[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 22 (Friday, February 5, 2021)]
[House]
[Pages H441-H447]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
PROVIDING FOR THE ADOPTION OF S. CON. RES. 5, CONCURRENT RESOLUTION ON
THE BUDGET FOR FISCAL YEAR 2021
Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I
call up House Resolution 101 and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 101
Resolved, That Senate Concurrent Resolution 5 is hereby
adopted.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York is recognized
for 1 hour.
Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield
the customary 30 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr.
Burgess), my colleague from the Committee on Rules, pending which I
yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this
resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
General Leave
Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
be given 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Madam Speaker, today, the Rules Committee met and reported a rule,
House Resolution 101, providing for adoption of S. Con. Res. 5, setting
forth the congressional budget for the United States Government for
fiscal year 2021 and setting forth the appropriate budgetary levels for
fiscal years 2022 through 2030.
Madam Speaker, I am, once again, on the floor today to urge my
colleagues to adopt the rule and to support passage of this budget
resolution.
Across our Nation, Americans are facing a dire crisis. Many have lost
loved ones. Even more have lost livelihoods. Small businesses are
shuttering their doors, hospitals are being pushed to their limits, and
students are falling behind.
In the past year alone, Congress has taken steps to respond to the
needs of struggling Americans, but I know that each and every one of my
colleagues can agree that we have a long road yet to travel.
Passing this budget resolution is a necessary step to fast-track
essential COVID relief, the American Rescue Plan.
I know the gentleman from Texas and many of his colleagues on the
other side of the aisle have aired complaints about the process begun
earlier this week. If these were normal times and if we were dealing
with more mundane issues, I would share their concerns. I am a strong
believer in bipartisanship, in compromise, and in regular order in the
House and Senate. But these are certainly not normal times, and we are
not dealing with mundane issues. We face the greatest crisis in our
lifetime. Americans are counting on us, relying on us, and we have a
moral imperative to save lives and families from destitution.
As of yesterday afternoon, 454,272 Americans have died from this
tragic disease, a disease which has ripped a hole in millions of hearts
that can never be repaired.
The victims of this disease have left spouses, children,
grandchildren, parents, friends, neighbors, and people who needed them,
who relied on them, and who loved them. Nothing we can do now will fix
that. But we face the prospect of losing thousands more, and we can and
must fix that.
This isn't just appropriate, this isn't just wise; this is a moral
imperative.
Even families who have not lost a loved one have faced the disastrous
consequences of the pandemic. Nearly 11 million Americans are
unemployed, more than double the number before the spread of COVID-19.
As a result, one in three American families have faced difficulty
covering their regular household expenses, an estimated one in five
adults are behind on rent, and 10.3 million homeowners are behind on
their mortgages.
This isn't just desirable, this isn't just sensible; this is a moral
imperative.
Parents in my district and in so many communities are struggling to
put food on the table for their family. Nearly 24 million people, or
nearly 11 percent of all adults in this country, have reported that
their households sometimes, or often, didn't have enough to eat in the
past 7 days. Before the pandemic, the Department of Agriculture found
that number was fewer than 3.5 percent over the full 12 months of 2019.
This isn't just advisable, this isn't just constructive; this is a
moral imperative.
So let's talk about what we are going to do to rise to this
challenge. We are moving forward with the budget reconciliation process
to ensure that Congress can pass meaningful coronavirus relief without
delay or partisan gridlock. The budget resolution before us provides a
framework for reconciliation with a target of up to $1.9 trillion. It
is designed solely to respond to the ongoing crisis and to deliver
critical relief as quickly as possible.
This will enable us to finally beat this virus and continue on the
path of a national economic recovery. We will mount a national
vaccination program, setting up vaccination sites in communities across
the country. We will invest in reopening schools and provide direct
housing and nutrition assistance to families in need.
The American Rescue Plan will also provide direct assistance to
Americans, stimulus payments, including assistance for dependents. We
will also provide crucial support for the hardest hit small businesses,
as well as first responders and frontline workers, who have done so
much to turn back the tide of this virus.
But without the reconciliation directives in this resolution, any
bold action could languish indefinitely in the Senate, putting the
health and well-being of millions of American families at risk.
For those concerned about the national debt or possibility of future
inflation, I urge them to heed the advice from Federal Reserve Chairman
Jerome Powell, a Republican appointed by President Trump to the Federal
Reserve chairmanship, when he warned us to be more worried about
falling short of a complete recovery and losing people's careers and
lives and the damage that will do to our economic future.
Moving forward with budget reconciliation does not preclude a strong
bipartisan agreement on a relief package that can gain wide support in
both the House and the Senate. In fact, there is no need for
partisanship on this issue.
While it seems we may be divided today in this Chamber, the American
people clearly are not. The overwhelming majority, including a majority
of Republicans across this country, support passage of emergency
legislation, including stimulus payments, vaccine funding, and other
pandemic responses in this plan.
This is not a partisan issue because it is not only red or blue
families, but families of all political persuasions that are
struggling, and I am certain my colleagues in the minority know that
all too well.
I urge Members of this House to support this budget resolution so we
can immediately get to work on this desperately needed American Rescue
Plan. It is our moral imperative.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me the
customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, today's rule deems the Senate version of the budget
resolution, S. Con. Res. 5, as passed. Last night, the Senate
considered this measure, along with hundreds of amendments. The House
passed its version, H. Con. Res. 11, on Wednesday. The two measures are
largely the same, but because the Senate version has minor changes, we
find ourselves once again considering a measure that the House has
already passed.
Even though we are once again considering a rule for the budget
resolution, we will not actually debate and pass because this rule
deems the resolution as passed. I think it is important for Members to
recognize: This is
[[Page H442]]
your only vote on adding nearly $2 trillion to the deficit.
{time} 1200
If this is the way we are going to achieve the passage of a budget
resolution, why don't we take more time to negotiate a better product
for the American people? Instead, we spent hours on what has amounted
to procedural votes. The House has had little to say in the resolution
outlining the reconciliation instructions by simply deeming the Senate
version in this rule.
As I mentioned on Tuesday, budget reconciliation is a fast-track tool
used to implement policy changes into law requiring only 51 votes in
the Senate to pass.
Senator Sanders has stated the budget reconciliation does not have to
be a partisan process. I actually agree with that. But that is exactly
what this resolution sets up. Democrats control the House and the
Senate and the White House, so we don't need to work with the
Republicans on a resolution to benefit Americans.
Democrats previously promised $2,000 stimulus checks, billions for
State and local governments, expansion of Medicaid, pension bailouts,
added unemployment benefits, implementation of a Green New Deal, passed
the citizenship for illegal aliens, lowering Medicaid-age eligibility,
providing universal basic income, increasing the minimum wage, and
canceling student loan debt.
But as we have seen in previous relief packages, many stimulus checks
went to individuals who had actually kept their jobs or had no decrease
in their pay. These checks could have been sent to those most in need,
those who lost their jobs or are struggling to find work.
In addition, many State and local governments are in the red due to
mismanagement of their budgets. This actually occurred before the
pandemic began and now taxpayers are being asked to bail them out for
that fiscal mismanagement that actually was decades in the making.
While Americans should be able to compete for a livable wage, raising
the minimum wage to $15 an hour really does put some people at a
disadvantage. Fast-food workers are now paid at the same level as
paramedics though the training for those two jobs is clearly different.
According to the Congressional Budget Office, raising the minimum
wage without considering market conditions could result in the loss of
well over a million jobs. Student loan repayments are currently paused,
but canceling that debt altogether harms individuals who have already
paid back their loans and places that burden on the taxpayer. It also
sends a message that you do not have to be responsible for the debt
that you accumulate.
These policies are part of President Biden's $1.9 trillion
coronavirus relief package that could ultimately increase the deficit
between $2- and $3 trillion. But it does not address the immediate
needs of the Americans who are trying to survive the pandemic. So now
is not the time to push through partisan priorities.
Barely a month ago, Congress passed and President Trump signed into
law a $900 billion coronavirus relief package. Combined with previous
relief packages--and there have been several: three in March, one in
April, one in December--and there remains $1 trillion in unspent
funding.
As I pointed out on Tuesday, there have been few efforts to conduct
oversight on this massive amount of funding.
In addition, yesterday, Larry Summers, President Clinton's Treasury
Secretary and an economic adviser to President Obama, published an
opinion piece outlining the risk of President Biden's massive $1.9
trillion package. Secretary Summers points out that the 2009 stimulus
was about half as large as the estimated economic output shortfall.
In contrast, the already enacted $900 billion stimulus Congress
passed in December will fill the gap three times over. To make this
even more clear, the output shortfall due to the pandemic is estimated
between $20- and $50 billion a month. The $900 billion stimulus will
total $150 billion a month.
So you have to ask again: Why is it suddenly so urgent that we pass
another $2 trillion bill?
I am pleased that on a few amendments considered last night in the
Senate, the Senate came together. It appears to support not increasing
the minimum wage during the pandemic; not moving the United States
Embassy in Israel from Jerusalem; and not providing economic stimulus
payments to undocumented or illegal aliens.
I am disappointed that the Senate Democrats defeated an amendment
that would have prohibited a carbon tax, meaning a large tax increase
is likely coming.
Despite the largely partisan nature of these budget resolution
proceedings, there exists examples of bipartisanship. Now is the time
to simply focus on policy and determine the best way forward for our
country.
Republicans do stand ready to work with Democrats. Last March, last
April there was considerable agreement on the way forward. But while
Republicans do stand ready to work with Democrats to provide these
resources for the American people, we must ensure that all proposals
are thoroughly examined and will be implemented in a way that helps
rather than harms our recovery.
Despite calling for unity, the first move by President Biden and the
Democrats is to employ a partisan process and jam through a wish list
of policy priorities. I sincerely hope that the committees tasked with
complying with the budget reconciliation instructions will engage in a
more bipartisan manner.
With that, I urge opposition to the rule, and I reserve the balance
of my time.
Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Just a couple of brief points. First, as it relates to the amount of
discussion about this, we debated this resolution with few changes
earlier this week on Wednesday. We had a lengthy conversation. We are
discussing it again now.
If we are successful in passing this resolution, it will go to the
appropriate standing committees for their markup on the various
allocations in this resolution, and then it will come back here for
passage again.
So I think it is fair to say from a process point of view that we
will have plenty of opportunities to make our arguments in front of the
American public and let them decide on the appropriateness of our
actions.
But I would hardly say that there isn't going to be ample time to
have these conversations and make these distinctions if that is what we
choose to do.
Just a brief word on the minimum wage. I hope we come back to it. I
had the privilege of leading the debate on the rule when we increased
the minimum wage in this House last year. If you make the minimum wage
in the United States--the Federal minimum wage is $7.25 an hour. So if
you work an entire 40-hour week you will make $290 gross. If you work
52 weeks out of the year at that level, you will make $15,080 for a
year gross income.
So do we think Americans who work 40 hours a week for 52 weeks a year
should make more than $15,000 a year? Yes, we do. Guilty as charged.
And we can have that conversation either in reconciliation, should that
be the desire of the committees and the Senate, but we will certainly
have it again on this floor because it is part of what we believe and
the values that we hold dear as the majority in this House.
As it relates to the bipartisanship, we have said before, I said it
earlier, Chairman Yarmuth said it repeatedly, we are happy and want to
have a conversation about a bipartisan agreement. But whether we have a
bipartisan agreement or not, we are going to move forward.
President Biden met with the 10 members of the United States Senate
just earlier this week to talk about compromise. He has signaled
repeatedly his willingness to do it. But we are going to do it with or
without a bipartisan agreement because leadership is what this moment
requires.
I dare say, I imagine there are not many families in America who
really at the end of the day care more about how we put this deal
together than they care about getting a stimulus check to pay their
rent; that they care about their children being safe when they go back
to school; that they care
[[Page H443]]
about unemployment benefits, if they happen to be one of the nearly 11
million Americans who was out of work through no fault of their own but
because of a deadly virus which doesn't care whether you are a Democrat
or a Republican.
So we are going to provide leadership and, frankly, I think it is
probably surprising to some to see a President engaged in the daily
activities in the life of his government and the life of our country,
someone who cares deeply about the future of America, who cares about
the families who are in need, who cares about those who are sick, those
who are dying.
So that may be surprising. It is a little out of the norm in recent
years, but we have a President who is fully engaged. Bipartisanship is
what he has asked for. Bipartisanship is what he has talked about. It
is what we seek here. But absent it, we will lead because too many
Americans are suffering and in crisis.
With that, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from
Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Madam Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman's courtesy
as I appreciate his words.
This is a step in a long process. There are ample opportunities for
bipartisanship. I am hopeful that after years of talking about
infrastructure, for instance, and having Lucy pull the football away--
President Trump said he would like to do it, but we were incapable of
moving forward even though there was a broad consensus, actually, on
both sides of the aisle--I think President Biden is prepared to roll up
his sleeves and do that with us. And the contrast between what we saw
with President Biden opening up, talking to Republicans, leveling with
the American people; and yet, at the beginning a year ago, we had
documented evidence that Trump refused to acknowledge the urgency of
the coronavirus.
He soft-pedaled it along with a bumbling result where tens of
thousands of people have died--maybe hundreds of thousands of people--
who didn't need to die. We have seen it in other countries.
We are moving forward and I look forward to having opportunities with
our Republican friends to join us. The reconciliation process is one
step forward.
I can't help contrasting it with how we have seen Republicans use
reconciliation. I was on the Ways and Means Committee while they were
literally writing the bill as we were meeting late into the morning,
changing it as it went on. They didn't know what was in it. And that
produced almost $2 trillion worth of deficit from people who are now
fiscally conservative.
The contrast is stunning. We are going into meetings with the Ways
and Means Committee during the day next week, not 1 day, not 2 days. We
are prepared to be there 3 days or on into the weekend.
But I wanted to just take a moment to talk about one area of
bipartisan cooperation that really lifts my spirits. I have been
working for a year to try and rescue America's independent restaurants,
the people who have been hit hardest by the coronavirus of any
employment group. 500,000 restaurants--there are 11 million employees--
have suffered more than any other area.
I am pleased that the Senate, last night, by a 90-10 vote approved
the framework of our restaurants bill, providing space in the
reconciliation process, 90-10. And I am pleased that the restaurants
bill that we have reintroduced that last session had over 200
cosponsors, we picked up on H.R. 793 44 cosponsors in less than 24
hours. I commend our friends in the Senate who have helped us out. I
commend the bipartisan work on this.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I yield the gentleman from Oregon an
additional 1 minute.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Madam Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman's courtesy.
I am excited that this is one area that there was an opportunity to
have that bipartisan cooperation. The Biden administration supports it.
We have Republican and Democratic support in the Senate. My good
friend, Senator Wicker, and Senator Sinema have led the charge there.
This is a bright spot for a very troubled part of our economy,
independent restaurants, which are the cornerstone of all of our
communities.
I hope we can come together to support this on a bipartisan basis as
we move forward with the reconciliation. I appreciate the gentleman's
courtesy. I appreciate the time.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
I do need to say one thing. A year ago, the gentleman had the
opportunity to be in the same briefings that all of us were in. These
were bipartisan briefings over in the Capitol Visitor Center. All of
the experts in public health came and talked to us about the dangerous
waters ahead because of this plague coming out of China.
And there could be no mistaking the difficulties that were ahead, but
this was information that was available to all of us. It was not
information that was secret or waived by the previous administration,
not shared. It was here that we were given that same information.
Unfortunately, I sit on one of the authorizing committees that is
responsible for pandemic preparedness. Did we do a single thing on a
hearing basis during the month of February? The answer is no. We added
on 1 hour to the end of a budget hearing at the end of February and by
the middle of March, we had to suspend all activity in the Congress
because of the pandemic.
We squandered the weeks that were available to us. The President
bought us some time by cutting off foreign travel from China. The
problem is that we, as the House of Representatives and Democratic
leadership in my committee, did not use that time effectively.
Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida
(Mrs. Cammack), a valuable new freshman Member.
{time} 1215
Mrs. CAMMACK. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Madam Speaker, I rise before you today in opposition to this rule.
Since we began this new Congress in January--and I realize that I am
new here--I have yet to see a single action by this House that could be
interpreted as bipartisan; unifying; or, if we are being honest, a good
use of our collective time.
Our Nation is experiencing one of the worst crises in our history.
Last Congress, this body passed legislation that was quadruple the size
of all New Deal programs combined, and that is adjusted for inflation.
We are talking about $4 trillion. Today's solutions cannot be
tomorrow's problems.
Madam Speaker, I am in favor of relief for our struggling businesses,
our constituents, and our hardworking families. However, what we are
considering here today is not relief. Rather, we are garnishing the
wages of future generations. While the left is focused on charging
Members of Congress thousands of dollars for their masks falling below
their nose, mom-and-pop shops back home are having their local, State,
and now Federal Government stand in the way of them opening their doors
and getting this economy up and running.
And what of the $1.3 trillion that this body recently passed and that
this administration has yet to spend? Where is that money going?
History shows us that the most successful actions by government have
been bipartisan. It is time to let everyone, including Republicans,
have a seat at the table. Until we prioritize all--all--of our people
instead of just some coastal elites, I will not and I cannot support
the actions of this majority.
Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
I first welcome the gentlewoman from Florida to the House, and I look
forward to many opportunities to work together in a bipartisan fashion.
I would note that one of the very first things we did in this House was
the bipartisan passage of Public Law 117-1, which was paving the way
for an historic appointment of Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin. So we
have worked together, and I think we will find common purpose on so
many things facing the American public. And I certainly hope we find
commonality and purpose in this work that we will do over the next
several days to work on support, in the most difficult of times, for
American families.
[[Page H444]]
Because I have heard this now said so many times in the last few days
about a trillion dollars that the Biden administration has not spent, I
would say, first of all, if anyone in a period of 2 weeks could spend a
trillion dollars, I would find that remarkable.
The second is, this is in the pipeline. And we don't wait for every
dollar to be spent and then think about having another debate about
further support.
There is nothing about this that I find extraordinary. What I do find
extraordinary is that you point out that money that has been
appropriated, is earmarked, and is moving out the door in appropriate
ways and going through the proper channels, and that would be a point
of debate and argument.
This is necessary. We have heard it from so many leading economists
around this country. We have heard it from the American public. So I
think the case is clear, and I look forward to further discussion on
this.
Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from the great
State of New Mexico (Ms. Leger Fernandez).
Ms. LEGER FERNANDEZ. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote for
the budget rule and resolution because Americans cannot wait any longer
for us to rescue our economy and our health.
We are the Congress of the United States. Our job is to solve
problems. We can't neglect our duty. This pandemic has devastated
everything we love--everything each of us loves. If we don't do this,
millions of Americans--especially people of color, in my State, Tribal
communities, the Navajo, the Pueblos, the Apaches, and women--will
continue to suffer and die.
New Mexicans are waiting for our help so they can afford to put food
on the table and keep a roof over their heads, so they can go to eat at
the restaurants, and have their kids in school where they feel safe.
They are waiting for more COVID vaccines.
New Mexico is one of the best States in getting the vaccine out, but
we don't have enough, and this will help us get enough vaccines. They
are waiting for certainty that this year will be better than the last.
Lives are on the line and all Americans' voices are loud and clear.
They need us to act and to act boldly.
I am listening to American voices from the rural areas, from suburban
areas, from conservative areas. I represent an incredibly diverse
district, and they are all asking us to act. So let's listen. Whether
you are a Democrat or Republican, let's listen to their voices, to
their pleas. Let's take action. Let's stop the pain.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
If we defeat the previous question, I will offer an amendment to the
rule to immediately consider H.R. 682, the Reopen Schools Act, to
encourage local educational agencies to resume in-person instruction at
elementary and secondary schools.
Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to include in the Record the
text of my amendment, along with extraneous material, immediately prior
to the vote on the previous question.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Texas?
There was no objection.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from
California (Mrs. Steel), who is here to explain the amendment. I
welcome her to the floor.
Mrs. STEEL. Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to the previous
question. If the previous question is defeated, Republicans will amend
this rule to immediately consider H.R. 682, the Reopen Schools Act.
This bill was introduced by Congresswoman Ashley Hinson, and it would
condition State COVID relief grants for education on schools reopening
so that students can get back in the classroom safely.
In December, Congress sent States $54 billion for K-12 education.
Congresswoman Hinson's bill would ensure this money is used to get
students back in the classroom safely and soon.
In-person learning can be done safely with the right precautions and
safety measures. In Orange County, California, when I was chair of the
Board of Supervisors, we safely allowed schools to reopen in early
September. Children have been able to go to school in person safely,
and the science shows that it has not contributed to significant COVID-
19 outbreaks in our communities.
Congress should be clear that we expect schools to use this funding
to reopen, while keeping students and teachers safe. The science says
students should return to the classroom. The CDC has confirmed that K-
12 schools are not a high-transmission environment. Young kids have an
extremely low infection rate, low transmission rate, and a low rate of
serious illness from COVID-19.
Unfortunately, only one-third of K-12 schools across the country
currently have an in-person learning option available for students. As
a result, kids' mental health is hurting. Students should be
socializing with their peers and in a classroom environment. Child
depression, anxiety, and other mental health issues are rising. Both
parents and children across this Nation continue to suffer because of
the challenges from this long-term lockdown.
While virtual learning can play an important role in offering parents
and students additional education options, it should not be forced on
families by schools unable to offer it effectively. It is unfortunate
this legislation won't even be considered, because doing the right
thing for students should not be a partisan issue. This is a disservice
to students and families across the country who are suffering because
of this pandemic lockdown. Congress should be working in a bipartisan
way to provide targeted help.
Madam Speaker, I urge a ``no'' vote.
Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume. To the new Member, I also welcome her to the Chambers and I
look forward to working with her on important issues, such as
education.
It should not need to be said, but I will say it: This package has
billions of dollars that will support education and schools. So pass
this resolution. There is no need to substitute it.
I would look just to my home State of New York, which has lost $15
billion in revenue as a result of this pandemic. And I know a little
bit about this. I served in that State legislature for many years. The
State of New York provides the highest level of support per capita of a
State to its local school districts of any State in the Union. So not
helping local school districts, not helping our States provide lost
revenue in support, damages, irreparably, the children in our K-12
across our country.
So pass this resolution. Work with us to make sure that we can
provide support for our local school districts.
Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from
the State of California (Mr. Bera).
Mr. BERA. Madam Speaker, I rise to speak in support of this budget
resolution, and I speak as a doctor. This virus doesn't know whether
you are Democrat or Republican. This virus doesn't know the color of
your skin, the religion that you worship towards.
I commend the Biden administration for wanting to go big and wanting
to go fast, because we have to get ahead of the virus, defeat the
virus. But then we have to do the efforts to vaccinate the population
that are out, to address the food insecurity that we see all across
this country.
Madam Speaker, I am particularly pleased that this package will have
funding in it, as we put it together to address vaccine hesitancy and
misinformation, particularly in hard-hit communities of color--Black
and Brown communities. We have to get into those communities, work with
community health centers, work with folks in those communities to make
sure they get vaccinated. And I am pleased that we have been working
with the Biden administration to get this done.
Madam Speaker, I fully support going big and fully support this
budget resolution.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
North Carolina (Mr. Budd).
Mr. BUDD. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas for
yielding.
Madam Speaker, lifesaving COVID vaccines are going to waste. Seniors
and frontline workers in my State, the State of North Carolina, have
had their vaccine appointments, which they depended on, forcibly
canceled. We have got to do better.
Madam Speaker, I have two amendments to this budget resolution that
[[Page H445]]
would address these issues, but the majority has blocked a vote.
Instead, we are passing a budget resolution to set up a trillion--with
a ``T''--a trillion-dollar spending bill.
My first amendment, the Vaccinate More Americans Act, would prevent
leftover COVID vaccines from being wasted by allowing vaccine providers
to administer shots to the next allocation group automatically.
My second amendment addresses an issue that affected over 10,000
North Carolinians who had their vaccine appointments forcibly canceled.
This is unacceptable and something has to be done about it.
My amendment says that any State health department that receives
vaccines must distribute them in an equitable way without forcibly
canceling appointments. We should be addressing these issues as a body
instead of stuffing trillion-dollar spending bills into a rules
package.
Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Pelosi), the Speaker of the House.
Ms. PELOSI. Madam Speaker, I thank Mr. Morelle, the gentleman from
New York and distinguished member of the Committee on Rules, among
other committees of the House, for bringing this important rule to the
floor.
Madam Speaker, we just left a meeting with President Biden where we
had a discussion about how this legislation meets the needs of the
American people. As our colleagues may be aware, early this morning,
before 6 a.m., the Senate passed a budget bill, which is identical in
instruction to the bill that we sent there.
We had the debate on that bill on Wednesday. It passed with a strong
vote in the House, and then went to the Senate. It comes back to us now
and we are addressing it. So that is what brings us to the floor now.
{time} 1230
What brings us to the floor now is the opportunity to crush the
virus, to put vaccines in the arms of the American people, money in the
pockets of the American people, children safely in school, people back
in their jobs.
We can do that following science and good governance to make it
happen. We must do that in a way that addresses the disparities. It is
almost sinful to see the disparity in access to some of the vaccines
and everything that happened up until now.
As I mentioned the other day in the debate on the budget bill, the
GAO has put out a report that at least 90 percent of their
recommendations to the Trump administration on how to address the COVID
crisis were ignored. Twenty-seven out of 31 were ignored.
This legislation, again, based on science and knowledge, and respect
for all the people in our society and in our country, addresses many of
those concerns in a more current way as now we have more access to
vaccines and people more willing to participate because they have hope.
That is what this legislation does. It gives us hope.
It is a reconciliation bill, which means we can just pass it with 51
votes in the Senate. It would be my hope that we don't have to use it
as a reconciliation bill, that we will be able to have bipartisanship
with the facing of the facts of what is needed to meet the needs of the
American people, both in this body and in the United States Senate. But
in order to have a guarantee that the people's needs will be met, we
are passing this legislation today.
I hope that we will have a very strong vote in favor of crushing the
virus, money in the pockets, people back to work, and children,
children, children safely in schools.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
Missouri (Mr. Smith), the lead Republican on our House Budget
Committee.
Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Madam Speaker, in Missouri, we have this
phrase that says: You are all hat and no cattle. That is what this
legislation is. It is all hat and no cattle.
We just had the Speaker speak right before me and said this piece of
legislation is all about getting vaccines and shots in people's arms.
Let me tell you, less than 10 percent of the money that is appropriated
in this piece of legislation actually goes to vaccines and shots. It is
9 percent.
That is all hat and no cattle, what we say in Missouri. If you are
actually wanting to make sure that Americans have shots and
vaccinations, do your job, not the lip service. If we really want to
help American people, we should focus on lifting the burden of
government influence and interference on the lives and off of the backs
of working-class Americans.
At a time of great division in this country, we ought to be conscious
of the fact that how we govern in this body can serve to unite us, or
it can divide us further.
The only thing that has been bipartisan this week is bipartisan
opposition to the bill. Not one Republican voted for it, but Democrats
voted against it.
One piece of this debate that is increasingly obvious and concerning
to me is how our Democrat colleagues are pushing legislation that will
rescue or reward their political allies in blue State capitals across
this country. How else does one explain the billions in bailouts they
have proposed for State governments that have locked down their local
economies? They have told Main Street to board up and left families
struggling even more to make ends meet.
We should be looking to help working-class families by reopening
schools, ending small business lock-downs, and allowing Americans to
get back to work.
Hardworking American families would also appreciate a White House
that focuses more on job creation and economic opportunity instead of
continuously issuing executive orders, firing American workers, and
increasing the cost of living in this country.
One truly disturbing part of the resolution before us today is that
this resolution repeals the supermajority waiver requirement for
unfunded mandates, making it easier for the Senate to impose mandates
on our States and local communities on a partisan basis, now with only
a simple majority waiver required.
This paves the way for Democrats to enact sweeping policies that will
make the cost of living more expensive, and it will give Washington
bureaucrats power over the American people and harm the working class.
Under this resolution, Democrats with a mere 51 votes could force
States to provide healthcare to illegal immigrants under Medicaid. They
could also take away States' ability to ensure Federal carbon mandates
don't kill jobs and devastate local economies.
Ironically, the same folks who want to bail out State governments
today to the tune of hundreds of billions of dollars will be able under
the new rules to stick States with costly massive unfunded mandates for
the long term. It makes zero sense.
House Democrats are driving full speed ahead toward radical policies
that will kill jobs and hurt the working class. It is past time to put
politics aside and focus on the real needs of all Americans.
Madam Speaker, I stand ready to work with my colleagues on policies
that will support the American working class.
Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Madam Speaker, I would note, and I am sure the gentleman knows this,
he mentioned appropriations in this bill. Obviously, there are no
appropriations in this bill.
This sets up a reconciliation process, and we would certainly welcome
his input and welcome the support and partnership of Members on his
side of the aisle.
But I do want to make clear this is a process resolution. It begins
the process. We will come back and have conversations in the standing
committees and, certainly, again on the floor as we move forward.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Madam Speaker, to recover from the pandemic, really, it is not a good
idea to push through policies that don't address the immediate needs of
the American people. The budget reconciliation resolution provided for
in this rule will drastically increase the deficit and seek to
implement nonessential partisan policies without first conducting
hearings and oversight to ensure that current funding is spent
effectively and efficiently.
[[Page H446]]
It is disappointing, after calling for unity just a little over 2
weeks ago in the front of this Capitol Building by the President, that
the first move is to employ this partisan process.
It is now up to the committees crafting the reconciliation
legislation to work in a bipartisan manner. I sincerely hope that they
do, but it has been disappointing so far. And if the past is prelude, I
don't think we will look forward to this being a bipartisan process.
Madam Speaker, I do want to remind Members that this will be a vote
on the rule, but you will not get a vote on the resolution. Bear that
in mind. The vote on the rule expands the deficit by $1.9 to $2.9
trillion.
Madam Speaker, I urge a ``no'' vote on the previous question and a
``no'' vote on the rule. I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas. Though from time to
time we may disagree on questions before the House, I always find him
very thoughtful, committed American. I am pleased to serve with him on
the Rules Committee and pleased that we have had an opportunity to have
this conversation this morning.
Madam Speaker, budgets are not exclusively about numbers or process.
They are, most importantly, a statement of our priorities and our
values.
Our priorities are clear. Stop this virus. Help our families. Our
values are to respond to the critical needs of the American people, and
that is what we do today.
We will continue to work through this over the next several weeks,
and I very much appreciate all of my colleagues for their words in
support of the rule before us today.
Madam Speaker, I urge a ``yes'' vote on the rule and a ``yes'' vote
on the previous question.
The material previously referred to by Mr. Burgess is as follows:
Amendment to House Resolution 101
At the end of the resolution, add the following:
Sec. 2. Immediately upon adoption of this resolution, the
House shall resolve into the Committee of the Whole House on
the state of the Union for consideration of the bill (H.R.
682) to encourage local educational agencies to resume in-
person instruction at elementary and secondary schools, and
for other purposes. The first reading of the bill shall be
dispensed with. All points of order against consideration of
the bill are waived. General debate shall be confined to the
bill and shall not exceed one hour equally divided and
controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the
Committee on Education and Labor. After general debate the
bill shall be considered for amendment under the five-minute
rule. All points of order against provisions in the bill are
waived. When the committee rises and reports the bill back to
the House with a recommendation that the bill do pass, the
previous question shall be considered as ordered on the bill
and amendments thereto to final passage without intervening
motion except one motion to recommit. If the Committee of the
Whole rises and reports that it has come to no resolution on
the bill, then on the next legislative day the House shall,
immediately after the third daily order of business under
clause 1 of rule XIV, resolve into the Committee of the Whole
for further consideration of the bill.
Sec. 3. Clause l(c) of rule XIX shall not apply to the
consideration of H.R. 682.
Mr. MORELLE. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and
I move the previous question on the resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on ordering the previous
question.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 220,
nays 210, not voting 1, as follows:
[Roll No. 26]
YEAS--220
Adams
Aguilar
Allred
Auchincloss
Axne
Barragan
Bass
Beatty
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Bourdeaux
Bowman
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brown
Brownley
Bush
Bustos
Butterfield
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carson
Cartwright
Case
Casten
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Craig
Crist
Crow
Cuellar
Davids (KS)
Davis, Danny K.
Dean
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Delgado
Demings
DeSaulnier
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Escobar
Eshoo
Espaillat
Evans
Fletcher
Foster
Frankel, Lois
Fudge
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Golden
Gomez
Gonzalez, Vicente
Gottheimer
Green, Al (TX)
Grijalva
Haaland
Harder (CA)
Hastings
Hayes
Higgins (NY)
Himes
Horsford
Houlahan
Hoyer
Huffman
Jackson Lee
Jacobs (CA)
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (TX)
Jones
Kahele
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Khanna
Kildee
Kilmer
Kim (NJ)
Kind
Kirkpatrick
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster
Lamb
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee (CA)
Lee (NV)
Leger Fernandez
Levin (CA)
Levin (MI)
Lieu
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Luria
Lynch
Malinowski
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Manning
Matsui
McBath
McCollum
McEachin
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Mfume
Moore (WI)
Morelle
Moulton
Mrvan
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Neguse
Newman
Norcross
O'Halleran
Ocasio-Cortez
Omar
Pallone
Panetta
Pappas
Pascrell
Payne
Perlmutter
Peters
Phillips
Pingree
Pocan
Porter
Pressley
Price (NC)
Quigley
Raskin
Rice (NY)
Ross
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan
Sanchez
Sarbanes
Scanlon
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schrier
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sewell
Sherman
Sherrill
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (WA)
Soto
Spanberger
Speier
Stanton
Stevens
Strickland
Suozzi
Swalwell
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres (NY)
Trahan
Trone
Underwood
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wexton
Wild
Williams (GA)
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NAYS--210
Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Bentz
Bergman
Bice (OK)
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (NC)
Boebert
Bost
Brady
Brooks
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burchett
Burgess
Calvert
Cammack
Carl
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Cawthorn
Chabot
Cheney
Cline
Cloud
Clyde
Cole
Comer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Curtis
Davidson
Davis, Rodney
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Donalds
Duncan
Dunn
Emmer
Estes
Fallon
Feenstra
Ferguson
Fischbach
Fitzgerald
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franklin, C. Scott
Fulcher
Gaetz
Gallagher
Garbarino
Garcia (CA)
Gibbs
Gimenez
Gohmert
Gonzales, Tony
Gonzalez (OH)
Good (VA)
Gooden (TX)
Gosar
Granger
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Greene (GA)
Griffith
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Hagedorn
Harris
Harshbarger
Hartzler
Hern
Herrell
Herrera Beutler
Hice (GA)
Higgins (LA)
Hill
Hinson
Hollingsworth
Hudson
Huizenga
Issa
Jackson
Jacobs (NY)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson (SD)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Katko
Keller
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
Kim (CA)
Kinzinger
Kustoff
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Latta
LaTurner
Lesko
Long
Loudermilk
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Mace
Malliotakis
Mann
Massie
Mast
McCarthy
McCaul
McClain
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
Meijer
Meuser
Miller (IL)
Miller (WV)
Miller-Meeks
Moolenaar
Mooney
Moore (AL)
Moore (UT)
Mullin
Murphy (NC)
Nehls
Newhouse
Norman
Nunes
Obernolte
Owens
Palazzo
Palmer
Pence
Perry
Pfluger
Posey
Reed
Reschenthaler
Rice (SC)
Rodgers (WA)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rose
Rosendale
Rouzer
Roy
Rutherford
Salazar
Scalise
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sessions
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smucker
Spartz
Stauber
Steel
Stefanik
Steil
Steube
Stewart
Stivers
Taylor
Thompson (PA)
Tiffany
Timmons
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Van Drew
Van Duyne
Wagner
Walberg
Walorski
Waltz
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Williams (TX)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Young
Zeldin
NOT VOTING--1
Wright
Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. Jackson Lee)(during the vote). Members
are reminded to put on their masks.
[[Page H447]]
{time} 1333
Mr. JACOBS of New York changed his vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
Mr. DELGADO changed his vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
So the previous question was ordered.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
members recorded pursuant to house resolution 8, 117th congress
Amodei (Kelly (PA))
Axne (Stevens)
Barragan (Beyer)
Bishop (GA) (Butterfield)
Bowman (Clark (MA))
Buchanan (Arrington)
Cardenas (Gomez)
Carson (Butterfield)
Castor (FL) (Demings)
Cohen (Beyer)
Cooper (Clark (MA))
DeSaulnier (Matsui)
Doggett (Beyer)
Donalds (Cammack)
Fallon (Nehls)
Frankel, Lois (Clark (MA))
Gallego (Gomez)
Garcia (IL) (Pressley)
Gonzalez, Vicente (Gomez)
Gosar (Wagner)
Hastings (Wasserman Schultz)
Higgins (NY) (Kildee)
Jayapal (Clark (MA))
Kahele (Case)
Kind (Beyer)
Kirkpatrick (Stanton)
Krishnamoorthi (Brown)
Langevin (Courtney)
Larson (CT) (Courtney)
Lawrence (Kildee)
Lawson (FL) (Evans)
Lieu (Beyer)
Lofgren (Jeffries)
Long (Wagner)
Lowenthal (Beyer)
Lynch (Clark (MA))
Maloney, Carolyn B. (Jeffries)
McEachin (Wexton)
McHenry (Banks)
Meng (Clark (MA))
Moulton (Beyer)
Napolitano (Correa)
Payne (Wasserman Schultz)
Porter (Wexton)
Price (NC) (Butterfield)
Roybal-Allard (Correa)
Ruiz (Aguilar)
Rush (Underwood)
Speier (Scanlon)
Titus (Connolly)
Trahan (McGovern)
Vela (Gomez)
Waltz (Cammack)
Watson Coleman (Pallone)
Wilson (FL) (Adams)
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the resolution.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. BURGESS. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 219,
nays 209, not voting 3, as follows:
[Roll No. 27]
YEAS--219
Adams
Aguilar
Allred
Auchincloss
Axne
Barragan
Bass
Beatty
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Bourdeaux
Bowman
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brown
Brownley
Bush
Bustos
Butterfield
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carson
Cartwright
Case
Casten
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Craig
Crist
Crow
Cuellar
Davids (KS)
Davis, Danny K.
Dean
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Delgado
Demings
DeSaulnier
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Escobar
Eshoo
Espaillat
Evans
Fletcher
Foster
Frankel, Lois
Fudge
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Gomez
Gonzalez, Vicente
Gottheimer
Green, Al (TX)
Grijalva
Haaland
Harder (CA)
Hastings
Hayes
Higgins (NY)
Himes
Horsford
Houlahan
Hoyer
Huffman
Jackson Lee
Jacobs (CA)
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (TX)
Jones
Kahele
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Khanna
Kildee
Kilmer
Kim (NJ)
Kind
Kirkpatrick
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster
Lamb
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee (CA)
Lee (NV)
Leger Fernandez
Levin (CA)
Levin (MI)
Lieu
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Luria
Lynch
Malinowski
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Manning
Matsui
McBath
McCollum
McEachin
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Mfume
Moore (WI)
Morelle
Moulton
Mrvan
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Neguse
Newman
Norcross
O'Halleran
Ocasio-Cortez
Omar
Pallone
Panetta
Pappas
Pascrell
Payne
Perlmutter
Peters
Phillips
Pingree
Pocan
Porter
Pressley
Price (NC)
Quigley
Raskin
Rice (NY)
Ross
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan
Sanchez
Sarbanes
Scanlon
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schrier
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sewell
Sherman
Sherrill
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (WA)
Soto
Spanberger
Speier
Stanton
Stevens
Strickland
Suozzi
Swalwell
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres (NY)
Trahan
Trone
Underwood
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wexton
Wild
Williams (GA)
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NAYS--209
Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Bentz
Bergman
Bice (OK)
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (NC)
Boebert
Bost
Brady
Brooks
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burchett
Burgess
Calvert
Cammack
Carl
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Cawthorn
Chabot
Cheney
Cline
Cloud
Clyde
Cole
Comer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Curtis
Davidson
Davis, Rodney
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Donalds
Duncan
Dunn
Emmer
Estes
Fallon
Feenstra
Ferguson
Fischbach
Fitzgerald
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franklin, C. Scott
Fulcher
Gaetz
Gallagher
Garbarino
Garcia (CA)
Gibbs
Gimenez
Gohmert
Golden
Gonzales, Tony
Gonzalez (OH)
Good (VA)
Gooden (TX)
Gosar
Granger
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Greene (GA)
Griffith
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Hagedorn
Harris
Harshbarger
Hartzler
Hern
Herrell
Herrera Beutler
Hice (GA)
Higgins (LA)
Hill
Hinson
Hollingsworth
Hudson
Huizenga
Issa
Jackson
Jacobs (NY)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson (SD)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Katko
Keller
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
Kim (CA)
Kinzinger
Kustoff
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Latta
LaTurner
Lesko
Long
Loudermilk
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Mace
Malliotakis
Mann
Massie
Mast
McCarthy
McClain
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
Meijer
Meuser
Miller (IL)
Miller (WV)
Miller-Meeks
Moolenaar
Mooney
Moore (AL)
Moore (UT)
Mullin
Murphy (NC)
Nehls
Newhouse
Norman
Nunes
Obernolte
Owens
Palazzo
Palmer
Pence
Perry
Pfluger
Reed
Reschenthaler
Rice (SC)
Rodgers (WA)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rose
Rosendale
Rouzer
Roy
Rutherford
Salazar
Scalise
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sessions
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smucker
Spartz
Stauber
Steel
Stefanik
Steil
Steube
Stewart
Stivers
Taylor
Thompson (PA)
Tiffany
Timmons
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Van Drew
Van Duyne
Wagner
Walberg
Walorski
Waltz
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Williams (TX)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Young
Zeldin
NOT VOTING--3
McCaul
Posey
Wright
{time} 1420
So the resolution was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Stated against;
Mr. McCaul. Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably detained. Had I been
present, I would have voted ``nay'' on rollcall No. 27.
members recorded pursuant to house resolution 8, 117th congress
Amodei (Kelly (PA))
Axne (Stevens)
Barragan (Beyer)
Bishop (GA) (Butterfield)
Blumenauer (Beyer)
Bowman (Clark (MA))
Buchanan (Arrington)
Cardenas (Gomez)
Carson (Butterfield)
Castor (FL) (Demings)
Cohen (Beyer)
Cooper (Clark (MA))
DeSaulnier (Matsui)
Doggett (Beyer)
Donalds (Cammack)
Fallon (Nehls)
Frankel, Lois (Clark (MA))
Gallego (Gomez)
Garcia (IL) (Pressley)
Gonzalez, Vicente (Gomez)
Gosar (Wagner)
Hastings (Wasserman Schultz)
Higgins (NY) (Kildee)
Jayapal (Clark (MA))
Kahele (Case)
Kind (Beyer)
Kirkpatrick (Stanton)
Krishnamoorthi (Brown)
Langevin (Courtney)
Larson (CT) (Courtney)
Lawrence (Kildee)
Lawson (FL) (Evans)
Lieu (Beyer)
Lofgren (Jeffries)
Long (Wagner)
Lowenthal (Beyer)
Lynch (Clark (MA))
Maloney, Carolyn B. (Jeffries)
McEachin (Wexton)
McHenry (Banks)
Meng (Clark (MA))
Moulton (Beyer)
Napolitano (Correa)
Panetta (Kildee)
Payne (Wasserman Schultz)
Porter (Wexton)
Price (NC) (Butterfield)
Roybal-Allard (Correa)
Ruiz (Aguilar)
Rush (Underwood)
Speier (Scanlon)
Titus (Connolly)
Trahan (McGovern)
Vela (Gomez)
Waltz (Cammack)
Watson Coleman (Pallone)
Wilson (FL) (Adams)
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