[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 23 (Monday, February 8, 2021)]
[Senate]
[Pages S585-S586]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
IMPEACHMENT
Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I was just noting that the Senate Chamber
has been rearranged because tomorrow we commence the impeachment trial,
the second impeachment of Donald Trump.
In the center of the well is a podium and microphone where the
attorneys representing the House managers who voted the impeachment
resolution will stand to make their case a few hours after we commence
the trial. The President's defenders will have the same opportunity.
They will be standing in a spot that is literally 4 or 5 feet away
from a location still fresh in my mind. It was there right in the
center of the aisle between the majority and minority leader of the
Senate, on January 6, when two men appeared whom I had never seen
before in plain clothes and stood in the center of the well holding
automatic weapons.
It was just minutes after the Vice President had been removed from
the chair where you are sitting, whisked off the floor of the Senate by
the Secret Service, I imagine. He was pulled off the floor. It wasn't a
``follow me, Mr. Vice President''; they pulled him off the floor. That
was at 2:15. Within a few minutes, the mob which had invaded the U.S.
Capitol was on the march, on its way toward this Chamber where most of
us were sitting, having dealt with our constitutional responsibility of
counting the electoral votes.
I remember when they interrupted the quorum call that they were
conducting for one of the Capitol policemen to stand before us and say:
Everyone stay in your seats. We are going to bring all the staffers.
They are going to line the walls. We are going to lock all the doors.
This will be the safe room in the Capitol.
It couldn't have been more than 10 or 15 minutes later when the same
policeman said: Everybody out now.
The mob had come through the Capitol, through the Rotunda, and was
now on the Senate side of the building within easy reach of 100
Senators. So we filed out the back door and down a staircase, over to
the tunnels, and down to the Hart Building, hoping to escape them. I
watched through the window as I went down the steps and saw all the
flags coming up toward the Capitol--American flags, Trump flags, flags
I didn't recognize--all the people coming up here.
We know what happened later that same day. The mob crashed through
the doors into this Chamber, posed for pictures at our desks, and
scrawled messages to us, went through our desks and looked at them,
literally interrupted the business of the U.S. Senate counting all the
electoral votes.
Was that just an accident, that thousands of people were in
Washington on January 6? Was that just an accident, that they gathered
at the Ellipse for the President of the United States, Donald Trump, to
speak to them? Was it just an accident that within 40 minutes or 45
minutes after the President sent them off to the Capitol, they were
here breaking windows and breaking down doors to come inside? No, it
was by design.
We are now learning who designed that strategy and that attack on the
Capitol, and tomorrow we are going to start a trial to determine
whether the former President of the United States of America bears
responsibility for inciting that mob or inspiring that insurrection.
When you read the history of the writing of the Constitution, it is
almost impossible--maybe it is impossible to put yourself in the
moment. These men, all men, gathered in Philadelphia. They had just
fought a bloody, long war, a Revolutionary War against one of the most
powerful nations in the world, and they were setting up a government on
this side of the ocean with the hopes that it would survive. And they
were worried. They were worried about the enemy from without and the
enemy from within. They talked about our responsibility to maintain
this democracy and the challenges we might face.
At the time, they were wary because of what they lived through. As we
read about it now, we wonder, what was the concern? What was behind all
that concern?
If you are honest, you know that in 1861, our Nation went to war with
itself in a Civil War with over half a million lives lost. So it was a
fragile democracy, as they thought. But we never dreamed--at least, I
never dreamed that in the 21st century, there would be a concern over
an insurrection to overthrow the Government of the United States with
violence. No, not in America. Not in 2021. That is exactly what
happened on January 6. That is why we will be meeting tomorrow for the
accountability of Donald Trump for that event.
Now, there are people who have told us we should get over it. Get
over it. He is gone. Why do you keep talking about Donald Trump? Let
him ride off into the sunset, as one fellow shouted at me at the
airport a few weeks ago. Why would you want to keep reminding us of our
differences in visions
Well, I think the answer is pretty obvious. We can't reach real unity
in America until we deal with the reality of America as Donald Trump
left it, and January 6 was a classic illustration.
There is one other image I share in my thinking about this trial when
I hear former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley, the former Governor of South
Carolina, say ``Get over it'' to the Democrats. I think of that solemn
scene in the Capitol Rotunda last week as we honored Capitol Hill
Policeman Brian Sicknick, who was murdered by that mob--murdered by
that mob.
I spoke to his mom and dad afterwards. He always wanted to be a
police officer. He served in the Air Force, but he wanted to be a
police officer. His mom said: ``We thought of all places for him to be
a police officer, the safest had to be the United States Capitol
building.'' And she lost her son to that murderous mob. I can't get
over that. I am sure his family will never get over it.
If we can't give an honest answer to the American people for what
happened and who was responsible for it, shame on us.
America came close to losing this democracy on January 6. This
President's
[[Page S586]]
design was to make sure an election didn't count, that November 3 was
ignored. What happened on January 6 was an attempted coup, make no
mistake. As others have pointed out, an attempted coup that is not
punished is a trial run for the next time.
Over the 4 years of his Presidency, someone decided to take account
of the many times that the President lied to the American people. They
were in the thousands. Many of his lies were an attempt to discredit
anyone or any institution that stood in his way. It is an old trick
straight out of the authoritarian handbook: Tell so many lies that
people can no longer tell fact from fiction.
His last and most damaging lie was, over and over he repeated to the
American people: They stole the election. They rigged the election.
Donald Trump's apologists will come to the floor of the Senate in the
next few days and say that he had a First Amendment right to say
whatever he wanted, whether it was the truth or not. But no one, not
even the President, has a First Amendment right to incite an
insurrection against this government. That is not a right; it is a
crime, a high crime.
When he first ran for President in 2016, Donald Trump said the only
way he could lose is if the election were stolen. Four years later, he
tweeted the lie of a stolen election so many times at his rallies.
When he lost, he tried to convince the courts. He went to 60
different courts pleading that the election had been rigged and stolen.
They laughed him out of the court every time.
He tried to bully officials in swing States and members of his own
administration. On January 2, as Americans were dying of COVID-19,
Donald Trump was on the telephone to the Republican secretary of state
of the State of Georgia, spending more than an hour pleading and
threatening him to somehow ``find the votes'' to overturn that State's
votes in the Presidential election. Trump failed. The Republican
secretary of state refused his request. He was not intimidated by his
threats and had the foresight to tape record the conversation so there
could be no denial.
For weeks before January 6, Donald Trump exhorted his followers to
come to Washington on the day that Congress would assemble to certify
State electoral votes. He knew that his extremist followers were
waiting for their signals and their orders.
Over the summer, when armed extremists stormed and occupied State
capitals, demanding an end to COVID safety instructions, Donald Trump
cheered them on.
On January 6, he whipped them into a frenzy just a few short moments
from here. He spoke for more than an hour at that rally at the Ellipse.
This is some of what he said--and I quote Donald Trump--to the mob on
its way to the Capitol.
``We will never give up,'' he said. ``We will never concede. It
doesn't happen.''
Then he said, ``We won this election, and we won it by a landslide.
This was not a close election.''
Then he spoke of his Vice President, and he said, ``I hope Mike is
doing the right thing. I hope so. I hope so. Because if Mike Pence does
the right thing, we win the election. . . . All [the Vice President]
has to do is send it back to the states to recertify, and we become
president, and you are the happiest people.''
Then he said, ``We have to fight like hell,'' Donald Trump said to
that crowd before they made it up to the Capitol. ``If you don't fight
like hell, you're not going to have a country anymore,'' Donald Trump
said. ``Our boldest endeavors have not yet begun. . . . We're going to
the Capitol. We're going to try and give [the Republicans] the kind of
pride and boldness that they need to take back our country.''
Donald Trump wasn't shocked at what happened next. The crowd followed
orders. He was excited. According to reports, he ignored police pleas
from the White House, who begged him--people around him begged him to
do something to calm the mob before they got to the Capitol.
At 2:11 p.m., the mob smashed through the doors and windows and began
pouring into this building.
Thirteen minutes later, while the mob chanted ``Hang Mike Pence,''
Donald Trump tweeted ``Mike Pence didn't have the courage to do what
should have been done to protect our Country . . . giving States a
chance to certify a corrected set of facts . . . USA demands the
truth!''
At 6:01 p.m., Donald Trump again tweeted to the mob 4 hours after
they had broken into this building. Here is what he said: ``These are
the things and events that happen when a sacred landslide election
victory is unceremoniously & viciously stripped away from great
patriots who have been badly & unfairly treated for so long. Go home
with love & in peace.''
And he closed, ``Remember this day forever!''
I will. And those of us in this building at the moment will. Brian
Sicknick's family will.
Now nearly all of our Republican colleagues tell us it is time to
move on. Forget about it. Forget the authoritarian President and his
contempt for democracy that summoned this mob. Forget the failed coup
without accountability. Just move on.
Polls show that the majority of Republican voters in America believe
Donald Trump's lie. They still believe him, even after it has been
rejected by local and State election officials of both parties. That is
why the Senate is proceeding to the second impeachment trial tomorrow.
Donald Trump is gone from elected office, but the poison he injected
into the national bloodstream remains, and it grows even more toxic.
On the inauguration of President Joe Biden, it was different from any
I have seen, and it was the tenth one that I witnessed. The crowd was
contained in a very small garden area. There were many more National
Guardsmen in the streets of Washington as he was sworn in on January 20
than the crowd that assembled on the Mall.
I used to go to Central America and visited countries like El
Salvador. I can remember being at the capitol of El Salvador. I was
struck, at the time, by soldiers standing on the street corners with
automatic weapons, and I thought: What kind of country can this be that
soldiers will stand up just like a normal cop on the beat with
automatic weapons?
We have reached that point here in Washington. We have reached that
point in the Senate Chamber. It is a reminder of the fragility and
vulnerability of our democracy.
There is a great cost to what we have just been through, and we
continue to incur it to keep the people in this Capitol safe and those
who visit. But there is a deeper cost. Brian Sicknick is part of the
cost of January 6. He was proud to protect this Capitol. He gave his
life for doing it.
Last Wednesday, Officer Sicknick's ashes were carried in a wooden box
into the Rotunda of the Capitol, where we honored him. The silence of
his return was made more painful by remembering how an angry mob had
desecrated this building that he loved. Brian Sicknick paid for that
hushed peace with his life. He is one of a long line of patriots who
have given their lives over more than 240 years to protect this
country.
For his sake, for all of those wounded on January 6, and for the
safety of our democracy, we have to put an end to Donald Trump's big
lie, once and for all, and look honestly at the culpability of the man
who incited this mob to attack Congress, to attack the Constitution,
and to attack our way of life.
I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. SULLIVAN. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Ms. Smith). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
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