[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 22 (Friday, February 5, 2021)]
[House]
[Pages H441-H447]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




PROVIDING FOR THE ADOPTION OF S. CON. RES. 5, CONCURRENT RESOLUTION ON 
                    THE BUDGET FOR FISCAL YEAR 2021

  Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I 
call up House Resolution 101 and ask for its immediate consideration.
  The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:

                              H. Res. 101

       Resolved, That Senate Concurrent Resolution 5 is hereby 
     adopted.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York is recognized 
for 1 hour.
  Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield 
the customary 30 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. 
Burgess), my colleague from the Committee on Rules, pending which I 
yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this 
resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.


                             General Leave

  Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
be given 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from New York?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Madam Speaker, today, the Rules Committee met and reported a rule, 
House Resolution 101, providing for adoption of S. Con. Res. 5, setting 
forth the congressional budget for the United States Government for 
fiscal year 2021 and setting forth the appropriate budgetary levels for 
fiscal years 2022 through 2030.
  Madam Speaker, I am, once again, on the floor today to urge my 
colleagues to adopt the rule and to support passage of this budget 
resolution.
  Across our Nation, Americans are facing a dire crisis. Many have lost 
loved ones. Even more have lost livelihoods. Small businesses are 
shuttering their doors, hospitals are being pushed to their limits, and 
students are falling behind.
  In the past year alone, Congress has taken steps to respond to the 
needs of struggling Americans, but I know that each and every one of my 
colleagues can agree that we have a long road yet to travel.
  Passing this budget resolution is a necessary step to fast-track 
essential COVID relief, the American Rescue Plan.
  I know the gentleman from Texas and many of his colleagues on the 
other side of the aisle have aired complaints about the process begun 
earlier this week. If these were normal times and if we were dealing 
with more mundane issues, I would share their concerns. I am a strong 
believer in bipartisanship, in compromise, and in regular order in the 
House and Senate. But these are certainly not normal times, and we are 
not dealing with mundane issues. We face the greatest crisis in our 
lifetime. Americans are counting on us, relying on us, and we have a 
moral imperative to save lives and families from destitution.
  As of yesterday afternoon, 454,272 Americans have died from this 
tragic disease, a disease which has ripped a hole in millions of hearts 
that can never be repaired.
  The victims of this disease have left spouses, children, 
grandchildren, parents, friends, neighbors, and people who needed them, 
who relied on them, and who loved them. Nothing we can do now will fix 
that. But we face the prospect of losing thousands more, and we can and 
must fix that.
  This isn't just appropriate, this isn't just wise; this is a moral 
imperative.
  Even families who have not lost a loved one have faced the disastrous 
consequences of the pandemic. Nearly 11 million Americans are 
unemployed, more than double the number before the spread of COVID-19. 
As a result, one in three American families have faced difficulty 
covering their regular household expenses, an estimated one in five 
adults are behind on rent, and 10.3 million homeowners are behind on 
their mortgages.
  This isn't just desirable, this isn't just sensible; this is a moral 
imperative.
  Parents in my district and in so many communities are struggling to 
put food on the table for their family. Nearly 24 million people, or 
nearly 11 percent of all adults in this country, have reported that 
their households sometimes, or often, didn't have enough to eat in the 
past 7 days. Before the pandemic, the Department of Agriculture found 
that number was fewer than 3.5 percent over the full 12 months of 2019.
  This isn't just advisable, this isn't just constructive; this is a 
moral imperative.
  So let's talk about what we are going to do to rise to this 
challenge. We are moving forward with the budget reconciliation process 
to ensure that Congress can pass meaningful coronavirus relief without 
delay or partisan gridlock. The budget resolution before us provides a 
framework for reconciliation with a target of up to $1.9 trillion. It 
is designed solely to respond to the ongoing crisis and to deliver 
critical relief as quickly as possible.
  This will enable us to finally beat this virus and continue on the 
path of a national economic recovery. We will mount a national 
vaccination program, setting up vaccination sites in communities across 
the country. We will invest in reopening schools and provide direct 
housing and nutrition assistance to families in need.
  The American Rescue Plan will also provide direct assistance to 
Americans, stimulus payments, including assistance for dependents. We 
will also provide crucial support for the hardest hit small businesses, 
as well as first responders and frontline workers, who have done so 
much to turn back the tide of this virus.
  But without the reconciliation directives in this resolution, any 
bold action could languish indefinitely in the Senate, putting the 
health and well-being of millions of American families at risk.
  For those concerned about the national debt or possibility of future 
inflation, I urge them to heed the advice from Federal Reserve Chairman 
Jerome Powell, a Republican appointed by President Trump to the Federal 
Reserve chairmanship, when he warned us to be more worried about 
falling short of a complete recovery and losing people's careers and 
lives and the damage that will do to our economic future.
  Moving forward with budget reconciliation does not preclude a strong 
bipartisan agreement on a relief package that can gain wide support in 
both the House and the Senate. In fact, there is no need for 
partisanship on this issue.
  While it seems we may be divided today in this Chamber, the American 
people clearly are not. The overwhelming majority, including a majority 
of Republicans across this country, support passage of emergency 
legislation, including stimulus payments, vaccine funding, and other 
pandemic responses in this plan.
  This is not a partisan issue because it is not only red or blue 
families, but families of all political persuasions that are 
struggling, and I am certain my colleagues in the minority know that 
all too well.
  I urge Members of this House to support this budget resolution so we 
can immediately get to work on this desperately needed American Rescue 
Plan. It is our moral imperative.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me the 
customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Madam Speaker, today's rule deems the Senate version of the budget 
resolution, S. Con. Res. 5, as passed. Last night, the Senate 
considered this measure, along with hundreds of amendments. The House 
passed its version, H. Con. Res. 11, on Wednesday. The two measures are 
largely the same, but because the Senate version has minor changes, we 
find ourselves once again considering a measure that the House has 
already passed.
  Even though we are once again considering a rule for the budget 
resolution, we will not actually debate and pass because this rule 
deems the resolution as passed. I think it is important for Members to 
recognize: This is

[[Page H442]]

your only vote on adding nearly $2 trillion to the deficit.

                              {time}  1200

  If this is the way we are going to achieve the passage of a budget 
resolution, why don't we take more time to negotiate a better product 
for the American people? Instead, we spent hours on what has amounted 
to procedural votes. The House has had little to say in the resolution 
outlining the reconciliation instructions by simply deeming the Senate 
version in this rule.
  As I mentioned on Tuesday, budget reconciliation is a fast-track tool 
used to implement policy changes into law requiring only 51 votes in 
the Senate to pass.
  Senator Sanders has stated the budget reconciliation does not have to 
be a partisan process. I actually agree with that. But that is exactly 
what this resolution sets up. Democrats control the House and the 
Senate and the White House, so we don't need to work with the 
Republicans on a resolution to benefit Americans.
  Democrats previously promised $2,000 stimulus checks, billions for 
State and local governments, expansion of Medicaid, pension bailouts, 
added unemployment benefits, implementation of a Green New Deal, passed 
the citizenship for illegal aliens, lowering Medicaid-age eligibility, 
providing universal basic income, increasing the minimum wage, and 
canceling student loan debt.
  But as we have seen in previous relief packages, many stimulus checks 
went to individuals who had actually kept their jobs or had no decrease 
in their pay. These checks could have been sent to those most in need, 
those who lost their jobs or are struggling to find work.
  In addition, many State and local governments are in the red due to 
mismanagement of their budgets. This actually occurred before the 
pandemic began and now taxpayers are being asked to bail them out for 
that fiscal mismanagement that actually was decades in the making.
  While Americans should be able to compete for a livable wage, raising 
the minimum wage to $15 an hour really does put some people at a 
disadvantage. Fast-food workers are now paid at the same level as 
paramedics though the training for those two jobs is clearly different.
  According to the Congressional Budget Office, raising the minimum 
wage without considering market conditions could result in the loss of 
well over a million jobs. Student loan repayments are currently paused, 
but canceling that debt altogether harms individuals who have already 
paid back their loans and places that burden on the taxpayer. It also 
sends a message that you do not have to be responsible for the debt 
that you accumulate.
  These policies are part of President Biden's $1.9 trillion 
coronavirus relief package that could ultimately increase the deficit 
between $2- and $3 trillion. But it does not address the immediate 
needs of the Americans who are trying to survive the pandemic. So now 
is not the time to push through partisan priorities.
  Barely a month ago, Congress passed and President Trump signed into 
law a $900 billion coronavirus relief package. Combined with previous 
relief packages--and there have been several: three in March, one in 
April, one in December--and there remains $1 trillion in unspent 
funding.
  As I pointed out on Tuesday, there have been few efforts to conduct 
oversight on this massive amount of funding.
  In addition, yesterday, Larry Summers, President Clinton's Treasury 
Secretary and an economic adviser to President Obama, published an 
opinion piece outlining the risk of President Biden's massive $1.9 
trillion package. Secretary Summers points out that the 2009 stimulus 
was about half as large as the estimated economic output shortfall.
  In contrast, the already enacted $900 billion stimulus Congress 
passed in December will fill the gap three times over. To make this 
even more clear, the output shortfall due to the pandemic is estimated 
between $20- and $50 billion a month. The $900 billion stimulus will 
total $150 billion a month.
  So you have to ask again: Why is it suddenly so urgent that we pass 
another $2 trillion bill?
  I am pleased that on a few amendments considered last night in the 
Senate, the Senate came together. It appears to support not increasing 
the minimum wage during the pandemic; not moving the United States 
Embassy in Israel from Jerusalem; and not providing economic stimulus 
payments to undocumented or illegal aliens.
  I am disappointed that the Senate Democrats defeated an amendment 
that would have prohibited a carbon tax, meaning a large tax increase 
is likely coming.
  Despite the largely partisan nature of these budget resolution 
proceedings, there exists examples of bipartisanship. Now is the time 
to simply focus on policy and determine the best way forward for our 
country.
  Republicans do stand ready to work with Democrats. Last March, last 
April there was considerable agreement on the way forward. But while 
Republicans do stand ready to work with Democrats to provide these 
resources for the American people, we must ensure that all proposals 
are thoroughly examined and will be implemented in a way that helps 
rather than harms our recovery.
  Despite calling for unity, the first move by President Biden and the 
Democrats is to employ a partisan process and jam through a wish list 
of policy priorities. I sincerely hope that the committees tasked with 
complying with the budget reconciliation instructions will engage in a 
more bipartisan manner.
  With that, I urge opposition to the rule, and I reserve the balance 
of my time.
  Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Just a couple of brief points. First, as it relates to the amount of 
discussion about this, we debated this resolution with few changes 
earlier this week on Wednesday. We had a lengthy conversation. We are 
discussing it again now.
  If we are successful in passing this resolution, it will go to the 
appropriate standing committees for their markup on the various 
allocations in this resolution, and then it will come back here for 
passage again.

  So I think it is fair to say from a process point of view that we 
will have plenty of opportunities to make our arguments in front of the 
American public and let them decide on the appropriateness of our 
actions.
  But I would hardly say that there isn't going to be ample time to 
have these conversations and make these distinctions if that is what we 
choose to do.
  Just a brief word on the minimum wage. I hope we come back to it. I 
had the privilege of leading the debate on the rule when we increased 
the minimum wage in this House last year. If you make the minimum wage 
in the United States--the Federal minimum wage is $7.25 an hour. So if 
you work an entire 40-hour week you will make $290 gross. If you work 
52 weeks out of the year at that level, you will make $15,080 for a 
year gross income.
  So do we think Americans who work 40 hours a week for 52 weeks a year 
should make more than $15,000 a year? Yes, we do. Guilty as charged. 
And we can have that conversation either in reconciliation, should that 
be the desire of the committees and the Senate, but we will certainly 
have it again on this floor because it is part of what we believe and 
the values that we hold dear as the majority in this House.
  As it relates to the bipartisanship, we have said before, I said it 
earlier, Chairman Yarmuth said it repeatedly, we are happy and want to 
have a conversation about a bipartisan agreement. But whether we have a 
bipartisan agreement or not, we are going to move forward.
  President Biden met with the 10 members of the United States Senate 
just earlier this week to talk about compromise. He has signaled 
repeatedly his willingness to do it. But we are going to do it with or 
without a bipartisan agreement because leadership is what this moment 
requires.
  I dare say, I imagine there are not many families in America who 
really at the end of the day care more about how we put this deal 
together than they care about getting a stimulus check to pay their 
rent; that they care about their children being safe when they go back 
to school; that they care

[[Page H443]]

about unemployment benefits, if they happen to be one of the nearly 11 
million Americans who was out of work through no fault of their own but 
because of a deadly virus which doesn't care whether you are a Democrat 
or a Republican.
  So we are going to provide leadership and, frankly, I think it is 
probably surprising to some to see a President engaged in the daily 
activities in the life of his government and the life of our country, 
someone who cares deeply about the future of America, who cares about 
the families who are in need, who cares about those who are sick, those 
who are dying.
  So that may be surprising. It is a little out of the norm in recent 
years, but we have a President who is fully engaged. Bipartisanship is 
what he has asked for. Bipartisanship is what he has talked about. It 
is what we seek here. But absent it, we will lead because too many 
Americans are suffering and in crisis.
  With that, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from 
Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
  Mr. BLUMENAUER. Madam Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman's courtesy 
as I appreciate his words.
  This is a step in a long process. There are ample opportunities for 
bipartisanship. I am hopeful that after years of talking about 
infrastructure, for instance, and having Lucy pull the football away--
President Trump said he would like to do it, but we were incapable of 
moving forward even though there was a broad consensus, actually, on 
both sides of the aisle--I think President Biden is prepared to roll up 
his sleeves and do that with us. And the contrast between what we saw 
with President Biden opening up, talking to Republicans, leveling with 
the American people; and yet, at the beginning a year ago, we had 
documented evidence that Trump refused to acknowledge the urgency of 
the coronavirus.
  He soft-pedaled it along with a bumbling result where tens of 
thousands of people have died--maybe hundreds of thousands of people--
who didn't need to die. We have seen it in other countries.
  We are moving forward and I look forward to having opportunities with 
our Republican friends to join us. The reconciliation process is one 
step forward.
  I can't help contrasting it with how we have seen Republicans use 
reconciliation. I was on the Ways and Means Committee while they were 
literally writing the bill as we were meeting late into the morning, 
changing it as it went on. They didn't know what was in it. And that 
produced almost $2 trillion worth of deficit from people who are now 
fiscally conservative.

  The contrast is stunning. We are going into meetings with the Ways 
and Means Committee during the day next week, not 1 day, not 2 days. We 
are prepared to be there 3 days or on into the weekend.
  But I wanted to just take a moment to talk about one area of 
bipartisan cooperation that really lifts my spirits. I have been 
working for a year to try and rescue America's independent restaurants, 
the people who have been hit hardest by the coronavirus of any 
employment group. 500,000 restaurants--there are 11 million employees--
have suffered more than any other area.
  I am pleased that the Senate, last night, by a 90-10 vote approved 
the framework of our restaurants bill, providing space in the 
reconciliation process, 90-10. And I am pleased that the restaurants 
bill that we have reintroduced that last session had over 200 
cosponsors, we picked up on H.R. 793 44 cosponsors in less than 24 
hours. I commend our friends in the Senate who have helped us out. I 
commend the bipartisan work on this.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
  Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I yield the gentleman from Oregon an 
additional 1 minute.
  Mr. BLUMENAUER. Madam Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman's courtesy.
  I am excited that this is one area that there was an opportunity to 
have that bipartisan cooperation. The Biden administration supports it. 
We have Republican and Democratic support in the Senate. My good 
friend, Senator Wicker, and Senator Sinema have led the charge there. 
This is a bright spot for a very troubled part of our economy, 
independent restaurants, which are the cornerstone of all of our 
communities.
  I hope we can come together to support this on a bipartisan basis as 
we move forward with the reconciliation. I appreciate the gentleman's 
courtesy. I appreciate the time.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  I do need to say one thing. A year ago, the gentleman had the 
opportunity to be in the same briefings that all of us were in. These 
were bipartisan briefings over in the Capitol Visitor Center. All of 
the experts in public health came and talked to us about the dangerous 
waters ahead because of this plague coming out of China.
  And there could be no mistaking the difficulties that were ahead, but 
this was information that was available to all of us. It was not 
information that was secret or waived by the previous administration, 
not shared. It was here that we were given that same information.
  Unfortunately, I sit on one of the authorizing committees that is 
responsible for pandemic preparedness. Did we do a single thing on a 
hearing basis during the month of February? The answer is no. We added 
on 1 hour to the end of a budget hearing at the end of February and by 
the middle of March, we had to suspend all activity in the Congress 
because of the pandemic.
  We squandered the weeks that were available to us. The President 
bought us some time by cutting off foreign travel from China. The 
problem is that we, as the House of Representatives and Democratic 
leadership in my committee, did not use that time effectively.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida 
(Mrs. Cammack), a valuable new freshman Member.

                              {time}  1215

  Mrs. CAMMACK. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Madam Speaker, I rise before you today in opposition to this rule. 
Since we began this new Congress in January--and I realize that I am 
new here--I have yet to see a single action by this House that could be 
interpreted as bipartisan; unifying; or, if we are being honest, a good 
use of our collective time.
  Our Nation is experiencing one of the worst crises in our history. 
Last Congress, this body passed legislation that was quadruple the size 
of all New Deal programs combined, and that is adjusted for inflation. 
We are talking about $4 trillion. Today's solutions cannot be 
tomorrow's problems.
  Madam Speaker, I am in favor of relief for our struggling businesses, 
our constituents, and our hardworking families. However, what we are 
considering here today is not relief. Rather, we are garnishing the 
wages of future generations. While the left is focused on charging 
Members of Congress thousands of dollars for their masks falling below 
their nose, mom-and-pop shops back home are having their local, State, 
and now Federal Government stand in the way of them opening their doors 
and getting this economy up and running.
  And what of the $1.3 trillion that this body recently passed and that 
this administration has yet to spend? Where is that money going?
  History shows us that the most successful actions by government have 
been bipartisan. It is time to let everyone, including Republicans, 
have a seat at the table. Until we prioritize all--all--of our people 
instead of just some coastal elites, I will not and I cannot support 
the actions of this majority.
  Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  I first welcome the gentlewoman from Florida to the House, and I look 
forward to many opportunities to work together in a bipartisan fashion. 
I would note that one of the very first things we did in this House was 
the bipartisan passage of Public Law 117-1, which was paving the way 
for an historic appointment of Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin. So we 
have worked together, and I think we will find common purpose on so 
many things facing the American public. And I certainly hope we find 
commonality and purpose in this work that we will do over the next 
several days to work on support, in the most difficult of times, for 
American families.

[[Page H444]]

  Because I have heard this now said so many times in the last few days 
about a trillion dollars that the Biden administration has not spent, I 
would say, first of all, if anyone in a period of 2 weeks could spend a 
trillion dollars, I would find that remarkable.
  The second is, this is in the pipeline. And we don't wait for every 
dollar to be spent and then think about having another debate about 
further support.
  There is nothing about this that I find extraordinary. What I do find 
extraordinary is that you point out that money that has been 
appropriated, is earmarked, and is moving out the door in appropriate 
ways and going through the proper channels, and that would be a point 
of debate and argument.
  This is necessary. We have heard it from so many leading economists 
around this country. We have heard it from the American public. So I 
think the case is clear, and I look forward to further discussion on 
this.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from the great 
State of New Mexico (Ms. Leger Fernandez).
  Ms. LEGER FERNANDEZ. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote for 
the budget rule and resolution because Americans cannot wait any longer 
for us to rescue our economy and our health.
  We are the Congress of the United States. Our job is to solve 
problems. We can't neglect our duty. This pandemic has devastated 
everything we love--everything each of us loves. If we don't do this, 
millions of Americans--especially people of color, in my State, Tribal 
communities, the Navajo, the Pueblos, the Apaches, and women--will 
continue to suffer and die.
  New Mexicans are waiting for our help so they can afford to put food 
on the table and keep a roof over their heads, so they can go to eat at 
the restaurants, and have their kids in school where they feel safe. 
They are waiting for more COVID vaccines.
  New Mexico is one of the best States in getting the vaccine out, but 
we don't have enough, and this will help us get enough vaccines. They 
are waiting for certainty that this year will be better than the last. 
Lives are on the line and all Americans' voices are loud and clear. 
They need us to act and to act boldly.
  I am listening to American voices from the rural areas, from suburban 
areas, from conservative areas. I represent an incredibly diverse 
district, and they are all asking us to act. So let's listen. Whether 
you are a Democrat or Republican, let's listen to their voices, to 
their pleas. Let's take action. Let's stop the pain.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.

  If we defeat the previous question, I will offer an amendment to the 
rule to immediately consider H.R. 682, the Reopen Schools Act, to 
encourage local educational agencies to resume in-person instruction at 
elementary and secondary schools.
  Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to include in the Record the 
text of my amendment, along with extraneous material, immediately prior 
to the vote on the previous question.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Texas?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
California (Mrs. Steel), who is here to explain the amendment. I 
welcome her to the floor.
  Mrs. STEEL. Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to the previous 
question. If the previous question is defeated, Republicans will amend 
this rule to immediately consider H.R. 682, the Reopen Schools Act.
  This bill was introduced by Congresswoman Ashley Hinson, and it would 
condition State COVID relief grants for education on schools reopening 
so that students can get back in the classroom safely.
  In December, Congress sent States $54 billion for K-12 education. 
Congresswoman Hinson's bill would ensure this money is used to get 
students back in the classroom safely and soon.
  In-person learning can be done safely with the right precautions and 
safety measures. In Orange County, California, when I was chair of the 
Board of Supervisors, we safely allowed schools to reopen in early 
September. Children have been able to go to school in person safely, 
and the science shows that it has not contributed to significant COVID-
19 outbreaks in our communities.
  Congress should be clear that we expect schools to use this funding 
to reopen, while keeping students and teachers safe. The science says 
students should return to the classroom. The CDC has confirmed that K-
12 schools are not a high-transmission environment. Young kids have an 
extremely low infection rate, low transmission rate, and a low rate of 
serious illness from COVID-19.
  Unfortunately, only one-third of K-12 schools across the country 
currently have an in-person learning option available for students. As 
a result, kids' mental health is hurting. Students should be 
socializing with their peers and in a classroom environment. Child 
depression, anxiety, and other mental health issues are rising. Both 
parents and children across this Nation continue to suffer because of 
the challenges from this long-term lockdown.
  While virtual learning can play an important role in offering parents 
and students additional education options, it should not be forced on 
families by schools unable to offer it effectively. It is unfortunate 
this legislation won't even be considered, because doing the right 
thing for students should not be a partisan issue. This is a disservice 
to students and families across the country who are suffering because 
of this pandemic lockdown. Congress should be working in a bipartisan 
way to provide targeted help.
  Madam Speaker, I urge a ``no'' vote.
  Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume. To the new Member, I also welcome her to the Chambers and I 
look forward to working with her on important issues, such as 
education.
  It should not need to be said, but I will say it: This package has 
billions of dollars that will support education and schools. So pass 
this resolution. There is no need to substitute it.
  I would look just to my home State of New York, which has lost $15 
billion in revenue as a result of this pandemic. And I know a little 
bit about this. I served in that State legislature for many years. The 
State of New York provides the highest level of support per capita of a 
State to its local school districts of any State in the Union. So not 
helping local school districts, not helping our States provide lost 
revenue in support, damages, irreparably, the children in our K-12 
across our country.

  So pass this resolution. Work with us to make sure that we can 
provide support for our local school districts.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from 
the State of California (Mr. Bera).
  Mr. BERA. Madam Speaker, I rise to speak in support of this budget 
resolution, and I speak as a doctor. This virus doesn't know whether 
you are Democrat or Republican. This virus doesn't know the color of 
your skin, the religion that you worship towards.
  I commend the Biden administration for wanting to go big and wanting 
to go fast, because we have to get ahead of the virus, defeat the 
virus. But then we have to do the efforts to vaccinate the population 
that are out, to address the food insecurity that we see all across 
this country.
  Madam Speaker, I am particularly pleased that this package will have 
funding in it, as we put it together to address vaccine hesitancy and 
misinformation, particularly in hard-hit communities of color--Black 
and Brown communities. We have to get into those communities, work with 
community health centers, work with folks in those communities to make 
sure they get vaccinated. And I am pleased that we have been working 
with the Biden administration to get this done.
  Madam Speaker, I fully support going big and fully support this 
budget resolution.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
North Carolina (Mr. Budd).
  Mr. BUDD. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas for 
yielding.
  Madam Speaker, lifesaving COVID vaccines are going to waste. Seniors 
and frontline workers in my State, the State of North Carolina, have 
had their vaccine appointments, which they depended on, forcibly 
canceled. We have got to do better.
  Madam Speaker, I have two amendments to this budget resolution that

[[Page H445]]

would address these issues, but the majority has blocked a vote. 
Instead, we are passing a budget resolution to set up a trillion--with 
a ``T''--a trillion-dollar spending bill.
  My first amendment, the Vaccinate More Americans Act, would prevent 
leftover COVID vaccines from being wasted by allowing vaccine providers 
to administer shots to the next allocation group automatically.
  My second amendment addresses an issue that affected over 10,000 
North Carolinians who had their vaccine appointments forcibly canceled. 
This is unacceptable and something has to be done about it.
  My amendment says that any State health department that receives 
vaccines must distribute them in an equitable way without forcibly 
canceling appointments. We should be addressing these issues as a body 
instead of stuffing trillion-dollar spending bills into a rules 
package.
  Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Pelosi), the Speaker of the House.
  Ms. PELOSI. Madam Speaker, I thank Mr. Morelle, the gentleman from 
New York and distinguished member of the Committee on Rules, among 
other committees of the House, for bringing this important rule to the 
floor.
  Madam Speaker, we just left a meeting with President Biden where we 
had a discussion about how this legislation meets the needs of the 
American people. As our colleagues may be aware, early this morning, 
before 6 a.m., the Senate passed a budget bill, which is identical in 
instruction to the bill that we sent there.
  We had the debate on that bill on Wednesday. It passed with a strong 
vote in the House, and then went to the Senate. It comes back to us now 
and we are addressing it. So that is what brings us to the floor now.

                              {time}  1230

  What brings us to the floor now is the opportunity to crush the 
virus, to put vaccines in the arms of the American people, money in the 
pockets of the American people, children safely in school, people back 
in their jobs.
  We can do that following science and good governance to make it 
happen. We must do that in a way that addresses the disparities. It is 
almost sinful to see the disparity in access to some of the vaccines 
and everything that happened up until now.
  As I mentioned the other day in the debate on the budget bill, the 
GAO has put out a report that at least 90 percent of their 
recommendations to the Trump administration on how to address the COVID 
crisis were ignored. Twenty-seven out of 31 were ignored.
  This legislation, again, based on science and knowledge, and respect 
for all the people in our society and in our country, addresses many of 
those concerns in a more current way as now we have more access to 
vaccines and people more willing to participate because they have hope. 
That is what this legislation does. It gives us hope.
  It is a reconciliation bill, which means we can just pass it with 51 
votes in the Senate. It would be my hope that we don't have to use it 
as a reconciliation bill, that we will be able to have bipartisanship 
with the facing of the facts of what is needed to meet the needs of the 
American people, both in this body and in the United States Senate. But 
in order to have a guarantee that the people's needs will be met, we 
are passing this legislation today.
  I hope that we will have a very strong vote in favor of crushing the 
virus, money in the pockets, people back to work, and children, 
children, children safely in schools.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from 
Missouri (Mr. Smith), the lead Republican on our House Budget 
Committee.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Madam Speaker, in Missouri, we have this 
phrase that says: You are all hat and no cattle. That is what this 
legislation is. It is all hat and no cattle.
  We just had the Speaker speak right before me and said this piece of 
legislation is all about getting vaccines and shots in people's arms. 
Let me tell you, less than 10 percent of the money that is appropriated 
in this piece of legislation actually goes to vaccines and shots. It is 
9 percent.
  That is all hat and no cattle, what we say in Missouri. If you are 
actually wanting to make sure that Americans have shots and 
vaccinations, do your job, not the lip service. If we really want to 
help American people, we should focus on lifting the burden of 
government influence and interference on the lives and off of the backs 
of working-class Americans.
  At a time of great division in this country, we ought to be conscious 
of the fact that how we govern in this body can serve to unite us, or 
it can divide us further.
  The only thing that has been bipartisan this week is bipartisan 
opposition to the bill. Not one Republican voted for it, but Democrats 
voted against it.
  One piece of this debate that is increasingly obvious and concerning 
to me is how our Democrat colleagues are pushing legislation that will 
rescue or reward their political allies in blue State capitals across 
this country. How else does one explain the billions in bailouts they 
have proposed for State governments that have locked down their local 
economies? They have told Main Street to board up and left families 
struggling even more to make ends meet.
  We should be looking to help working-class families by reopening 
schools, ending small business lock-downs, and allowing Americans to 
get back to work.
  Hardworking American families would also appreciate a White House 
that focuses more on job creation and economic opportunity instead of 
continuously issuing executive orders, firing American workers, and 
increasing the cost of living in this country.
  One truly disturbing part of the resolution before us today is that 
this resolution repeals the supermajority waiver requirement for 
unfunded mandates, making it easier for the Senate to impose mandates 
on our States and local communities on a partisan basis, now with only 
a simple majority waiver required.
  This paves the way for Democrats to enact sweeping policies that will 
make the cost of living more expensive, and it will give Washington 
bureaucrats power over the American people and harm the working class.
  Under this resolution, Democrats with a mere 51 votes could force 
States to provide healthcare to illegal immigrants under Medicaid. They 
could also take away States' ability to ensure Federal carbon mandates 
don't kill jobs and devastate local economies.
  Ironically, the same folks who want to bail out State governments 
today to the tune of hundreds of billions of dollars will be able under 
the new rules to stick States with costly massive unfunded mandates for 
the long term. It makes zero sense.
  House Democrats are driving full speed ahead toward radical policies 
that will kill jobs and hurt the working class. It is past time to put 
politics aside and focus on the real needs of all Americans.
  Madam Speaker, I stand ready to work with my colleagues on policies 
that will support the American working class.
  Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Madam Speaker, I would note, and I am sure the gentleman knows this, 
he mentioned appropriations in this bill. Obviously, there are no 
appropriations in this bill.
  This sets up a reconciliation process, and we would certainly welcome 
his input and welcome the support and partnership of Members on his 
side of the aisle.
  But I do want to make clear this is a process resolution. It begins 
the process. We will come back and have conversations in the standing 
committees and, certainly, again on the floor as we move forward.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  Madam Speaker, to recover from the pandemic, really, it is not a good 
idea to push through policies that don't address the immediate needs of 
the American people. The budget reconciliation resolution provided for 
in this rule will drastically increase the deficit and seek to 
implement nonessential partisan policies without first conducting 
hearings and oversight to ensure that current funding is spent 
effectively and efficiently.

[[Page H446]]

  It is disappointing, after calling for unity just a little over 2 
weeks ago in the front of this Capitol Building by the President, that 
the first move is to employ this partisan process.
  It is now up to the committees crafting the reconciliation 
legislation to work in a bipartisan manner. I sincerely hope that they 
do, but it has been disappointing so far. And if the past is prelude, I 
don't think we will look forward to this being a bipartisan process.
  Madam Speaker, I do want to remind Members that this will be a vote 
on the rule, but you will not get a vote on the resolution. Bear that 
in mind. The vote on the rule expands the deficit by $1.9 to $2.9 
trillion.
  Madam Speaker, I urge a ``no'' vote on the previous question and a 
``no'' vote on the rule. I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas. Though from time to 
time we may disagree on questions before the House, I always find him 
very thoughtful, committed American. I am pleased to serve with him on 
the Rules Committee and pleased that we have had an opportunity to have 
this conversation this morning.
  Madam Speaker, budgets are not exclusively about numbers or process. 
They are, most importantly, a statement of our priorities and our 
values.
  Our priorities are clear. Stop this virus. Help our families. Our 
values are to respond to the critical needs of the American people, and 
that is what we do today.
  We will continue to work through this over the next several weeks, 
and I very much appreciate all of my colleagues for their words in 
support of the rule before us today.
  Madam Speaker, I urge a ``yes'' vote on the rule and a ``yes'' vote 
on the previous question.
  The material previously referred to by Mr. Burgess is as follows:

                   Amendment to House Resolution 101

       At the end of the resolution, add the following:
       Sec. 2. Immediately upon adoption of this resolution, the 
     House shall resolve into the Committee of the Whole House on 
     the state of the Union for consideration of the bill (H.R. 
     682) to encourage local educational agencies to resume in-
     person instruction at elementary and secondary schools, and 
     for other purposes. The first reading of the bill shall be 
     dispensed with. All points of order against consideration of 
     the bill are waived. General debate shall be confined to the 
     bill and shall not exceed one hour equally divided and 
     controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the 
     Committee on Education and Labor. After general debate the 
     bill shall be considered for amendment under the five-minute 
     rule. All points of order against provisions in the bill are 
     waived. When the committee rises and reports the bill back to 
     the House with a recommendation that the bill do pass, the 
     previous question shall be considered as ordered on the bill 
     and amendments thereto to final passage without intervening 
     motion except one motion to recommit. If the Committee of the 
     Whole rises and reports that it has come to no resolution on 
     the bill, then on the next legislative day the House shall, 
     immediately after the third daily order of business under 
     clause 1 of rule XIV, resolve into the Committee of the Whole 
     for further consideration of the bill.
       Sec. 3. Clause l(c) of rule XIX shall not apply to the 
     consideration of H.R. 682.

  Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and 
I move the previous question on the resolution.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on ordering the previous 
question.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution 
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 220, 
nays 210, not voting 1, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 26]

                               YEAS--220

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Delgado
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Fudge
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Golden
     Gomez
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Haaland
     Harder (CA)
     Hastings
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Underwood
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Vela
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                               NAYS--210

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Bost
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carl
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Curtis
     Davidson
     Davis, Rodney
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Donalds
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fitzpatrick
     Fleischmann
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Gonzales, Tony
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Hagedorn
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hinson
     Hollingsworth
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Jacobs (NY)
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Katko
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kinzinger
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mace
     Malliotakis
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Murphy (NC)
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Nunes
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Posey
     Reed
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Roy
     Rutherford
     Salazar
     Scalise
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Stivers
     Taylor
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Turner
     Upton
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Young
     Zeldin

                             NOT VOTING--1

       
       
       Wright
       
       


                Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. Jackson Lee)(during the vote). Members 
are reminded to put on their masks.

[[Page H447]]

  


                              {time}  1333

  Mr. JACOBS of New York changed his vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
  Mr. DELGADO changed his vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
  So the previous question was ordered.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.


    members recorded pursuant to house resolution 8, 117th congress

     Amodei (Kelly (PA))
     Axne (Stevens)
     Barragan (Beyer)
     Bishop (GA) (Butterfield)
     Bowman (Clark (MA))
     Buchanan (Arrington)
     Cardenas (Gomez)
     Carson (Butterfield)
     Castor (FL) (Demings)
     Cohen (Beyer)
     Cooper (Clark (MA))
     DeSaulnier (Matsui)
     Doggett (Beyer)
     Donalds (Cammack)
     Fallon (Nehls)
     Frankel, Lois (Clark (MA))
     Gallego (Gomez)
     Garcia (IL) (Pressley)
     Gonzalez, Vicente (Gomez)
     Gosar (Wagner)
     Hastings (Wasserman Schultz)
     Higgins (NY) (Kildee)
     Jayapal (Clark (MA))
     Kahele (Case)
     Kind (Beyer)
     Kirkpatrick (Stanton)
     Krishnamoorthi (Brown)
     Langevin (Courtney)
     Larson (CT) (Courtney)
     Lawrence (Kildee)
     Lawson (FL) (Evans)
     Lieu (Beyer)
     Lofgren (Jeffries)
     Long (Wagner)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     Lynch (Clark (MA))
     Maloney, Carolyn B. (Jeffries)
     McEachin (Wexton)
     McHenry (Banks)
     Meng (Clark (MA))
     Moulton (Beyer)
     Napolitano (Correa)
     Payne (Wasserman Schultz)
     Porter (Wexton)
     Price (NC) (Butterfield)
     Roybal-Allard (Correa)
     Ruiz (Aguilar)
     Rush (Underwood)
     Speier (Scanlon)
     Titus (Connolly)
     Trahan (McGovern)
     Vela (Gomez)
     Waltz (Cammack)
     Watson Coleman (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL) (Adams)
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the resolution.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution 
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 219, 
nays 209, not voting 3, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 27]

                               YEAS--219

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Delgado
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Fudge
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Gomez
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Haaland
     Harder (CA)
     Hastings
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Underwood
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Vela
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                               NAYS--209

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Bost
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carl
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Curtis
     Davidson
     Davis, Rodney
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Donalds
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fitzpatrick
     Fleischmann
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Golden
     Gonzales, Tony
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Hagedorn
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hinson
     Hollingsworth
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Jacobs (NY)
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Katko
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kinzinger
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mace
     Malliotakis
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Murphy (NC)
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Nunes
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Reed
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Roy
     Rutherford
     Salazar
     Scalise
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Stivers
     Taylor
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Turner
     Upton
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Young
     Zeldin

                             NOT VOTING--3

     McCaul
     Posey
     Wright

                              {time}  1420

  So the resolution was agreed to.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
  Stated against;
  Mr. McCaul. Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably detained. Had I been 
present, I would have voted ``nay'' on rollcall No. 27.


    members recorded pursuant to house resolution 8, 117th congress

     Amodei (Kelly (PA))
     Axne (Stevens)
     Barragan (Beyer)
     Bishop (GA) (Butterfield)
     Blumenauer (Beyer)
     Bowman (Clark (MA))
     Buchanan (Arrington)
     Cardenas (Gomez)
     Carson (Butterfield)
     Castor (FL) (Demings)
     Cohen (Beyer)
     Cooper (Clark (MA))
     DeSaulnier (Matsui)
     Doggett (Beyer)
     Donalds (Cammack)
     Fallon (Nehls)
     Frankel, Lois (Clark (MA))
     Gallego (Gomez)
     Garcia (IL) (Pressley)
     Gonzalez, Vicente (Gomez)
     Gosar (Wagner)
     Hastings (Wasserman Schultz)
     Higgins (NY) (Kildee)
     Jayapal (Clark (MA))
     Kahele (Case)
     Kind (Beyer)
     Kirkpatrick (Stanton)
     Krishnamoorthi (Brown)
     Langevin (Courtney)
     Larson (CT) (Courtney)
     Lawrence (Kildee)
     Lawson (FL) (Evans)
     Lieu (Beyer)
     Lofgren (Jeffries)
     Long (Wagner)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     Lynch (Clark (MA))
     Maloney, Carolyn B. (Jeffries)
     McEachin (Wexton)
     McHenry (Banks)
     Meng (Clark (MA))
     Moulton (Beyer)
     Napolitano (Correa)
     Panetta (Kildee)
     Payne (Wasserman Schultz)
     Porter (Wexton)
     Price (NC) (Butterfield)
     Roybal-Allard (Correa)
     Ruiz (Aguilar)
     Rush (Underwood)
     Speier (Scanlon)
     Titus (Connolly)
     Trahan (McGovern)
     Vela (Gomez)
     Waltz (Cammack)
     Watson Coleman (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL) (Adams)

                          ____________________