[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 37 (Friday, February 26, 2021)]
[House]
[Pages H762-H773]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




 PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 1319, AMERICAN RESCUE PLAN ACT OF 
                                  2021

  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, 
I call up House Resolution 166 and ask for its immediate consideration.
  The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:

                              H. Res. 166

       Resolved, That immediately upon adoption of this 
     resolution, the House shall proceed to the consideration in 
     the House of the bill (H.R. 1319) to provide for 
     reconciliation pursuant to title II of S. Con. Res. 5. All 
     points of order against consideration of the bill are waived. 
     The amendment printed in the report of the Committee on Rules 
     accompanying this resolution shall be considered as adopted. 
     The bill, as amended, shall be considered as read. All points 
     of order against provisions in the bill, as amended, are 
     waived. The previous question shall be considered as ordered 
     on the bill, as amended, and on any further amendment 
     thereto, to final passage without intervening motion except: 
     (1) one hour of debate equally divided among and controlled 
     by the chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on 
     the Budget or their respective designees and the chair and 
     ranking minority member of the Committee on Ways and Means or 
     their respective designees; and (2) one motion to recommit.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Massachusetts is 
recognized for 1 hour.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield 
the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Burgess), 
pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During 
consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose 
of debate only.


                             General Leave

  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Massachusetts?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, today the Rules Committee met for over 
10 hours and reported a rule, House Resolution 166, providing for 
consideration of H.R. 1319, the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021, under 
a closed rule.
  The rule provides 1 hour of debate equally divided among and 
controlled by the chairs and ranking minority members, or their 
designees, of the Committee on the Budget and the Committee on Ways and 
Means.
  The rule self-executes a manager's amendment by Chairman Yarmuth and 
provides one motion to recommit.
  Madam Speaker, since the emergence of the coronavirus, our Nation has 
been in a perpetual state of mourning. The number of Americans killed 
by this pandemic is nearly equal to one death a minute every minute for 
a year.
  Every corner of society has been impacted: More than 18 million 
Americans are receiving unemployment benefits; nearly 24 million 
Americans are going hungry with roughly 12 million children living in 
households with food insecurity; up to 40 million Americans cannot 
afford to pay rent; 8 of 10 minority-owned businesses are on the brink 
of closure; and I could go on and on and on, Madam Speaker. This is a 
time to act and to act boldly.
  That is why we began work on the American Rescue Plan nearly 1 month 
ago. Nine committees have now marked up portions of the bill, spending 
more than 100 hours debating more than 400 amendments. We have acted 
swiftly, Madam Speaker, but we have also acted deliberately, guided by 
the reality that the American people need us to act urgently.
  More vaccines need to get to more people, so this plan will set up 
community vaccination sites nationwide. Our schools need to safely 
reopen, so this bill will deliver new resources to help them do so. 
Working families need more immediate relief, so the American Rescue 
Plan also provides an additional $1,400 per person and direct 
assistance. That will bring the total amount of direct assistance 
recently provided to $2,000 per person.
  This bill also extends unemployment benefits and boosts the Federal 
minimum wage so that 27 million workers get a raise. Sadly, the Senate 
rules will cause this provision to be removed when it is considered 
there.
  But I want the American people to know this, we, on the Democratic 
side, we will not stop fighting to make a minimum wage increase a 
reality. No one, and I mean no one, who works full time in the richest 
nation on this planet should have to live in poverty.
  There is also nutrition assistance included to combat the growing 
hunger crisis. And support for local communities on the frontlines of 
this health emergency. There is aid here for small businesses, expanded 
PPP eligibility, and resources for our first responders, for our 
teachers, for our transit workers, and so much more.
  This is what it looks like when Congress acts in a way that matches 
the scale of the problem that we face. Nearly 7 in 10 Americans support 
this plan. More than 150 leaders of our Nation's top businesses came 
out this week in support of this plan.
  Republican officeholders like the Governor of West Virginia have 
encouraged Congress to go big here. And local Republican leaders, like 
the mayor of Miami, and so many other Republican mayors across this 
country from red States, support our President's proposal. This is a 
bipartisan response to the coronavirus crisis.
  We all joined together on the Capitol steps on Tuesday to mark the 
500,000 lives lost to the coronavirus in this country. We didn't stand 
as Democrats or Republicans, but as one Congress. We mourn the empty 
seats at dinner tables, and the missed graduations, and weddings the 
same way, not from our partisan corners, but as one American family.
  Through our grief, we should respond here the same way. United in our 
purpose to defeat this pandemic and rebuild our Nation.
  Madam Speaker, I urge all my colleagues to stand together and with 
the American people in support of this plan. Let's act big. Let's act 
bold. Let's crush this virus.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts 
for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time 
as I may consume.
  Madam Speaker, just before I begin, I also want to acknowledge that I 
had sent the chairman of the Rules Committee a letter earlier in the 
week, to which he today kindly responded, and I appreciate the prompt 
response to my concerns about Capitol security.
  Madam Speaker, today's rule provides for consideration of H.R. 1319, 
the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021. Throughout this process, 
Republicans have been completely excluded. I sit on the Committee on 
Energy and Commerce, I sit on the Budget Committee, and I sit on the 
Rules Committee, and throughout the markups in each of these committees 
Republicans offered sincere amendments to improve the bill for the 
American people.
  While only 2 of the 245 Republican amendments offered were adopted, 
the rule before us today strips out the one amendment adopted by a 
rollcall vote.
  Earlier today in the Rules Committee, over 200 amendments were 
offered and debated, not a single one was made in order. The American 
people at least deserve to have the suggestions of Members that they 
elected to be debated on the House floor. They don't have to be 
adopted, but they should at least be heard on the House floor. It seems 
that the Democrats are unwilling to allow elected Members of Congress 
to do their job and represent their constituents.

                              {time}  2045

  With $1 trillion of funding left unspent from the previous--from the

[[Page H763]]

previous--coronavirus response bills, it does seem that we do have some 
time to do our work, but, instead, we didn't even hold markups on this 
portion of the bill.
  While the Energy and Commerce Committee did hold a markup, all 
Republican amendments were defeated. This portion of the bill includes 
changes that will take months to implement, if indeed they happen at 
all. Perhaps the most startling figure is less than 10 percent of these 
dollars are actually spent on combating the coronavirus.
  Despite spending over $14 billion on vaccines and therapeutics, after 
$28 billion was just recently provided in the fiscal year 2021 omnibus, 
this package does not contain any funding--zero funding--for the 
National Institutes of Health. The National Institutes of Health has 
been a critical partner in Operation Warp Speed and getting the vaccine 
through the approval process in literally warp speed time and helping 
the vaccine manufacturers in developing the coronavirus vaccine that we 
are now so urgently needing.
  This legislation includes many provisions that really should be 
addressed outside of a coronavirus relief package, like providing a 
State option for postpartum Medicaid coverage for women. While this is 
a policy I have long advocated for, it should not be temporary, as this 
legislation directs it to sunset after 7 years. Let's bring that bill 
separately to the floor and get this policy right, just as we did in 
the last Congress.
  Furthermore, although there are billions of dollars directed to 
public health, the Provider Relief Fund is curiously not replenished.
  Again, why are we not supporting programs which we know work and we 
know provide direct, targeted relief?
  The Provider Relief Fund is a program that works, and that is why I 
offered an amendment to add $35 billion to the Provider Relief Fund.
  Adding to the partisan nature of this legislation is the lack of any 
Hyde protections ensuring that none of this funding is used to 
subsidize abortion. The Hyde amendment is a longstanding, bipartisan 
agreement. Instead, there is $50 million included for Title X Family 
Planning, which likely is going to go to Planned Parenthood and has 
nothing to do with coronavirus relief.
  This is a $1.9 trillion partisan wish list that could ultimately 
increase the Federal deficit to between $2 trillion to $3 trillion 
without addressing the immediate needs of Americans simply trying to 
survive this pandemic.
  So I would suggest that now is not the time to push through partisan 
priorities. Barely a month ago, Congress passed, and President Trump 
signed into law, a $900 billion coronavirus relief package. Combined 
with previous relief packages, which were bipartisan and which were 
worked on by both Democrats and Republicans in the last calendar year, 
there remains $1 trillion in unspent funding.
  Why is it so urgent to pass another $2 trillion now?
  It is reminiscent of our former colleague, Rahm Emanuel, who said: 
Never let a crisis go to waste.
  Madam Speaker, I urge opposition to the rule, and I reserve the 
balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Colorado (Mr. Perlmutter), who is a distinguished member of the Rules 
Committee.
  Mr. PERLMUTTER. Madam Speaker, I rise today to support the rule and 
the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021.
  The COVID-19 pandemic has cost the lives of over 500,000 Americans--
more than all the casualties of World War I, World War II, and the 
Vietnam war combined. Millions more have been infected and are 
recovering from the virus. Our economy has lost more than 10 million 
jobs. Countless businesses have failed or are at risk of failing. So 
our job today in Congress is to move quickly to address the physical, 
emotional, and financial health of all Americans. We can accomplish all 
three of these priorities through passage of the American Rescue Plan.
  I want to touch on a few of the provisions included in this package. 
First, our State and local governments, firefighters, police, 
transportation workers, and healthcare providers have been on the front 
lines of the pandemic, supporting their communities by developing 
testing capabilities, supporting vulnerable populations, and now 
deploying the vaccines as quickly as possible.
  I am glad this bill includes $350 billion for State and local 
governments all across the country.
  We also need to work quickly to extend expiring unemployment 
programs, which expire on March 14. We saw what happened when Senator 
McConnell paused last year, and Coloradans are still struggling to 
receive the benefits they are owed.
  This legislation will invest $130 billion to support K-12 schools as 
they work to return to in-person learning and help students catch up. 
It will also include $40 billion in rental and housing assistance. In 
the last month, Colorado has seen a record amount of requests for 
rental assistance.
  The time for action is now. President Biden is laser focused on 
delivering relief to all Americans, and I am proud of his leadership so 
we can provide this needed assistance as we vaccinate more people each 
day. America needs this, America wants this, and they are going to get 
it.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania (Mr. Reschenthaler), who is a valuable member of the Rules 
Committee.
  Mr. RESCHENTHALER. Madam Speaker, the payoff to progressives package 
before us today has little to do with the ongoing pandemic. This bill, 
which is the most expensive single bill in history, only allocates 9 
percent of the $1.9 trillion price tag to actually defeating COVID.
  So what are the Democrats spending the rest of the money on?
  Corrupt pet projects, of course, and also payoffs to Progressive 
liberal special interest groups.
  Just look at it: $100 million for a Silicon Valley rail project near 
Speaker Pelosi's district. Totally coincidentally, I am sure. Taxpayer 
funded healthcare subsidies for illegal immigrants. Fifty million 
dollars for Planned Parenthood. Hundreds of billions in bailouts to 
blue State Governors, who crush small businesses with their draconian 
lockdown measures. And a minimum wage mandate that, right off the bat, 
would kill 1.4 million American jobs. The list goes on and on.
  But do you know what Democrats aren't putting in this bill?
  They aren't reopening our schools. In fact, this bill spends 95 
percent of the education funding after the school year.
  Democrats also aren't reopening our economy with this bill. In fact, 
this bill spends $471 billion on policies that actually reduce 
employment.
  And they aren't targeting relief to where it is actually needed. In 
fact, this bill gives checks to individuals who have not lost any 
income and gives taxpayer-funded healthcare to millionaires.
  President Biden and congressional Democrats had a chance to make good 
on their empty promises to show unity and bipartisanship. They could 
have worked with Republicans on a targeted relief bill that sends money 
to where it actually needs to go and effectively spends $1 trillion in 
the remaining funds that have already been allocated. Instead, they are 
using this pandemic as pretext to force through a corrupt bill filled 
with Progressive payoffs.
  Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on H.R. 1319.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I include in the Record an article from 
The Washington Post, titled ``Biden is winning Republican support for 
his $1.9 trillion coronavirus relief plan. Just not in Washington.''

               [From the Washington Post, Feb. 14, 2021]

 Biden Is Winning Republican Support for His $1.9 Trillion Coronavirus 
                  Relief Plan--Just Not in Washington

                            (By Griff Witte)

       The pandemic has not been kind to Fresno, the poorest major 
     city in California. The unemployment rate spiked above 10 
     percent and has stubbornly remained there. Violent crime has 
     surged, as has homelessness. Tax revenue has plummeted as 
     businesses have shuttered. Lines at food banks are filled 
     with first-timers.
       But as bad as it's been, things could soon get worse: 
     Having frozen hundreds of jobs last year, the city is now 
     being forced to consider laying off 250 people, including 
     police and firefighters, to close a $31 million budget 
     shortfall.

[[Page H764]]

       ``That,'' said Jerry Dyer, mayor of the half-million-strong 
     city in the Central Valley, ``is going to be devastating.''
       The looming cuts explain why Dyer's eyes are fixed on 
     Washington, where President Biden's $1.9 trillion coronavirus 
     relief plan dangles the tantalizing prospect of a reprieve. 
     Though Dyer is a Republican, he's rooting for the president 
     to successfully push through federal aid that, after a 
     nightmarish year for Fresno, will ``help get us to the end.''
       The first-term mayor's stance reflects a broader split, one 
     that gives Biden and his fellow Democrats a key tactical 
     advantage as negotiations near an expected climax early next 
     month.
       Republicans in Congress overwhelmingly oppose the relief 
     bill, casting it as bloated and budget-busting, with some 
     heaping particular scorn on a measure to send $350 billion in 
     assistance to states and cities. Should Biden go ahead 
     without their approval, GOP leaders say, it will prove that 
     his mantra of bipartisanship rings hollow.
       But to many Republicans at city halls and statehouses 
     across the country, the relief package looks very different. 
     Instead of the ``blue-state bailout'' derided by GOP 
     lawmakers, Republican mayors and governors say they see badly 
     needed federal aid to keep police on the beat, to prevent 
     battered Main Street businesses from going under and to help 
     care for the growing ranks of the homeless and the hungry.
       ``It's not a Republican issue or a Democrat issue,'' said 
     Dyer, who became mayor last month following a long career as 
     the city's police chief. ``It's a public health issue. It's 
     an economic issue. And it's a public safety issue.''
       Surveys show that a broad majority of Americans support the 
     assistance, including large numbers of Republicans. Only a 
     minority among Republican voters agree with GOP lawmakers 
     that the aid package is too large, polls have found.
       Biden on Friday highlighted the rift, inviting a bipartisan 
     group of mayors and governors to the White House to discuss 
     the specifics of the bill.
       You folks are all on the front lines and dealing with the 
     crisis since day one,'' he told the group, which included the 
     Republican governors of Maryland and Arkansas, as well as 
     Republican mayors.
       Miami Mayor Francis Suarez (R) later told reporters from 
     the podium in the White House briefing room that he had 
     spoken with Biden and Vice President Harris more in the first 
     several weeks of their administration ``than I had spoken to 
     the prior administration in the entirety.''
       Biden said he brought the group to the White House to ask 
     ``what do they think they need most.''
       To many mayors and governors, it's a long list.
       ``I don't know of any city that hasn't been affected 
     negatively,'' Oklahoma City Mayor David Holt (R) said. ``Some 
     may be worse off than others. But we have all had to make 
     cuts.''
       The impact has not been as severe as some economists 
     initially projected, however. When the pandemic first struck 
     American shores and much of the U.S. economy shut down last 
     spring, the prognosis for states and cities looked dire. 
     Analysts warned that cities--some of which had still not 
     fully recovered from the Great Recession more than a decade 
     ago--could be forced into bankruptcy.
       But some of the worst consequences have already been 
     blunted by previous rounds of federal aid, as well as by the 
     nature of the economic recovery, with high-income 
     individuals--who contribute much of the state and local tax 
     base--bouncing back relatively quickly, even as poorer 
     families languish.
       When 10 Republican senators visited the White House this 
     month to lay out their slimmed-down $618 billion 
     counterproposal to the president's plan, Mitt Romney (Utah) 
     came brandishing details from a J.P. Morgan analysis showing 
     that most states had seen only modest revenue declines.
       Romney later told reporters that Biden's insistence on $350 
     billion in state and local aid was the biggest stumbling 
     block in negotiations.
       ``That kind of number just makes no sense at all,'' he 
     said. The Republican plan proposed to cut it entirely.
       Yet as the J.P. Morgan analysis shows, the impact of the 
     pandemic has been unevenly felt, with some states--especially 
     those whose economies are heavily dependent on tourism or oil 
     and gas extraction--suffering dramatic declines.
       A Brookings Institution analysis in September found that 
     although income tax revenue had proved resilient during the 
     pandemic, sales tax and transportation-related revenue had 
     been hit especially hard. As a result, states and cities were 
     projected to lose out on more than $450 billion over three 
     years.
       And the pain hasn't only been on the revenue side. New 
     needs arising from the pandemic have created new costs.
       ``Cities were confronting some really big challenges even 
     before this crisis--income inequality, homelessness, housing 
     affordability,'' said Tracy Gordon, acting director of the 
     Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center.
       All have been exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic, she 
     said. But many cities now have fewer resources with which to 
     address them.
       In Oklahoma City, Holt said, revenue has been down by about 
     5 percent, a sharp departure from the robust growth the city 
     had become accustomed to before the pandemic. To compensate, 
     he said, the city has had to leave jobs unfilled and cut 
     funding for parks and recreation, even as the overall needs 
     of citizens and businesses have grown.
       ``We don't do much fluff here,'' he said. ``So whatever 
     we've had to cut, residents have experienced it.''
       Republican lawmakers in Washington have dismissed aid to 
     cities as a bailout for governments that have long spent 
     beyond their means.
       But Holt called that ``a red herring.'' Most state and city 
     governments--unlike the federal government--have to balance 
     their budgets, just as a business would.
       But unlike businesses large and small that have received 
     grants or loans to make up for the damage done by the 
     coronavirus, cities have been left out.
       ``In a sense, we're the only employer that hasn't been able 
     to make an application to anyone to save our jobs and save 
     our services,'' said Holt, who noted that the city government 
     is one of his metro area's biggest employers. ``Support for 
     cities and states is way overdue.''
       There has been some relief. The Cares Act, signed into law 
     by President Donald Trump last March, included $150 billion 
     for states and for the nation's 38 largest cities. But money 
     had to be spent directly on coronavirus expenses, creating 
     logistical hurdles in getting it out the door. Nearly a year 
     later, some of it remains unspent, a point Republicans make 
     in arguing for why additional taxpayer dollars should not be 
     allocated.
       The aid proposed by Biden would not have the same 
     restrictions. Mayors say that will make it easier to quickly 
     get it into the hands of those who need it and to stimulate 
     economic growth.
       Betsy Price proudly calls Fort Worth, the metropolis of 
     nearly 900,000 she has led for the past decade, ``a fiscally 
     conservative city.'' But the Republican said the pandemic has 
     forced the city government to spend more just to keep people 
     afloat, doling out small-business support, rental assistance 
     and help with utility bills.
       Price joined more than 400 fellow mayors late last month--
     including many Republicans--in signing a U.S. Conference of 
     Mayors letter that called on Congress to quickly pass Biden's 
     coronavirus relief plan. She said she had spoken with both of 
     Texas's senators--Republicans Ted Cruz and John Cornyn--and 
     made the same case.
       ``We're not asking the Democrats or the Republicans to put 
     money into city coffers,'' she said. ``We're asking them to 
     put it into the community to help people get back on their 
     feet.''
       The National Governors Association has not released a 
     letter similar to the one endorsed by the mayors. But the 
     group did call for $500 billion in relief for states last 
     spring. And individual Republican governors have spoken up to 
     back Biden's relief plan, which can be enacted without GOP 
     support. That includes moderates such as Maryland's Larry 
     Hogan, as well as Trump-aligned conservatives such as West 
     Virginia's Jim Justice, who has urged Congress to ``go big.''
       Suarez, the Miami mayor, has pushed the same message and 
     has put pressure on Florida's two Republican senators, Marco 
     Rubio and Rick Scott, to follow through.
       The Republican recently co-wrote an op-ed with St. 
     Petersburg Mayor Rick Kriseman, a Democrat, in which they 
     addressed the senators directly and enumerated the problems 
     facing their cities, including unemployment, bankrupt 
     business and lines at food pantries that look like 
     ``gridlocked freeways.''
       ``Florida's cities are in agony and are crying out for 
     help,'' they wrote. ``This is not sustainable.''
       In an interview, Suarez said both senators have been 
     receptive to his message in private, though they also 
     expressed concerns about the price tag--concerns that Suarez 
     said he could understand, to a point.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Takano), who is the distinguished chairman of the 
Committee on Veterans' Affairs.
  Mr. TAKANO. Madam Speaker, I thank Chairman McGovern for yielding.
  Madam Speaker, as of this week, over 10,000 veterans and 130 VHA 
employees have lost their lives to COVID-19. Over 226,000 veterans and 
18,000 VA employees have tested positive.
  It is clear: We must act now.
  This bill would provide funding to increase VA's claims and appeals 
processing to reduce the backlog caused by COVID-19. It would deliver 
critical funding for the Veterans Health Administration, bolster VA's 
supply chain modernization, and support State veterans homes to upgrade 
and enhance their safety operations. It would also fund stronger 
oversight through the VA's Office of Inspector General, secure 
assistance for unemployed veterans, and prohibit copayments for 
veterans during the pandemic.
  This bill is critical to ensure the health system that veterans rely 
on can continue to meet their needs and serve as a backup to America's 
overwhelmed healthcare systems.
  While a return to handshakes, hugs, and visible smiles is on the 
horizon, the

[[Page H765]]

path to get there requires this Congress to do quick and thorough work 
to ensure we all get there together.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania (Mr. Meuser).
  Mr. MEUSER. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas for 
yielding.
  Madam Speaker, over the past year, Congress has allocated nearly $4 
trillion to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic. Now Democrat leadership 
is following through on a campaign promise made by President Biden to 
spend another $2 trillion.
  Madam Speaker, further assistance is appropriate for those 
individuals, families, and businesses who have been hit the hardest, 
including restaurants; but this bill fails to recognize the improving 
economic conditions, as well as the fact that more than $1 trillion 
from previous relief packages remains unspent.
  Just 9 percent of this bill goes towards combating the virus, and 
just 1 percent is directed for vaccines. Instead, the apparent 
priorities for Democrat leadership include a bailout for mismanaged 
States, pension funds, an increase in the minimum wage, and half a 
billion dollars for the arts and humanities.
  Madam Speaker, Congress has already provided $68 billion for our 
schools, more than double the CDC's highest estimate of what it would 
take for our schools to open safely. We should be able to unite in 
supporting an economic recovery, open our schools, increase testing, 
and ensure the efficient distribution of vaccines.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
New Jersey (Mr. Pallone), who is the distinguished chairman of the 
Energy and Commerce Committee.
  Mr. PALLONE. Madam Speaker, President Biden has set forth a national 
plan to crush the virus. With this bill, Congress is providing the 
President with the resources and tools to implement a national plan 
that was sorely lacking under President Trump. States competed against 
each other during the Trump administration for personal protection 
equipment, ventilators, and testing supplies. That now ends.
  This legislation provides $20 billion to speed up the distribution 
and administration of COVID-19 vaccines. It invests over $47 billion in 
a national testing strategy. It invests $7 billion to hire 100,000 new 
full-time public health workers to perform vital tasks, like vaccine 
outreach and contact tracing. It invests more than $25 billion to 
address health disparities.
  We also include assistance for struggling families to help keep their 
lights on, the heat working, and the water running. We included $7.6 
billion to expand internet connectivity to help students and teachers 
without home internet access.
  Madam Speaker, the American Rescue Plan meets the unprecedented 
challenges our Nation is facing, and it deserves strong bipartisan 
support.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Texas (Mr. Pfluger), who is another valuable member of the Texas 
delegation.
  Mr. PFLUGER. Madam Speaker, I rise today in complete opposition to 
the Democrats' blue State bailout bill.
  This bill will cost the American taxpayer nearly $2 trillion--let 
that sit for a second--$2 trillion when our Nation is already $27 
trillion in debt.
  Where does this money go?
  Surely it will be spent towards fighting the pandemic and COVID. 
Wrong. Only 9 percent of this money will go towards fighting COVID-19. 
The rest of the funding is going towards Democrat pet projects, like a 
subway in Silicon Valley and a bridge in New York. Taxpayers in Texas 
should absolutely not be rewarding States who have kept their economies 
shuttered and prevented workers from earning a living.
  Madam Speaker, for these reasons and more, I urge my colleagues to 
vote ``no.''
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Georgia (Mr.   David Scott), who is the distinguished chairman of the 
Committee on Agriculture.
  Mr. DAVID SCOTT of Georgia. Madam Speaker, let's face facts. Let me 
tell my Republican friends: We have a terrible hunger crisis going on 
in this country right now. Fourteen million of our children are going 
to bed hungry this night.
  The American people are crying out: Congress, help us.
  We have support of our measure from the American Farm Federation and 
from Cargill, and we have support of our legislation from God Almighty 
Himself.
  What did He tell you and me?
  He said: Feed the hungry and heal the sick.
  America is hungry, America is sick, and America is calling on you 
Republicans to love your people and take care of your people at this 
critical time of need.
  Madam Speaker, as the first African American Chairman of the House 
Agriculture Committee, I am proud that the American Rescue Plan Act 
provides support for all sectors of agricultural production, including 
farmers, ranchers, and private forest land owners of color.
  The U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) spends billions of dollars 
annually in providing much needed support to American producers. Sadly, 
Black farmers and other farmers of color have received a small share of 
the USDA farm loans and payments as a result of discrimination. When 
these producers did receive loans or payments, many of them were not 
provided timely or proper loan servicing options due to discrimination, 
which led to producers of color losing their land and operations.
  Sections 1005 and 1006 of the American Rescue Plan Act provide 
targeted and tailored support for these farmers and ranchers. I note 
for the record that changes made to these sections in the Manager's 
Amendment were to ensure that these sections would meet the 
requirements of section 313 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 for 
consideration in the United States Senate.
  The systemic discrimination against Black farmers and other farmers 
of color by USDA is longstanding and well-documented and continues to 
present barriers for these producers to participate in the agricultural 
economy. It is important that we document this history and the 
continuing challenges for these farmers of color in the Congressional 
Record.
  A 1965 report by the United States Commission on Civil Rights found 
that Federal, state, and local officials discriminated against Black 
farmers in agricultural programs and that this discrimination actively 
contributed to the decline in the Black ownership of farmland.
  In 1968, a follow up report from the United States Commission on 
Civil Rights found that Black farmers continued to face discrimination 
when seeking farm loans and other forms of assistance.
  In 1970, the United States Commission on Civil Rights again found 
that discrimination continued in USDA program administration. The 1970 
report indicated that prior to 1968, no Black farmer had ever been 
elected to any former Agricultural Stabilization and Conservation 
Service committee at the county level in the South. In 1970, two out of 
more than 4,100 committee members in the South were Black farmers, even 
though there were 58 counties in the South, where Black farmers 
comprised a majority of the farm operator population.
  In 1982, the United States Commission on Civil Rights issued another 
report on the rapid decline of Black-operated farms. The report noted 
that between 1970 and 1980, the Black farm population declined 65 
percent, compared to a 22 percent decline in the white farm population. 
The report also documented numerous discrimination complaints filed 
against USDA field offices regarding the administration of farm loan 
programs and noted that for many of these complaints, USDA's Office of 
Equal Opportunity investigated and found equal opportunity violations 
at those field offices. The report concluded that racial discrimination 
was continuing within the USDA, at USDA headquarters, and in the 
network of field offices that implement USDA programs.
  In 1988, Congress passed section 617 of the Agricultural Credit Act 
of 1987 requiring the USDA to establish annual target participation 
rates, on a county-wide basis, that would ensure that members of 
socially disadvantaged groups receive direct or guaranteed farm 
ownership loans. Congress amended this requirement in 1996, to ensure 
that USDA's implementation was consistent with the holding of the 
Supreme Court in Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Federico Pena, Secretary 
of Transportation, 515 U.S. 200 (1995), which held that race-based 
actions by the government is within constitutional constraints when it 
is necessary to further a compelling interest such as the ``unhappy 
persistence of both the practice and lingering effects of racial 
discrimination against minority groups.''
  A 1995 U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) report found that 
socially disadvantaged producers were significantly underrepresented on 
the county and community committees of the former Agricultural 
Stabilization

[[Page H766]]

and Conservation Service. Specifically, the report found that while 
minority producers accounted for nearly 5 percent of the producers 
eligible to vote for committee members, minority producers only 
represented 2.1 percent of county committee members in the United 
States.
  In 1997, the USDA formed a Civil Rights Action Team to hold 
nationwide listening sessions to hear from socially disadvantaged and 
minority farmers. A report published after the listening sessions 
documented Black, Hispanic, Asian-American, and American Indian farmers 
who told stories of USDA hurting minority farmers more than helping 
them. Minority farmers described how their discrimination complaints 
were caught in the backlog of appeals or if successfully appealed, were 
given findings of discrimination that were not enforced. The report 
acknowledged that discrimination in USDA program delivery continued to 
exist to a large degree unabated.
  Also in 1997, the USDA Office of the Inspector General (OIG) issued a 
report to the USDA Secretary that noted ``a climate of disorder within 
the civil rights staff at [the Farm Service Agency].'' It was difficult 
for the OIG to even determine the number and status of civil rights 
complaints at the agency and department because of that climate. As the 
OIG later summarized in a 2005 audit, ``it took 12 days longer to 
complete minority applications, delinquencies were higher for minority 
borrowers than nonminority borrowers, and minority borrowers were 
reluctant to enter into FSA offices to apply for loans.''
  In 1998, the USDA National Commission on Small Farms further 
described and documented the longstanding discrimination of USDA 
towards socially disadvantaged producers. And, it observed that 
``discrimination has been a contributing factor in the decline of Black 
farmers over the last several decades.'' The Commission's report also 
notes the ``history of under-allocation of resources to institutions 
that have served minority farmers,'' the ``disgraceful'' ``failure to 
elect minority farmers to positions on FSA County Committees,'' and 
more.
  During the period between 1997 and 2000, Black farmers, Native 
American farmers, and Latinx farmers filed lawsuits alleging USDA 
discriminated against them on the basis of race in processing their 
farm program applications and that USDA failed to investigate their 
complaints of discrimination. But settlements resulting from these 
lawsuits have not provided the relief necessary for these farmers of 
color to participate fully in the American agricultural economy.
  For example, the Los Angeles Times reported in 2012 that payments 
made to Black farmers under the Pigford settlements were significantly 
eroded by state taxes, as well as tax debt related to forgiven USDA 
farm loans.
  In 2001, a report by the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights documented 
the continued discriminatory lending practices against minority 
farmers. The Commission found that Black farmers waited four times 
longer than white farmers for USDA farm loans. The Commission 
recommended that USDA resolve the backlog of civil rights complaints 
and document and alleviate discriminatory lending practices. However, 
USDA continued to struggle with resolving its backlog of civil rights 
complaints. In 2008, GAO reported that USDA's difficulties in resolving 
discrimination complaints persisted and that the USDA had not achieved 
its goal of preventing future backlogs of discrimination complaints.
  Recent studies and reports continue to document the challenges and 
barriers faced by farmers of color due to race or ethnic discrimination 
or the legacy of such discrimination. A September 20, 2017, study in 
the Agriculture and Human Values journal described the challenges faced 
by Latinx farmers due to failure of agricultural agencies to engage in 
appropriate outreach or account for language barriers.
  In 2019, a GAO report observed that socially disadvantaged farmers 
and ranchers had proportionately less agricultural credit than non-
socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers. This report found that 
farmers and ranchers of color continued to face more difficulties in 
obtaining farm loans and highlighted the historic, systemic 
discrimination against such farmers.
  The Market Facilitation Program and Coronavirus Food Assistance 
Program are recent USDA programs designed to bolster the farm economy; 
in both programs the majority of funds went to non-minority farmers. 
For example, the Environmental Working Group reported that nonminority 
farmers received nearly 97 percent of the $9.2 billion provided by the 
USDA's Coronavirus Food Assistance Program. Additionally, the Farm Bill 
Law Enterprise reported that 99 percent of Market Facilitation Payments 
went to non-minority farmers.
  The systemic discrimination of farmers, ranchers, and other producers 
of color by the USDA is longstanding and well-documented. I urge my 
colleagues to support me and the Committee on Agriculture as we work to 
enable socially disadvantaged producers to succeed in the agricultural 
economy. Sections 1005 and 1006 of the bill before the House today are 
critical to that work, and I urge my colleagues to support this 
measure.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to address their 
remarks to the Chair.

                              {time}  2100

  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I thank the Chair for that reminder.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. 
Smith).
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, in a radical departure from 
all previous COVID-19 relief laws, the bill before us today mandates 
taxpayer funding for abortion on demand. Today, the Rules Committee 
refused to even allow a pro-life amendment sponsored by Cathy McMorris 
Rodgers, Virginia Foxx, and Jackie Walorski, cosponsored by 206 
Members.
  Madam Speaker, it is shocking to learn that the methods of abortion 
include dismemberment of a child's fragile body, including 
decapitation, and that drugs like RU-486 starve the baby to death.
  Unborn babies killed by abortion at 20 weeks or later experience 
excruciating suffering and physical pain. And until rendered 
unconscious or dead by these hideous procedures, the baby feels every 
cut.
  Mr. Biden once wrote constituents, explaining that his support for 
laws against funding for abortion by saying ``it would protect both the 
woman and her unborn child.''
  Mr. Biden went on to say ``that those of us who are opposed to 
abortion should not be compelled to pay for them.'' I agree. Most 
Americans agree; 58 percent, according to the recent Marist poll. 
Unborn babies, Madam Speaker, need the President of the United States 
and Members of Congress to be their friend and advocate, not their 
adversary.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania (Mr. Evans).
  Mr. EVANS. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of the American Relief 
Plan desperately needed by Philadelphia constituents. This plan extends 
the poverty-busting earned income tax credits and provides billions for 
small businesses. It expands vaccine access, addresses health 
disparities, and helps schools open safely. The American people are 
counting on us to crush the virus. Let's do the right thing and pass 
this very critical bill.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from 
Oklahoma (Mr. Cole), the ranking member of the House Committee on 
Rules.
  Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I thank my good friend from Texas for 
yielding.
  Today, the House is considering a massive budget reconciliation 
package that the majority claims to be using for additional coronavirus 
relief funds. Having already passed five bipartisan relief packages 
over the last year, totaling almost $4 trillion in spending, the 
majority is now seeking to spend nearly $2 trillion more.
  But unlike the past five measures, which were bipartisan deals with 
both Republican and Democratic support, today's bill is strictly 
partisan, with only Democratic support and input. And with a glance at 
the bill, it is easy to see why.
  First, the vast majority of this so-called rescue package has nothing 
to do with the COVID-19 pandemic. The bill fails to keep a laser focus 
on providing relief for Americans, ensuring schools are open to educate 
our children, and moving to swiftly reopen the economy.
  Instead, the majority has thrown in completely unrelated items that 
just so happen to be at the top of their progressive wish list. This 
includes irresponsible policies like Federal bailouts for certain 
pension funds, providing bloated contributions to State and local 
governments, and arbitrarily raising the minimum wage, which will cost 
well more than a million people to lose their jobs. Incidentally, the 
same minimum wage provision is not going to be considered in the Senate 
and will have to be stripped from the bill.
  But perhaps I shouldn't be surprised by these misguided provisions, 
given how completely shut out of this process Republicans have been. 
During the markups across nine committees that

[[Page H767]]

considered this package, Republicans offered 245 amendments to help fix 
these and other problems.
  Republicans offered commonsense amendments to reopen schools, give 
additional resources to the NIH, provide funding to make sure all 
teachers have the opportunity to receive a COVID vaccine, and many 
more. Yet, only two of these amendments were accepted by the Democrats 
in committee markups, and one of those two amendments is actually being 
stripped out of the bill in the manager's amendment today.
  A $1.9 trillion package that is being brought to the floor with next 
to no Republican input? Simply astonishing.
  Madam Speaker, it is clear what we need to do. Our entire Nation is 
suffering as a result of this pandemic. Every day, more businesses 
shutter. Every day, children are falling further behind. And every day, 
people fall deeper and deeper into despair caused, in part, by 
isolation.
  Instead of proceeding with this progressive wish list, we need to 
take real action to open the economy. Above all else, we need to get 
children back in school.
  Prior to the pandemic, children had access to in-person staff and 
services at school. But now, with schools remaining closed, we see the 
results: more students falling behind, more students contemplating 
suicide, more children falling into despair.
  For millions of children, the ground lost during the pandemic may 
never be recovered. We are failing an entire generation of our 
children, and we need to reverse course and get them back in school.
  Madam Speaker, there was, and still is, an opportunity to put 
together a bipartisan relief package. There is still time to focus on 
policies that will reopen the economy and make sure kids can learn in 
person, but we cannot do it if the majority insists on this bloated 
package with so many unrelated policies.
  So long as the majority insists that it is their way or the highway, 
true help for the American people cannot be achieved. Madam Speaker, I 
urge my colleagues to reject this rule and the underlying legislation.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
New Mexico (Ms. Leger Fernandez).
  Ms. LEGER FERNANDEZ. Madam Speaker, this pandemic's tentacles have 
infiltrated every facet of our communities' lives. The brilliance of 
this rescue package is that it understands those complexities and 
addresses those many needs.
  For example, since the pandemic began, we have seen increased reports 
of abuse of women and children, so this bill helps fund shelters and 
refuge.
  The country has also seen the heartbreaking devastation in Tribal 
communities. Native Americans are four times more likely to be 
hospitalized and twice as likely to die from COVID-19 than White 
Americans. So, this bill includes over $20 billion to assist Native 
people, including their Tribal governments, health facilities, and 
education.
  We need this package to end the Nation's suffering. Let's pass this 
bill, save lives, save livelihoods, save communities.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Arkansas (Mr. Womack), a valuable member of our Appropriations 
Committee and a subcommittee ranking member.
  Mr. WOMACK. Madam Speaker, I think a little honesty is in order 
tonight. It is no secret that this so-called American Rescue Plan Act 
has little to do with the hardships placed on Americans by COVID.
  When 90 percent of a spending plan, rammed through on a sham of a 
budget resolution, gets spent years down the road, with much of it 
having little to do with the coronavirus, we should at least be honest 
with our constituents. It is apparently Christmas again.
  Here is an example. What does the multiemployer pension issue have to 
do with the pandemic? Remember the failed joint select committee that 
was supposed to solve that problem back in 2018? That was long before 
COVID. But here we are, about to spend $85-plus billion on this 
bailout. That is double the amount of money we give to the National 
Institutes of Health. Look, before we ask future generations to float 
us another $2 trillion to pay off these liberal promises, let's at 
least have the integrity to admit that this really isn't about COVID.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume. Let me just remind my colleagues that 70 percent of the 
American people support this bill. Republican governors and Republican 
mayors from all across the country support this bill. The only place 
where it isn't bipartisan is here in the Congress.
  Republicans say, oh, the people can't be trusted to know what is in 
the bill. The fact of the matter is, people support this because they 
support more money for vaccinations; more money in terms of direct 
payments to individuals and enhanced unemployment benefits; and more 
money for our cities and towns, our first responders, our police and 
our fire departments, and so many other things.
  I know my Republican friends have developed this habit of trying to 
overturn the will of the American people. Well, enough. The American 
people want this, and we are going to deliver it for them.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Illinois (Ms. 
Schakowsky).
  Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Madam Speaker, over half a million Americans have 
been killed by a merciless virus. That is about the population of New 
Haven, Connecticut. Now, also picture wiping out Grand Rapids, 
Michigan; Toledo, Ohio; or McAllen, Texas.
  Ten million Americans are unemployed right now. Nearly one in four 
households have experienced hunger this year. These are horrible 
statistics, but there is good news building on this floor right now.
  President Biden promised help is on the way, and here it comes, the 
American Rescue Plan, a real plan to crush the virus, put money into 
people's pockets, allow our States and counties and cities to continue 
to provide the services that are necessary.
  No wonder up to 80 percent of Americans want all of us--all of us--to 
vote ``yes'' tonight. Let's give it to them.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Kentucky (Mr. Guthrie), the ranking member of the Health Subcommittee 
on Energy and Commerce.
  Mr. GUTHRIE. Madam Speaker, I rise today due to my strong concerns 
with the Democrats' COVID-19 bill. With a very small percentage of this 
massive package specifically directed at combating COVID-19, the $1.9 
trillion COVID bill is more of a Democratic wish list.
  I have tried to add relief for healthcare providers, with funds 
specifically for rural and Medicaid providers, but Democrats voted this 
down.
  It is amazing how it is okay to have the Silicon Valley subway, the 
Seaway bridge in New York, and a bailout of multiemployer pension plans 
from problems prior to COVID-19, but my amendment to help healthcare 
providers was not included.
  I was proud to support the last five COVID-19 relief packages to help 
Kentuckians. I think we can all agree that we need to boost vaccine 
distribution, safely return all students back to in-person learning, 
and help people return to work. Much of the funds in this partisan bill 
will not be used until next year or later.
  Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to oppose this bill.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Illinois (Mr. Schneider).
  Mr. SCHNEIDER. Madam Speaker, I rise today to implore that my 
colleagues pass this urgently needed COVID relief for millions of 
struggling Americans.
  Across the country, families and friends have had to say good-bye to 
more than 500,000 loved ones, too often knowing that they have died 
alone.
  In our communities, large and small, more than 18 million Americans 
are receiving unemployment benefits as their only lifeline. Millions of 
small businesses are on the brink of permanent closure. Schools are 
struggling to reopen.
  Meanwhile, the miraculous vaccines offer a light, but it is still at 
the end of a long and steep tunnel.
  President Biden's American Rescue Plan will get people back to work, 
help parents safely send their children back to school, assist our 
families in paying their bills and our small businesses in building 
their future.

[[Page H768]]

  This bill helps people and businesses in every community in Illinois 
and in every State in America. That is why it has such bipartisan 
support across the country. It deserves the same support here in 
Congress.
  To truly heal our economy and our Nation, we must pass the American 
Rescue Plan. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes.''
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Minnesota (Mr. Stauber).
  Mr. STAUBER. Madam Speaker, I am disappointed because we are again on 
the floor in a closed rule, where zero Republican amendments were made 
in order because, again, we are here voting on a package that has 
hundreds of billions of dollars in non-COVID-related spending.
  Again, I am down here on the floor, disappointed that the majority 
disallowed my amendments.
  One of my amendments would have reported on the impact the Biden job-
killing Keystone XL order would have on small businesses.
  My other amendment, which was denied, prevented taxpayer dollars from 
funding child slave labor. No, you did not hear that wrong. In fact, 
this is the fifth time the Democrats have blocked this type of 
amendment from me. What is the issue with being anti-child slave labor?
  Like I said, I am not sure how this is controversial, but when faced 
with the binary decision to source these minerals from human rights 
abusers in Africa and China or source them from Minnesota under the 
best labor standards and the best environmental standards in the world, 
I will take made in America 150 percent of the time.
  I join my constituents' disappointment in this process. This is very 
concerning.

                              {time}  2115

  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott), the chair of the Committee on 
Education and Labor.
  Mr. SCOTT of Virginia. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of the 
legislation because there are many reasons to vote for the American 
Rescue Plan.
  If you want to ensure that schools can reopen safely and make up for 
lost time in the classroom, vote for the bill.
  If you want to provide relief for institutions of higher education 
and their students, vote for the bill.
  If you want to save our childcare system from collapse, vote for the 
bill.
  If you want to protect workers against the virus and increase their 
wages, vote for this bill.
  If you want to maintain access to affordable healthcare for workers 
who have lost their jobs, vote for the bill.
  If you want to prevent more than a million retirees from losing their 
hard-earned pensions, vote for this bill.
  Finally, if you want to keep children and families from going hungry, 
prevent domestic and gender-based violence, and protect older Americans 
during this pandemic, you must vote for this bill.
  The American people need to know that help is on the way. I urge my 
colleagues to support the bill.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Malliotakis).
  Ms. MALLIOTAKIS. Madam Speaker, this bill is not tailored to the 
specific needs of our Nation or its citizens. I support helping the 
unemployed, struggling businesses, and returning money to taxpayers, 
but you give $1,400 with one hand and it costs $15,000 per American 
household to pay for it.
  Congress thinks it knows how to spend hardworking taxpayers' money 
better than they do, all while our Nation approaches $30 trillion in 
debt and $1 trillion from previous relief remains unspent.
  Right now, vaccine production and distribution is a top priority, yet 
less than 1 percent of these funds go to it, showing how bloated this 
bill is. It spends billions on unrelated projects, from a San Francisco 
rail line to family planning; and a whopping $3.5 billion for The 
Global Fund, forcing American taxpayers to pick up 88 percent of this 
international fund's expenditures, all while our diplomats can't even 
get the vaccine.
  My amendment would have required States receiving billions to commit 
to not raising taxes on their citizens. The CDC said it would cost $25 
billion to reopen America's schools safely. Only in this mismanaged 
government would things end up costing eight times more than originally 
estimated. This is an epic fail.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
New York (Ms. Velazquez), the distinguished chair of the Committee on 
Small Business.
  Ms. VELAZQUEZ. Madam Speaker, half a million lives lost, over 400,000 
small businesses closed for good, 700,000 new unemployment claims filed 
last week, 54 million are food insecure. This is a crisis the scope of 
which none of us have seen in our lifetimes in this country.
  The Federal Government has a responsibility to show up for the 
American people, and that is exactly what President Joe Biden is doing, 
to assure them that their struggles aren't theirs alone, that this 
relief is coming, and we will get through this together.
  As chairwoman of the House Small Business Committee, I am proud this 
bill includes $50 billion to get our small businesses back on their 
feet. We are providing targeted assistance for those hardest hit, 
including grants for small entertainment businesses, cultural 
institutions, and independent restaurants, plus an additional $15 
billion for EIDL advances, and more for PPP. Let's pass this rule and 
let's move forward.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
Iowa (Mrs. Hinson).
  Mrs. HINSON. Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to the rule.
  It has been nearly a year now since the COVID-19 pandemic reached our 
shores, and Iowans are still struggling. Iowans need targeted pandemic 
relief.
  I would have been the first to cross the aisle and compromise on 
legislation that would help Iowans and Americans who are in need, but 
this behemoth of a bill fails to provide targeted relief that my 
constituents asked for. It forces taxpayers to bail out States that 
have chronically mismanaged their budgets. It includes a $15 minimum 
wage hike, which would decimate the rural economy in Iowa and destroy 
the very livelihoods this bill claims to be saving. It opens the door 
for taxpayer funding for abortions.
  With $1 trillion from previous relief packages still unspent, this 
legislation contains no guardrails to ensure new money is used on 
pandemic relief this year. This legislation abdicates our 
responsibility to those who need our support and to taxpayers. Voting 
for this rule is a slap in the face to taxpayers, and I urge a ``no'' 
vote on this rule.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Waters), the distinguished chair of the Committee on 
Financial Services.
  Ms. WATERS. Madam Speaker, I am so grateful that we have President 
Biden's leadership in the White House to tackle the ongoing pandemic. 
H.R. 1319, the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021, carries out this plan 
and delivers the relief that communities across this country need so 
very much.
  Critically, the bill provides more than $75 billion for programs in 
my committee's jurisdiction, including $20 billion for emergency rental 
assistance, $5 billion for 70,000 new housing vouchers, $10 billion in 
homeowner assistance, $10 billion to boost emergency medical equipment 
production, $10 billion for small businesses, and $15 billion for 
airline workers.
  I am so pleased that we are increasing the stimulus payments from 
$600 to $2,000 for each of our constituents. I am a happy camper 
tonight. This is what America needs.

  Republicans ought to be a part of this; but if they are not, then we 
are going without them.
  With hunger growing and millions out of work and at risk of eviction 
or foreclosure, America needs this bill passed into law. Vote ``yes'' 
on this bill.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
Arizona (Mrs. Lesko), a valuable member of the Energy and Commerce 
Committee.
  Mrs. LESKO. Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to the rule.
  Only 9 percent of the underlying bill goes to combating COVID-19 
through public health spending. The other 91

[[Page H769]]

percent is a partisan wish list being pushed by my colleagues on the 
other side of the aisle. Union pensions, blue State bailouts, Planned 
Parenthood, and even a bridge and a tunnel. That is what most of this 
bill is about, not COVID-19 relief.
  We need targeted, tailored relief that actually helps the American 
people, not this $2 trillion boondoggle.
  Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to oppose the rule and the 
underlying bill.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
New York (Mr. Suozzi).
  Mr. SUOZZI. Madam Speaker, this pandemic has been cruelly uneven. 
Some people remain unscathed. Wall Street is booming, online retailers 
are surging, some work remotely with their incomes intact, and some 
families remain healthy. Yet 17 percent of Americans go to food banks 
every week. One in six people can't pay their rent. Some people are 
enduring a long winter in sub-zero temperatures, unable to pay their 
heating bill. Twenty-five percent of the people who make under $40,000 
a year are now unemployed. State and local governments crippled, 
businesses and restaurants closed. Worst of all, we all know people who 
have gotten sick and died.
  This legislation is not a blue State bailout or liberal handout, it 
is how we address the suffering that has crippled our country, it is 
how we move forward and beat this pandemic.
  We have this great and awesome responsibility, this great and awesome 
honor to try to help people facing some of the most desperate times 
they have ever faced. Let's pass this comprehensive plan. Let's move 
our country forward, and let's do it together.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. C. Scott Franklin).
  Mr. C. SCOTT FRANKLIN of Florida. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong 
opposition to the rule and to H.R. 1319.
  We do need targeted relief for those hurt by this pandemic, but this 
is bad legislation. Republicans introduced over 250 amendments to this 
nearly $2 trillion bill, and Democrats only ultimately accepted one. 
That is not unity. This is merely socialism in sheep's clothing, 
redistribution of wealth through cash payouts to many who have had no 
financial impact whatsoever from COVID. It is also redistribution of 
wealth from future generations who will be stuck with the tab.
  The CBO predicts our economy will grow by 3.7 percent this year 
without any further congressional action. With over $1 trillion in 
unspent funds from previous packages, we can't afford to jeopardize our 
children's future with this socialist spending spree. I urge a ``no'' 
vote.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
the U.S. Virgin Islands (Ms. Plaskett).
  Ms. PLASKETT. Madam Speaker, the time for bold and decisive action is 
now. This American Rescue Plan Act will crush the virus, return 
children safely to school, support vaccinations, put dollars in 
families' pockets, and put people back to work. The plan will mount a 
national vaccination program that sets up community vaccination sites 
nationwide.
  In the Virgin Islands, the loss of cruise ships, along with air 
travel tourists, have cut the heart of our economy, causing loss of 
jobs, closure of businesses, and lost revenues for government 
operations.
  Additionally, we have yet to understand the long-term impact the 
pandemic will have on our children. In the Virgin Islands and Puerto 
Rico, our children are already overwhelmed and severely compromised due 
to facilities and the school year loss that they had from the 2017 
hurricanes.
  Lastly, I am proud to note provisions in this bill for the U.S. 
territories that I have been fighting for. This plan creates equality 
in the child tax credit and earned income tax credit.
  Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to please support this bill.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
  Ms. PLASKETT. And for my colleagues on the other side who have to 
give divisive platitudes and nonsupport, you are welcome.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to heed the gavel.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Virginia (Mr. Cline).
  Mr. CLINE. Madam Speaker, we all want to beat this virus, but you 
can't beat a COVID pandemic with 91 percent pork barrel spending in the 
bill. Only 9 percent of the funding in this bill is going to COVID 
programs.
  $1,400 checks at what cost? $13,000 per taxpayer?
  If we have any additional relief we need to pass for addressing 
COVID, it must be targeted, temporary, and tied to the pandemic.
  What is not targeted?
  $350 billion in State and local bailouts that reward States that 
continue to shut down their economies.
  What is not temporary?
  A $1.5 million bridge to Canada or $112 million for an underground 
subway to Silicon Valley.
  What is not tied to COVID?
  $86 billion to bail out the multiemployer pension plans that were 
poorly managed in Democrat-run States before the pandemic even started, 
$50 million in taxpayer dollars for abortion on demand.
  This liberal wish list masquerading as COVID relief will cripple our 
economy, harm our ability to reopen our Nation, and burden our children 
and grandchildren with unsustainable levels of debt.
  Madam Speaker, I strongly oppose this spending package, and I urge my 
colleagues to do the same.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Virginia (Mr. Beyer).
  Mr. BEYER. Madam Speaker, we have a choice tonight. Our American 
children are hungry, the recovery is stalling, and a million new people 
file for unemployment every week.
  We can do our jobs, pass a national vaccination plan, safely reopen 
our schools, send relief checks to those in need, support the 
unemployed, and protect American jobs. Or we can let them fend for 
themselves and slowly scratch their way back to health at great human 
cost.
  I choose relief, recovery, and progress.
  Madam Speaker, my first job: In 1966, $1.25 an hour, minimum wage.
  Sixteen times this Congress has chosen to increase the minimum wage, 
and every time there was a CBO score or a chamber of commerce or a 
conservative economist who talked about the shrinkage of low-wage jobs. 
But if we were persuaded by this job-loss mirage, we would never raise 
the minimum wage. And I refuse to believe that this is American 
exceptionalism.

                              {time}  2130

  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Lubbock, Texas (Mr. Arrington).
  Mr. ARRINGTON. Madam Speaker, there is an old country saying: You can 
put all the perfume and lipstick you want on a pig, and it is still 
pork, and it still stinks.
  H.R. 1319 is filled to the brim with bad policies and partisan 
priorities that is disguised as ``COVID relief.''
  This bill: Pays people more to be on unemployment than to go to work.
  Slaps small businesses with job-killing wage mandates.
  Gives a $350 billion windfall to States who were mismanaged and broke 
before COVID.
  Hands a blank check to union bosses and greedy corporate executives 
who ran their pensions into the ground and stuck taxpayers with the 
tab.
  It rewards temper tantrums from teacher unions by doling out billions 
of dollars to schools who refuse to open their doors to their students.
  This bill is chock full of bad policies, barriers to recovery, and 
bailouts galore.
  Madam Speaker, let's open the country up, get our kids back into the 
classroom, and get America back to work.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
Texas (Ms. Johnson), the distinguished chair of the Committee on 
Science, Space and Technology.
  Ms. JOHNSON of Texas. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of the 
American Rescue Plan Act of 2021 and in strong support of this rule.
  Madam Speaker, when the COVID-19 pandemic hit our shores a year ago, 
researchers across the Nation and across many fields of science and 
engineering jumped into action. The Nation's STEM talent redirected 
brainpower and resources to combatting the pandemic. And thanks in 
large part to

[[Page H770]]

these efforts, we now have some positive news about our fight against 
COVID.
  However, important scientific work remains to be done in this effort. 
The Committee on Science, Space, and Technology's provisions included 
in this package direct funding through the National Science Foundation 
and the National Institute of Standards and Technology for vital 
research related to prevention, response, and recovery from COVID-19.
  Madam Speaker, I thank my colleagues across the House for their work 
on this important rescue package, and I urge its adoption.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Madam Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, Republicans will 
amend the rule to strike the consideration of the Pelosi payoff bill, 
and instead, consider H.R. 1371, the Crush the Virus Act, introduced by 
Representative   Tom Reed, which is attached, and will provide over 
$160 billion to expand the administration of vaccines and provide 
direct relief for the coronavirus.
  Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of the 
amendment in the record along with extraneous material immediately 
prior to the vote on the previous question.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Texas?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from 
Ohio (Mr. Gonzalez), who is here to explain the amendment.
  Mr. GONZALEZ of Ohio. Madam Speaker, I thank Mr. Burgess for his 
leadership.
  Madam Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, we will call up 
H.R. 1371, the Crush the Virus Act of 2021, introduced by my good 
friend, Mr.   Tom Reed.
  This is legislation that is based off of the Problem Solvers Caucus-
endorsed framework for additional funding in order to defeat the virus 
by making further investments into testing, vaccine distribution, PPE, 
and utilizing the Defense Production Act.
  In other words, this is a targeted solution that can garner 
bipartisan support--unlike what we are doing today--and show the 
American people that we are committed to working together to defeat the 
virus.
  To date, while Congress may have struggled at times to deliver timely 
results, we have come together each time to pass needed legislation to 
help small businesses, hospitals, and Americans impacted by the virus. 
This is the way Congress is supposed to work. But instead, House 
Democrats have embarked upon a purely partisan approach, pushing aside 
Republican lawmakers, like myself, who actually want to find common 
ground.
  And for what?
  A nearly $2 trillion bill that is not targeted for the coronavirus, 
includes policies that will hurt job creation, and in the words of 
Larry Summers--who is no Republican--is a ``step into the unknown.''
  Madam Speaker, what the American people need is for us to put 
partisanship aside and identify targeted funding prior to spending $2 
trillion of taxpayer dollars only weeks after this body enacted another 
nearly $1 trillion, much of which has yet to be spent.
  Madam Speaker, this is why the Problem Solvers Caucus came together 
earlier this year to identify, in a bipartisan way, the still 
outstanding funding that is needed to defeat the virus. The bipartisan 
agreement is the basis for the legislation we will bring up if we 
defeat the previous question here before us.
  My friend   Tom Reed's bill, the Crush the Virus Act, will provide 
more than $160 billion in targeted aid, including: $11.5 billion for 
manufacturing and production of vaccines; $35 billion for the Provider 
Relief Fund; and $5 billion for the use of the Defense Production Act.
  This proposal will speed up vaccine distribution and administration 
in a timely manner and supports our brave frontline healthcare workers.
  I thank Mr. Reed for his leadership as co-chair of the Problem 
Solvers Caucus and for pushing this proposal.
  Madam Speaker, let me make a final point and a broader appeal to my 
colleagues on the other side of the aisle. The American people sent to 
Washington the slimmest House majority in quite some time and an evenly 
split Senate. The message they sent was clear: It was not that you have 
some broad mandate to jam down a bunch of progressive policies, it was 
that they want us to actually work together, to come together and solve 
the problems in a bipartisan way. I think the message was clear. And 
the more the majority ignores it, the shorter their majority will be.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
New York (Mr. Meeks), the distinguished chair of the Committee on 
Foreign Affairs.
  Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, as chair of the House Committee on Foreign 
Affairs, I speak in strong support of the international provisions of 
the American Rescue package. With a total of $10 billion, this is a 
relatively small yet critical investment in fighting COVID and its 
effects around the world.
  Pandemics do not respect international borders. To control this 
pandemic, we need to mitigate its global spread. This provision puts 
global health front and center, supporting efforts to relieve 
overburdened health systems and medical workers and help governments 
develop and distribute vaccines.
  To address the humanitarian crises that have been exacerbated by this 
pandemic, this provision will provide funding for the most immediate 
lifesaving assistance, including shelter, food, clean water, basic 
medical care. Additionally, it provides COVID-related relief for 
vulnerable refugees who are already vulnerable.
  Madam Speaker, this provision would also provide flexible funding for 
economic support to help ensure that even more need isn't created as a 
result of the economic impacts of COVID, which are already severe.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is 
remaining.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Texas has 5 minutes 
remaining. The gentleman from Massachusetts has 8 minutes remaining.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Gomez).
  Mr. GOMEZ. Madam Speaker, we don't have any time to waste. By the 
time I am done with this 1-minute speech, roughly 10 people in L.A. 
County, home to my district, will have tested positive for COVID-19. 
And in another 5 minutes, someone in my county will die of COVID-19.
  And while I am sure our healthcare heroes and frontline workers 
appreciate our thanks, words alone are not enough.
  Our gratitude needs to be expressed with funding and resources. Our 
appreciation needs to be in the form of benefits and assistance.
  Our Black and Brown communities, those being disproportionately 
impacted by this pandemic, aren't going to get through this crisis with 
platitudes. They need action. They need access to vaccines, money in 
their pockets to pay their bills, help getting their kids back in the 
classrooms, and support putting food on their tables.
  Madam Speaker, that is why I am going to vote to pass the American 
Rescue Plan, and I encourage my colleagues to do the same.
  This is our chance to stop the spread of this virus, rebuild our 
economy, and give every American, regardless of their background or ZIP 
Code, the opportunity to turn the page on this dark chapter of our 
country's history and come out stronger in the end.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Panetta).
  Mr. PANETTA. Madam Speaker, after one long year of this pandemic, 
many of my constituents are anxious. And, yeah, they are angry. Their 
health has been harmed, their businesses have been shut down, and they 
are absolutely frustrated waiting for their vaccines. They are not 
happy with our ex-President's response, and they are not pleased with 
the local response. That is why now, more than ever, we in Congress 
need to continue our response to COVID-19.
  Madam Speaker, in the past year, we passed five bipartisan bills that 
kept

[[Page H771]]

the economy afloat and the poverty rate flat. That is why on this night 
with this pandemic raging this year we must support this rule, which 
will put shots in arms, checks in pockets, kids in schools, food on 
tables, strike teams in nursing homes, keep police and firefighters on 
our street, keep pensions secure, and provide vaccines for essential 
workers, including my farmworkers on the Central Coast of California, 
so that they can do their job for their families and for our food 
security.
  Madam Speaker, let's do our job tonight for our constituents and for 
this country and pass the American Rescue Act.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself 2 minutes.
  Madam Speaker, I recognize the critical work that was done by the 
Congressional Doctors Caucus on this effort. The thesis was that we are 
going to crush the coronavirus.
  You think that you would want to involve the people who left the 
world of healthcare providing to come and serve in the people's House.
  Unfortunately, those amendments that were thoughtfully introduced 
were rejected at the Committee on Rules.
  We had amendments, such as allowing the FDA to use real-world 
evidence in their evaluation of the emergency use authorization that is 
currently pending.
  We were going to reduce the Medicaid payment error rate, which seemed 
like a good idea.
  Medicaid home- and community-based services, substance use disorder 
treatment, and mental health services were to be expanded.
  The public health workforce allowing for loan repayment was rejected.
  An amendment providing for coronavirus testing at the southern 
border--we know we have got a problem with increased people coming 
across the southern border without authorization. President Biden has 
indicated that he is welcoming that, but as a consequence, we need to 
be certain that we are protecting Americans from the introduction of 
the coronavirus. This was a measure to allow for increased testing on 
the southern border, but we couldn't accept that.
  Hyde protections, you have heard many people talk about that. That 
was rejected at the Committee on Rules, with a variety of amendments.
  Dr. Miller-Meeks had an amendment to allow for the standardized 
testing to go on in classrooms this next year, not using it to reduce 
payments to schools that don't measure up but using it as a diagnostic 
test. Let's find out how far behind some of our classrooms are.
  All of these were thoughtful amendments introduced by the GOP Doctors 
Caucus. Unfortunately, all were rejected. You would think if you wanted 
to crush the coronavirus, you would ask your doctor.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. 
Carolyn B. Maloney), the distinguished chair of the Committee on 
Oversight and Reform.
  Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong 
support of this bill and of the 1.4 million first responders, teachers, 
transit workers, sanitation workers, and other public servants already 
laid off from State and local governments across this Nation. We must 
act before more people lose their jobs, and before more lifesaving 
programs are cut.
  Madam Speaker, the State and local funding included in this package 
will provide many local governments dedicated support for the first 
time since this pandemic struck. It can be used to administer vaccines, 
increase testing, and save countless jobs by replacing lost revenue.
  For New York City, which last month projected a $10.5 billion loss in 
expected tax revenue, this money would mean it can continue to provide 
vaccines and food assistance and reopen schools safely. Hundreds of 
local officials told us the relief in this bill will mean recovery 
instead of recession and cannot come fast enough. Taken together, this 
could be the light this-- The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the 
gentlewoman has expired.
  The Chair would again remind all Members to heed the gavel.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I am prepared to close, and I yield 
myself the balance of my time.
  Madam Speaker, in closing, it doesn't look like this bill is going to 
open our economy. It is not going to open our schools. It is not going 
to provide targeted relief to those who need it most. I am willing to 
talk about nutritional assistance, but what I am not willing to talk 
about is a gilded underground railway under Silicon Valley.
  Madam Speaker, this is one of the most expensive bills in the history 
of the people's House. And it doesn't prioritize the immediate needs of 
the American people. Rather than work for the American people, 
Democrats are working for their own future 2 years from now. I think 
that is unacceptable.
  Look, I recognize that President Biden has worked hard to make 
vaccines more available, but the very vaccines he's making available 
are the ones that President Trump worked so hard to get developed and 
into production.

                              {time}  2145

  Let's acknowledge success where it has occurred. I am going to urge a 
``no'' vote on the previous question so we can offer the amendment. I 
am going to urge a ``no'' vote on the rule, a ``no'' vote on the 
underlying measures.
  Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, we are in the midst of a pandemic, the 
likes of which we haven't seen in 100 years. It is catastrophic in 
every way imaginable. To hear some of my Republican friends try to 
nickel-and-dime our response, they should talk to an economist. If they 
did, they would discover what will happen if we don't pass this package 
now.
  We could end up with 4 million fewer jobs this year. That is 
according to Moody's.
  It will take another 4 years of suffering before the GDP returns to 
its prepandemic levels. That is according to the nonpartisan CBO.
  Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen said: ``The smartest thing we can do 
is to act big. In the long run, the benefits will far outweigh the 
costs.''
  Mark Zandi, former adviser to John McCain, said: ``You don't need a 
textbook to know this is when you push on the fiscal accelerator.''
  Now, let's be clear what we cannot afford. We cannot afford more 
delay tactics, another lapse in unemployment assistance, or another 
moment of inaction. This plan is what our economy needs, and it is what 
America needs, bold, urgent action.
  So, let's pass this rule and the underlying legislation, and let's 
let the Senate do its job and send this bill to the President's desk 
without delay. This historic crisis deserves a historic response. The 
American people are counting on us.
  Listening to the Republicans debate on the floor and in the Rules 
Committee has been a disappointing experience. Barely, barely a word of 
empathy or compassion for those who are suffering or for those who are 
struggling.
  What we have heard are delay tactics. What we have heard are 
distortions. What we have heard is divisive talk.
  My friends talk about bailouts. This is not a bailout. It is a rescue 
package. My friends are out of touch with the American people.
  People are struggling. People right now are trying to figure out how 
they are going to put food on the table to feed their families. Here on 
the House floor, what we hear is indifference, what we hear is 
distraction.
  The good news is this. We are going to pass this bill today. This is 
a big deal. We are going to send it over to the United States Senate, 
and we have a Senate that is not going to put this in the trash can. It 
is going to debate it and vote on it, and then we are going to send it 
to the President.
  The good news to the American people is: Help is on the way. We 
promised you that we would step up to the plate and that we would 
respond appropriately to this crisis, and that is what we are going to 
do.
  Madam Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues, Democrats and 
Republicans, to support this rule and to support this package.
  The material previously referred to by Mr. Burgess is as follows:

                   Amendment to House Resolution 166

       Strike all after the resolving clause and insert the 
     following:
       Sec. 1. That immediately upon adoption of this resolution, 
     the House shall resolve into

[[Page H772]]

     the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union 
     for consideration of the bill (H.R. 1371) making supplemental 
     appropriations for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2021, 
     providing coronavirus emergency response and relief, and for 
     other purposes. The first reading of the bill shall be 
     dispensed with. All points of order against consideration of 
     the bill are waived. General debate shall be confined to the 
     bill and shall not exceed one hour equally divided and 
     controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the 
     Committee on Appropriations. After general debate the bill 
     shall be considered for amendment under the five-minute rule. 
     All points of order against provisions in the bill are 
     waived. When the committee rises and reports the bill back to 
     the House with a recommendation that the bill do pass, the 
     previous question shall be considered as ordered on the bill 
     and amendments thereto to final passage without intervening 
     motion except one motion to recommit. If the Committee of the 
     Whole rises and reports that it has come to no resolution on 
     the bill, then on the next legislative day the House shall, 
     immediately after the third daily order of business under 
     clause 1 of rule XIV, resolve into the Committee of the Whole 
     for further consideration of the bill.
       Sec. 2. Clause 1(c) of rule XIX shall not apply to the 
     consideration of H.R. 1371.

  Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and 
I move the previous question on the resolution.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on ordering the previous 
question.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution 
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 217, 
nays 205, not voting 9, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 46]

                               YEAS--217

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Delgado
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Fudge
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Golden
     Gomez
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Haaland
     Harder (CA)
     Hastings
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Underwood
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Vela
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                               NAYS--205

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carl
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Curtis
     Davidson
     Davis, Rodney
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Donalds
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fitzpatrick
     Fleischmann
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Gonzales, Tony
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Hagedorn
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hinson
     Hollingsworth
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Jacobs (NY)
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Katko
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kinzinger
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mace
     Malliotakis
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Murphy (NC)
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Nunes
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Posey
     Reed
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Roy
     Rutherford
     Salazar
     Scalise
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Stivers
     Taylor
     Tenney
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Turner
     Upton
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Young
     Zeldin

                             NOT VOTING--9

     Bilirakis
     Bost
     Buck
     Fulcher
     Gallego
     Horsford
     McClain
     Rogers (KY)
     Swalwell


                        Parliamentary Inquiries

  Mr. ROY (during the vote). Madam Speaker, I have a parliamentary 
inquiry.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will state his parliamentary 
inquiry.
  Mr. ROY. Does the rule regarding proxy voting require a form be 
submitted and signed by Members of this body that they have a pandemic- 
or COVID-related reason for being unable to be physically present?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair would advise the gentleman that 
regulation A of the proxy voting regulations issued pursuant to section 
3(s) of House Resolution 8 requires any letter authorizing proxy voting 
to contain an affirmative statement that because of the public health 
emergency the Member is unable to physically attend proceedings in the 
House Chamber.
  Mr. ROY. Madam Speaker, I have a parliamentary inquiry.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will state his parliamentary 
inquiry.
  Mr. ROY. Would the Chair consider it a violation of the rule for a 
Member to be present physically here in the Chamber and on the same day 
vote by proxy having submitted said letter?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair does not look behind a Member's 
submission of a letter under section 3(s) of House Resolution 8.
  Mr. ROY. Madam Speaker, I have a parliamentary inquiry.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will state his parliamentary 
inquiry.
  Mr. ROY. Madam Speaker, does the Constitution of the United States 
require a quorum to be present for votes on the House floor?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman is not stating a proper 
parliamentary inquiry. The Chair does not interpret the 
constitutionality of a proposition adopted by the House.

                              {time}  2233

  Mr. PALMER changed his vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
  Ms. SANCHEZ and Mrs. MURPHY of Florida changed their vote from 
``nay'' to ``yea.''
  So the previous question was ordered.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  Stated for:
  Mr. SWALWELL. Madam Speaker, had I been present, I would have voted 
``yea'' on rollcall No. 46.

[[Page H773]]

  



    members recorded pursuant to house resolution 8, 117th congress

     Allred (Davids (KS))
     Amodei (Balderson)
     Banks (Walorski)
     Boebert (McHenry)
     Bowman (Clark (MA))
     Brown (Mfume)
     Buchanan (Donalds)
     Budd (McHenry)
     Calvert (Garcia (CA))
     Cardenas (Gomez)
     Carter (TX) (Nehls)
     Cawthorn (McHenry)
     DeSaulnier (Matsui)
     DesJarlais (Fleischmann)
     Deutch (Rice (NY))
     Fletcher (Kuster)
     Frankel, Lois (Clark (MA))
     Gaetz (Franklin, C. Scott)
     Garcia (TX) (Escobar)
     Gibbs (Bucshon)
     Gonzalez, Vincente (Gomez)
     Gosar (Herrell)
     Green (TN) (Timmons)
     Green, Al (TX) (Perlmutter)
     Grijalva (Garcia (IL))
     Hastings (Cleaver)
     Hern (Lucas)
     Himes (Courtney)
     Issa (Valadao)
     Jackson (Nehls)
     Jackson Lee (Butterfield)
     Kelly (IL) (Kuster)
     Kelly (PA) (Keller)
     Kirkpatrick (Stanton)
     Krishnamoorthi (Clark (MA))
     LaHood (Smith (NE))
     Langevin (Lynch)
     Lawson (FL) (Evans)
     Lieu (Beyer)
     Lofgren (Jeffries)
     Long (Wagner)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     McNerney (Eshoo)
     Meng (Clark (MA))
     Moore (WI) (Beyer)
     Moulton (Trahan)
     Mullin (Lucas)
     Napolitano (Correa)
     Norman (Rice (SC))
     Nunes (Garcia (CA))
     Palazzo (Fleischmann)
     Payne (Pallone)
     Pingree (Kuster)
     Porter (Wexton)
     Reed (Arrington)
     Rodgers (WA) (Herrera Beutler)
     Roybal-Allard (Bass)
     Ruiz (Aguilar)
     Rush (Underwood)
     Steube (Franklin, C. Scott)
     Stewart (Curtis)
     Vargas (Correa)
     Vela (Gomez)
     Waltz (Donalds)
     Wasserman Schultz (Soto)
     Watson Coleman (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL) (Hayes)
     Young (Malliotakis)
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the resolution.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution 
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 219, 
nays 210, not voting 2, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 47]

                               YEAS--219

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Delgado
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Fudge
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Golden
     Gomez
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Haaland
     Harder (CA)
     Hastings
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Underwood
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Vela
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                               NAYS--210

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carl
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Curtis
     Davidson
     Davis, Rodney
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Donalds
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fitzpatrick
     Fleischmann
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Gonzales, Tony
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Hagedorn
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hinson
     Hollingsworth
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Jacobs (NY)
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Katko
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kinzinger
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mace
     Malliotakis
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Murphy (NC)
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Nunes
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Posey
     Reed
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Roy
     Rutherford
     Salazar
     Scalise
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Stivers
     Taylor
     Tenney
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Turner
     Upton
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Young
     Zeldin

                             NOT VOTING--2

     Bost
     Gallego

                              {time}  2318

  Mr. McKINLEY changed his vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
  So the resolution was agreed to.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table


    members recorded pursuant to house resolution 8, 117th congress

     Allred (Davids (KS))
     Amodei (Balderson)
     Banks (Walorski)
     Boebert (McHenry)
     Bowman (Clark (MA))
     Brown (Mfume)
     Buchanan (Donalds)
     Budd (McHenry)
     Calvert (Garcia (CA))
     Cardenas (Gomez)
     Carter (TX) (Nehls)
     Cawthorn (McHenry)
     DeSaulnier (Matsui)
     DesJarlais (Fleischmann)
     Deutch (Rice (NY))
     Fletcher (Kuster)
     Frankel, Lois (Clark (MA))
     Gaetz (Franklin, C. Scott)
     Garcia (TX) (Escobar)
     Gibbs (Bucshon)
     Gonzalez, Vincente (Gomez)
     Gosar (Herrell)
     Green (TN) (Timmons)
     Green, Al (TX) (Perlmutter)
     Grijalva (Garcia (IL))
     Hastings (Cleaver)
     Hern (Lucas)
     Himes (Courtney)
     Issa (Valadao)
     Jackson (Nehls)
     Jackson Lee (Butterfield)
     Kelly (IL) (Kuster)
     Kelly (PA) (Keller)
     Kirkpatrick (Stanton)
     Krishnamoorthi (Clark (MA))
     LaHood (Smith (NE))
     Langevin (Lynch)
     Lawson (FL) (Evans)
     Lieu (Beyer)
     Lofgren (Jeffries)
     Long (Wagner)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     McNerney (Eshoo)
     Meng (Clark (MA))
     Moore (WI) (Beyer)
     Moulton (Trahan)
     Mullin (Lucas)
     Napolitano (Correa)
     Norman (Rice (SC))
     Nunes (Garcia (CA))
     Palazzo (Fleischmann)
     Payne (Pallone)
     Pingree (Kuster)
     Porter (Wexton)
     Reed (Arrington)
     Rodgers (WA) (Herrera Beutler)
     Roybal-Allard (Bass)
     Ruiz (Aguilar)
     Rush (Underwood)
     Steube (Franklin, C. Scott)
     Stewart (Curtis)
     Vargas (Correa)
     Vela (Gomez)
     Waltz (Donalds)
     Wasserman Schultz (Soto)
     Watson Coleman (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL) (Hayes)
     Young (Malliotakis)

                          ____________________