield)
Kelly (IL) (Kuster)
Kelly (PA) (Keller)
Kirkpatrick (Stanton)
Krishnamoorthi (Clark (MA))
LaHood (Smith (NE))
Langevin (Lynch)
Lawson (FL) (Evans)
Lieu (Beyer)
Lofgren (Jeffries)
Long (Wagner)
Lowenthal (Beyer)
McNerney (Eshoo)
Meng (Clark (MA))
Moore (WI) (Beyer)
Moulton (Trahan)
Mullin (Lucas)
Napolitano (Correa)
Norman (Rice (SC))
Nunes (Garcia (CA))
Palazzo (Fleischmann)
Payne (Pallone)
Pingree (Kuster)
Porter (Wexton)
Reed (Arrington)
Rodgers (WA) (Herrera Beutler)
Roybal-Allard (Bass)
Ruiz (Aguilar)
Rush (Underwood)
Steube (Franklin, C. Scott)
Stewart (Curtis)
Vargas (Correa)
Vela (Gomez)
Waltz (Donalds)
Wasserman Schultz (Soto)
Watson Coleman (Pallone)
Wilson (FL) (Hayes)
Young (Malliotakis)
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the resolution.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 219,
nays 210, not voting 2, as follows:
[Roll No. 47]
YEAS--219
Adams
Aguilar
Allred
Auchincloss
Axne
Barragan
Bass
Beatty
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Bourdeaux
Bowman
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brown
Brownley
Bush
Bustos
Butterfield
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carson
Cartwright
Case
Casten
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Craig
Crist
Crow
Cuellar
Davids (KS)
Davis, Danny K.
Dean
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Delgado
Demings
DeSaulnier
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Escobar
Eshoo
Espaillat
Evans
Fletcher
Foster
Frankel, Lois
Fudge
Garamendi
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Golden
Gomez
Gonzalez, Vicente
Gottheimer
Green, Al (TX)
Grijalva
Haaland
Harder (CA)
Hastings
Hayes
Higgins (NY)
Himes
Horsford
Houlahan
Hoyer
Huffman
Jackson Lee
Jacobs (CA)
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (TX)
Jones
Kahele
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Khanna
Kildee
Kilmer
Kim (NJ)
Kind
Kirkpatrick
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster
Lamb
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee (CA)
Lee (NV)
Leger Fernandez
Levin (CA)
Levin (MI)
Lieu
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Luria
Lynch
Malinowski
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Manning
Matsui
McBath
McCollum
McEachin
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Mfume
Moore (WI)
Morelle
Moulton
Mrvan
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Neguse
Newman
Norcross
O'Halleran
Ocasio-Cortez
Omar
Pallone
Panetta
Pappas
Pascrell
Payne
Perlmutter
Peters
Phillips
Pingree
Pocan
Porter
Pressley
Price (NC)
Quigley
Raskin
Rice (NY)
Ross
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan
Sanchez
Sarbanes
Scanlon
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schrier
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sewell
Sherman
Sherrill
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (WA)
Soto
Spanberger
Speier
Stanton
Stevens
Strickland
Suozzi
Swalwell
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres (NY)
Trahan
Trone
Underwood
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wexton
Wild
Williams (GA)
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NAYS--210
Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Bentz
Bergman
Bice (OK)
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (NC)
Boebert
Brady
Brooks
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burchett
Burgess
Calvert
Cammack
Carl
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Cawthorn
Chabot
Cheney
Cline
Cloud
Clyde
Cole
Comer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Curtis
Davidson
Davis, Rodney
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Donalds
Duncan
Dunn
Emmer
Estes
Fallon
Feenstra
Ferguson
Fischbach
Fitzgerald
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franklin, C. Scott
Fulcher
Gaetz
Gallagher
Garbarino
Garcia (CA)
Gibbs
Gimenez
Gohmert
Gonzales, Tony
Gonzalez (OH)
Good (VA)
Gooden (TX)
Gosar
Granger
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Greene (GA)
Griffith
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Hagedorn
Harris
Harshbarger
Hartzler
Hern
Herrell
Herrera Beutler
Hice (GA)
Higgins (LA)
Hill
Hinson
Hollingsworth
Hudson
Huizenga
Issa
Jackson
Jacobs (NY)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson (SD)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Katko
Keller
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
Kim (CA)
Kinzinger
Kustoff
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Latta
LaTurner
Lesko
Long
Loudermilk
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Mace
Malliotakis
Mann
Massie
Mast
McCarthy
McCaul
McClain
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
Meijer
Meuser
Miller (IL)
Miller (WV)
Miller-Meeks
Moolenaar
Mooney
Moore (AL)
Moore (UT)
Mullin
Murphy (NC)
Nehls
Newhouse
Norman
Nunes
Obernolte
Owens
Palazzo
Palmer
Pence
Perry
Pfluger
Posey
Reed
Reschenthaler
Rice (SC)
Rodgers (WA)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rose
Rosendale
Rouzer
Roy
Rutherford
Salazar
Scalise
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sessions
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smucker
Spartz
Stauber
Steel
Stefanik
Steil
Steube
Stewart
Stivers
Taylor
Tenney
Thompson (PA)
Tiffany
Timmons
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Van Drew
Van Duyne
Wagner
Walberg
Walorski
Waltz
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Williams (TX)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Young
Zeldin
NOT VOTING--2
Bost
Gallego
{time} 2318
Mr. McKINLEY changed his vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
So the resolution was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table
members recorded pursuant to house resolution 8, 117th congress
Allred (Davids (KS))
Amodei (Balderson)
Banks (Walorski)
Boebert (McHenry)
Bowman (Clark (MA))
Brown (Mfume)
Buchanan (Donalds)
Budd (McHenry)
Calvert (Garcia (CA))
Cardenas (Gomez)
Carter (TX) (Nehls)
Cawthorn (McHenry)
DeSaulnier (Matsui)
DesJarlais (Fleischmann)
Deutch (Rice (NY))
Fletcher (Kuster)
Frankel, Lois (Clark (MA))
Gaetz (Franklin, C. Scott)
Garcia (TX) (Escobar)
Gibbs (Bucshon)
Gonzalez, Vincente (Gomez)
Gosar (Herrell)
Green (TN) (Timmons)
Green, Al (TX) (Perlmutter)
Grijalva (Garcia (IL))
Hastings (Cleaver)
Hern (Lucas)
Himes (Courtney)
Issa (Valadao)
Jackson (Nehls)
Jackson Lee (Butterfield)
Kelly (IL) (Kuster)
Kelly (PA) (Keller)
Kirkpatrick (Stanton)
Krishnamoorthi (Clark (MA))
LaHood (Smith (NE))
Langevin (Lynch)
Lawson (FL) (Evans)
Lieu (Beyer)
Lofgren (Jeffries)
Long (Wagner)
Lowenthal (Beyer)
McNerney (Eshoo)
Meng (Clark (MA))
Moore (WI) (Beyer)
Moulton (Trahan)
Mullin (Lucas)
Napolitano (Correa)
Norman (Rice (SC))
Nunes (Garcia (CA))
Palazzo (Fleischmann)
Payne (Pallone)
Pingree (Kuster)
Porter (Wexton)
Reed (Arrington)
Rodgers (WA) (Herrera Beutler)
Roybal-Allard (Bass)
Ruiz (Aguilar)
Rush (Underwood)
Steube (Franklin, C. Scott)
Stewart (Curtis)
Vargas (Correa)
Vela (Gomez)
Waltz (Donalds)
Wasserman Schultz (Soto)
Watson Coleman (Pallone)
Wilson (FL) (Hayes)
Young (Malliotakis)
____________________