[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 20 (Wednesday, February 3, 2021)]
[House]
[Pages H284-H314]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




        CONCURRENT RESOLUTION ON THE BUDGET FOR FISCAL YEAR 2021

  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 85, I call up 
the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 11) establishing the 
congressional budget for the United States Government for fiscal year 
2021 and setting forth the appropriate budgetary levels for fiscal 
years 2022 through 2030, and ask for its immediate consideration in the 
House.
  The Clerk read the title of the concurrent resolution.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 85, the 
amendment printed in part C of House Report 117-3 is adopted, and the 
concurrent resolution, as amended, is considered read.
  The text of the concurrent resolution, as amended, is as follows:

                             H. Con.Res. 11

       Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate 
     concurring),

     SECTION 1. CONCURRENT RESOLUTION ON THE BUDGET FOR FISCAL 
                   YEAR 2021.

       (a) Declaration.--Congress declares that this resolution is 
     the concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2021 
     and that this resolution sets forth the appropriate budgetary 
     levels for fiscal years 2022 through 2030.
       (b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents for this 
     concurrent resolution is as follows:

       Sec. 1. Concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 
           2021.

                TITLE I--RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS

              Subtitle A--Budgetary Levels in Both Houses

       Sec. 1101. Recommended levels and amounts.
       Sec. 1102. Major functional categories.

              Subtitle B--Levels and Amounts in the Senate

       Sec. 1201. Social Security in the Senate.
       Sec. 1202. Postal Service discretionary administrative 
           expenses in the Senate.

                        TITLE II--RECONCILIATION

       Sec. 2001. Reconciliation in the House of Representatives.

                        TITLE III--RESERVE FUNDS

       Sec. 3001. Reserve fund for reconciliation legislation.
       Sec. 3002. Reserve fund for deficit-neutral legislation.

                        TITLE IV--OTHER MATTERS

       Sec. 4001. Enforcement filing.
       Sec. 4002. Budgetary treatment of administrative expenses.
       Sec. 4003. Application and effect of changes in 
           allocations, aggregates, and other budgetary levels.
       Sec. 4004. Adjustments to reflect changes in concepts and 
           definitions.
       Sec. 4005. Adjustment for changes in the baseline.
       Sec. 4006. Limitation on advance appropriations.
       Sec. 4007. Exercise of rulemaking powers.

                TITLE I--RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS

              Subtitle A--Budgetary Levels in Both Houses

     SEC. 1101. RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS.

       The following budgetary levels are appropriate for each of 
     fiscal years 2021 through 2030:
       (1) Federal revenues.--For purposes of the enforcement of 
     this resolution:
       (A) The recommended levels of Federal revenues are as 
     follows:
       Fiscal year 2021: $2,303,274,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $2,768,717,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023: $2,971,083,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024: $3,092,643,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025: $3,236,199,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026: $3,514,253,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027: $3,762,577,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028: $3,883,209,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029: $4,007,991,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030: $4,121,665,000,000.
       (B) The amounts by which the aggregate levels of Federal 
     revenues should be changed are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2021: -$15,670,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: -$17,390,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023: $102,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024: $226,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025: $216,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026: $181,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027: $98,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028: -$106,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029: -$121,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030: -$128,000,000.
       (2) New budget authority.--For purposes of the enforcement 
     of this resolution, the appropriate levels of total new 
     budget authority are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2021: $6,020,543,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $4,091,342,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023: $4,011,132,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024: $4,072,784,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025: $4,267,538,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026: $4,449,047,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027: $4,642,875,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028: $4,960,846,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029: $5,082,932,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030: $5,471,756,000,000.
       (3) Budget outlays.--For purposes of the enforcement of 
     this resolution, the appropriate levels of total budget 
     outlays are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2021: $6,140,857,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $4,298,244,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023: $4,070,343,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024: $4,070,242,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025: $4,250,436,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026: $4,425,376,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027: $4,606,887,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028: $4,950,170,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029: $5,019,083,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030: $5,419,949,000,000.
       (4) Deficits.--For purposes of the enforcement of this 
     resolution, the amounts of the deficits are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2021: $3,837,583,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $1,529,527,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023: $1,099,260,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024: $977,599,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025: $1,014,237,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026: $911,123,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027: $844,310,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028: $1,066,961,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029: $1,011,092,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030: $1,298,284,000,000.
       (5) Public debt.--Pursuant to section 301(a)(5) of the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 632(a)(5)), the 
     appropriate levels of the public debt are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2021: $29,943,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $31,647,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023: $32,911,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024: $34,102,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025: $35,262,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026: $36,311,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027: $37,261,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028: $38,443,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029: $39,652,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030: $41,068,000,000,000.
       (6) Debt held by the public.--The appropriate levels of 
     debt held by the public are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2021: $24,081,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $25,818,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023: $27,153,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024: $28,380,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025: $29,610,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026: $30,730,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027: $31,882,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028: $33,333,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029: $34,768,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030: $36,518,000,000,000.

     SEC. 1102. MAJOR FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES.

        Congress determines and declares that the appropriate 
     levels of new budget authority and outlays for fiscal years 
     2021 through 2030 for each major functional category are:
       (1) National Defense (050):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $762,552,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $748,719,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $776,986,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $766,960,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $792,882,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $773,777,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $810,362,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $782,210,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $828,950,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $804,311,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $847,993,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $821,641,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $868,011,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $840,472,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $888,637,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $865,412,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $909,676,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $874,729,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $931,654,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $901,459,000,000.
       (2) International Affairs (150):

[[Page H285]]

       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $85,042,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $47,310,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $64,249,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $58,941,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $60,410,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $60,004,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $61,722,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $59,578,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $63,114,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $60,371,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $64,518,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $61,851,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $66,053,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $63,271,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $67,608,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $64,814,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $69,140,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $66,100,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $70,703,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $67,498,000,000.
       (3) General Science, Space, and Technology (250):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $38,543,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $35,563,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $38,029,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $37,267,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $38,791,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $38,167,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $39,609,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $38,841,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $40,471,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $39,604,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $41,342,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $40,432,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $42,249,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $41,291,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $43,169,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $42,181,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $44,096,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $43,095,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $45,065,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $44,035,000,000.
       (4) Energy (270):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $4,057,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $5,280,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $6,050,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $5,076,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $5,730,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $4,542,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $5,834,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $4,760,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $5,948,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $4,857,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $5,819,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $4,810,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $5,928,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $4,886,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $7,846,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $6,806,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $8,318,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $7,337,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $8,502,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $7,601,000,000.
       (5) Natural Resources and Environment (300):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $50,042,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $47,053,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $51,243,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $49,042,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $53,061,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $50,890,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $54,116,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $52,475,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $55,219,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $54,269,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $54,734,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $55,807,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $55,899,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $57,090,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $57,141,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $58,098,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $58,378,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $59,056,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $59,616,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $59,946,000,000.
       (6) Agriculture (350):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $49,067,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $50,970,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $28,047,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $28,576,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $28,130,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $27,794,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $27,909,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $27,424,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $27,496,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $26,898,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $27,675,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $27,055,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $27,535,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $26,873,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $27,715,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $27,072,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $27,752,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $27,083,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $28,058,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $27,392,000,000.
       (7) Commerce and Housing Credit (370):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, -$242,699,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $327,529,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $19,497,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $36,392,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $20,198,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $18,376,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $21,159,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $18,015,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $20,943,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $16,507,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $21,827,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $15,783,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $22,117,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $15,520,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $21,953,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $16,174,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $22,222,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $15,056,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $21,683,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $13,389,000,000.
       (8) Transportation (400):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $206,391,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $185,619,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $104,160,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $119,664,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $104,738,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $112,309,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $105,569,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $105,989,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $106,120,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $108,527,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $107,067,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $111,187,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $108,278,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $113,982,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $109,339,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $116,164,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $110,222,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $118,680,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $111,372,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $121,056,000,000.
       (9) Community and Regional Development (450):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $127,525,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $98,043,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $32,000,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $51,963,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $32,624,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $48,433,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $33,318,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $45,776,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $34,031,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $43,758,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $34,763,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $42,053,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $35,520,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $42,217,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $36,283,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $42,162,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $37,048,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $42,100,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $37,843,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $42,189,000,000.
       (10) Education, Training, Employment, and Social Services 
     (500):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $372,350,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $160,006,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $115,812,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $178,392,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $116,259,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $154,773,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $118,661,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $150,171,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:

[[Page H286]]

       (A) New budget authority, $121,803,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $144,105,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $125,194,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $134,645,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $128,638,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $130,729,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $132,003,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $131,492,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $134,674,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $132,652,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $137,812,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $135,558,000,000.
       (11) Health (550):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $943,093,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $882,818,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $748,503,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $797,760,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $713,126,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $722,016,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $720,847,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $730,335,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $754,383,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $753,709,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $790,057,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $785,131,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $825,982,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $820,641,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $858,454,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $858,986,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $900,409,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $901,525,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $955,814,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $946,672,000,000.
       (12) Medicare (570):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $766,853,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $766,005,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $745,579,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $745,556,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $838,359,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $838,200,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $851,671,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $851,452,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $958,756,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $958,451,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $1,026,856,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $1,026,484,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $1,098,460,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $1,098,027,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $1,244,688,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $1,244,201,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $1,184,583,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $1,184,048,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $1,331,736,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $1,331,161,000,000.
       (13) Income Security (600):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $1,845,601,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $1,779,410,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $770,908,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $805,014,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $619,246,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $628,956,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $620,759,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $612,726,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $623,210,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $624,207,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $640,597,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $638,103,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $633,758,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $627,362,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $645,839,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $643,707,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $641,962,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $627,556,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $657,398,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $648,615,000,000.
       (14) Social Security (650):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $40,594,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $40,598,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $42,633,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $42,633,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $45,486,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $45,486,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $48,621,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $48,621,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $52,151,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $52,151,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $62,223,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $62,223,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $68,685,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $68,685,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $73,712,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $73,712,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $78,912,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $78,912,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $83,948,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $83,948,000,000.
       (15) Veterans Benefits and Services (700):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $258,560,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $250,738,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $243,210,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $267,893,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $249,723,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $251,696,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $256,945,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $244,770,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $264,708,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $263,284,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $272,216,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $270,636,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $280,109,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $278,409,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $288,040,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $299,629,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $296,740,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $281,467,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $305,496,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $303,520,000,000.
       (16) Administration of Justice (750):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $72,961,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $74,900,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $76,879,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $73,320,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $74,336,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $73,557,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $75,600,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $75,011,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $76,413,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $76,155,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $78,161,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $77,827,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $80,010,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $79,533,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $81,961,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $80,963,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $83,994,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $82,930,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $92,786,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $91,769,000,000.
       (17) General Government (800):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $375,971,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $376,468,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $24,837,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $24,899,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $24,888,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $24,787,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $25,205,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $24,961,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $25,885,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $25,481,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $26,483,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $26,036,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $27,170,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $26,711,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $27,869,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $27,402,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $28,621,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $28,137,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $29,416,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $28,918,000,000.
       (18) Net Interest (900):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $365,131,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $365,131,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $345,959,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $345,959,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $336,379,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $336,379,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $332,881,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $332,881,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $341,018,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $341,018,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $367,269,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $367,269,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $418,442,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $418,442,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $502,412,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $502,412,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $605,086,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $605,086,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $727,019,000,000.

[[Page H287]]

       (B) Outlays, $727,019,000,000.
       (19) Allowances (920):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, -$25,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $0.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, -$33,933,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$27,630,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, -$34,686,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$31,376,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, -$35,495,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$33,380,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, -$36,367,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$34,806,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, -$37,240,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$35,938,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, -$38,152,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$36,942,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, -$38,991,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$37,890,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, -$39,927,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$38,847,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, -$40,906,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$39,817,000,000.
       (20) Undistributed Offsetting Receipts (950):
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, -$101,066,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$101,303,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, -$109,306,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$109,433,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, -$108,548,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$108,423,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, -$102,509,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$102,374,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, -$105,714,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$112,421,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, -$108,507,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$107,659,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, -$111,817,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$110,312,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, -$114,832,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$113,327,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, -$118,974,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$117,619,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, -$123,259,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$121,979,000,000.

              Subtitle B--Levels and Amounts in the Senate

     SEC. 1201. SOCIAL SECURITY IN THE SENATE.

       (a) Social Security Revenues.--For purposes of Senate 
     enforcement under sections 302 and 311 of the Congressional 
     Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633 and 642), the amounts of 
     revenues of the Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Trust 
     Fund and the Federal Disability Insurance Trust Fund are as 
     follows:
       Fiscal year 2021: $898,089,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $930,023,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023: $996,745,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024: $1,040,533,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025: $1,085,441,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026: $1,133,139,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027: $1,182,469,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028: $1,231,717,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029: $1,279,075,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030: $1,326,172,000,000.
       (b) Social Security Outlays.--For purposes of Senate 
     enforcement under sections 302 and 311 of the Congressional 
     Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633 and 642), the amounts of 
     outlays of the Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Trust 
     Fund and the Federal Disability Insurance Trust Fund are as 
     follows:
       Fiscal year 2021: $1,101,575,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $1,158,817,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023: $1,222,448,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024: $1,292,270,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025: $1,365,124,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026: $1,434,051,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027: $1,506,794,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028: $1,586,096,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029: $1,666,850,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030: $1,750,666,000,000.
       (c) Social Security Administrative Expenses.--In the 
     Senate, the amounts of new budget authority and budget 
     outlays of the Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Trust 
     Fund and the Federal Disability Insurance Trust Fund for 
     administrative expenses are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $5,650,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $5,665,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $6,345,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $6,318,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $6,502,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $6,462,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $6,672,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $6,629,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $6,856,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $6,808,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $7,048,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $6,998,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $7,247,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $7,195,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $7,458,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $7,403,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $7,678,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $7,621,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $7,908,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $7,847,000,000.

     SEC. 1202. POSTAL SERVICE DISCRETIONARY ADMINISTRATIVE 
                   EXPENSES IN THE SENATE.

       In the Senate, the amounts of new budget authority and 
     budget outlays of the Postal Service for discretionary 
     administrative expenses are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $267,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $268,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $282,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $282,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $289,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $289,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $298,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $298,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $308,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $308,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $317,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $317,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $328,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $328,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2028:
       (A) New budget authority, $338,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $338,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2029:
       (A) New budget authority, $350,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $349,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2030:
       (A) New budget authority, $362,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $361,000,000.

                        TITLE II--RECONCILIATION

     SEC. 2001. RECONCILIATION IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

       (a) Committee on Agriculture.--The Committee on Agriculture 
     of the House of Representatives shall submit changes in laws 
     within its jurisdiction to increase the deficit by not more 
     than $16,112,000,000 for the period of fiscal years 2021 
     through 2030.
       (b) Committee on Education and Labor.--The Committee on 
     Education and Labor of the House of Representatives shall 
     submit changes in laws within its jurisdiction to increase 
     the deficit by not more than $357,926,000,000 for the period 
     of fiscal years 2021 through 2030.
       (c) Committee on Energy and Commerce.--The Committee on 
     Energy and Commerce of the House of Representatives shall 
     submit changes in laws within its jurisdiction to increase 
     the deficit by not more than $188,498,000,000 for the period 
     of fiscal years 2021 through 2030.
       (d) Committee on Financial Services.--The Committee on 
     Financial Services of the House of Representatives shall 
     submit changes in laws within its jurisdiction to increase 
     the deficit by not more than $75,000,000,000 for the period 
     of fiscal years 2021 through 2030.
       (e) Committee on Foreign Affairs.--The Committee on Foreign 
     Affairs of the House of Representatives shall submit changes 
     in laws within its jurisdiction to increase the deficit by 
     not more than $10,000,000,000 for the period of fiscal years 
     2021 through 2030.
       (f) Committee on Natural Resources.--The Committee on 
     Natural Resources of the House of Representatives shall 
     submit changes in laws within its jurisdiction to increase 
     the deficit by not more than $1,005,000,000 for the period of 
     fiscal years 2021 through 2030.
       (g) Committee on Oversight and Reform.--The Committee on 
     Oversight and Reform of the House of Representatives shall 
     submit changes in laws within its jurisdiction to increase 
     the deficit by not more than $350,690,000,000 for the period 
     of fiscal years 2021 through 2030.
       (h) Committee on Science, Space, and Technology.--The 
     Committee on Science, Space, and Technology of the House of 
     Representatives shall submit changes in laws within its 
     jurisdiction to increase the deficit by not more than 
     $750,000,000 for the period of fiscal years 2021 through 
     2030.
       (i) Committee on Small Business.--The Committee on Small 
     Business of the House of Representatives shall submit changes 
     in laws within its jurisdiction to increase the deficit by 
     not more than $50,000,000,000 for the period of fiscal years 
     2021 through 2030.
       (j) Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure.--The 
     Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure of the House 
     of Representatives shall submit changes in laws within its 
     jurisdiction to increase the deficit by not more than 
     $95,620,000,000 for the period of fiscal years 2021 through 
     2030.
       (k) Committee on Veterans' Affairs.--The Committee on 
     Veterans' Affairs of the House of Representatives shall 
     submit changes in laws within its jurisdiction to increase 
     the deficit by not more than $17,000,000,000 for the period 
     of fiscal years 2021 through 2030.
       (l) Committee on Ways and Means.--The Committee on Ways and 
     Means of the House of Representatives shall submit changes in 
     laws within its jurisdiction to increase the deficit by not 
     more than $940,718,000,000 for the period of fiscal years 
     2021 through 2030.
       (m) Submissions.--In the House of Representatives, not 
     later than February 16, 2021, the committees named in the 
     subsections of this section shall submit their 
     recommendations to the Committee on the Budget of the House 
     of Representatives to carry out this section.

                        TITLE III--RESERVE FUNDS

     SEC. 3001. RESERVE FUND FOR RECONCILIATION LEGISLATION.

       (a) In General.--In the House of the Representatives, the 
     chair of the Committee on the Budget may revise the 
     allocations of a committee or committees, aggregates, and 
     other appropriate levels in this resolution for any bill or 
     joint resolution considered pursuant to section

[[Page H288]]

     2001 containing the recommendations of one or more 
     committees, or for one or more amendments to, a conference 
     report on, or an amendment between the Houses in relation to 
     such a bill or joint resolution, by the amounts necessary to 
     accommodate the budgetary effects of the legislation, if the 
     budgetary effects of the legislation comply with the 
     reconciliation instructions under this concurrent resolution.
       (b) Determination of Compliance.--For purposes of this 
     section, compliance with the reconciliation instructions 
     under this concurrent resolution shall be determined by the 
     chair of the Committee on the Budget of the House of 
     Representatives.
       (c) Exception for Legislation.--The point of order set 
     forth in clause 10 of rule XXI of the House of 
     Representatives shall not apply to reconciliation legislation 
     reported by the Committee on the Budget pursuant to 
     submissions under section 2001.

     SEC. 3002. RESERVE FUND FOR DEFICIT-NEUTRAL LEGISLATION.

       The chair of the Committee on the Budget of the House of 
     Representatives may revise the allocations of a committee or 
     committees, aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this 
     resolution for one or more bills, joint resolutions, 
     amendments, or conference reports by the amounts provided in 
     such legislation, provided that such legislation would not 
     increase the deficit for either of the following time 
     periods: fiscal year 2021 to fiscal year 2025 or fiscal year 
     2021 to fiscal year 2030.

                        TITLE IV--OTHER MATTERS

     SEC. 4001. ENFORCEMENT FILING.

       (a) In the House of Representatives.--In the House of 
     Representatives, if a concurrent resolution on the budget for 
     fiscal year 2021 is adopted without the appointment of a 
     committee of conference on the disagreeing votes of the two 
     Houses with respect to this concurrent resolution on the 
     budget, for the purpose of enforcing the Congressional Budget 
     Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 621 et seq.) and applicable rules and 
     requirements set forth in the concurrent resolution on the 
     budget, the allocations provided for in this subsection shall 
     apply in the House of Representatives in the same manner as 
     if such allocations were in a joint explanatory statement 
     accompanying a conference report on the budget for fiscal 
     year 2021. The chair of the Committee on the Budget of the 
     House of Representatives shall submit a statement for 
     publication in the Congressional Record containing--
       (1) for the Committee on Appropriations, committee 
     allocations for fiscal year 2021 consistent with title I for 
     the purpose of enforcing section 302 of the Congressional 
     Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633); and
       (2) for all committees other than the Committee on 
     Appropriations, committee allocations consistent with title I 
     for fiscal year 2021 and for the period of fiscal years 2021 
     through 2030 for the purpose of enforcing 302 of the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633).
       (b) In the Senate.--If this concurrent resolution on the 
     budget is agreed to by the Senate and House of 
     Representatives without the appointment of a committee of 
     conference on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses, the 
     Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate may 
     submit a statement for publication in the Congressional 
     Record containing--
       (1) for the Committee on Appropriations, committee 
     allocations for fiscal year 2021 consistent with the levels 
     in title I for the purpose of enforcing section 302 of the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633); and
       (2) for all committees other than the Committee on 
     Appropriations, committee allocations for fiscal years 2021, 
     2021 through 2025, and 2021 through 2030 consistent with the 
     levels in title I for the purpose of enforcing section 302 of 
     the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633).

     SEC. 4002. BUDGETARY TREATMENT OF ADMINISTRATIVE EXPENSES.

       (a) In General.--Notwithstanding section 302(a)(1) of the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633(a)(1)), 
     section 13301 of the Budget Enforcement Act of 1990 (2 U.S.C. 
     632 note), and section 2009a of title 39, United States Code, 
     the report or the joint explanatory statement, as applicable, 
     accompanying this concurrent resolution on the budget shall 
     include in an allocation under section 302(a) of the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633(a)) to the 
     Committee on Appropriations of the applicable House of 
     Congress amounts for the discretionary administrative 
     expenses of the Social Security Administration and the United 
     States Postal Service.
       (b) Special Rule.--In the House of Representatives and the 
     Senate, for purposes of enforcing section 302(f) of the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633(f)), estimates 
     of the level of total new budget authority and total outlays 
     provided by a measure shall include any discretionary amounts 
     described in subsection (a).

     SEC. 4003. APPLICATION AND EFFECT OF CHANGES IN ALLOCATIONS, 
                   AGGREGATES, AND OTHER BUDGETARY LEVELS.

       (a) Application.--Any adjustments of allocations, 
     aggregates, and other budgetary levels made pursuant to this 
     concurrent resolution shall--
       (1) apply while that measure is under consideration;
       (2) take effect upon the enactment of that measure; and
       (3) be published in the Congressional Record as soon as 
     practicable.
       (b) Effect of Changed Allocations, Aggregates, and Other 
     Budgetary Levels.--Revised allocations, aggregates, and other 
     budgetary levels resulting from these adjustments shall be 
     considered for the purposes of the Congressional Budget Act 
     of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 621 et seq.) as the allocations, 
     aggregates, and other budgetary levels contained in this 
     concurrent resolution.
       (c) Budget Committee Determinations.--For purposes of this 
     concurrent resolution, the levels of new budget authority, 
     outlays, direct spending, new entitlement authority, 
     revenues, deficits, and surpluses for a fiscal year or period 
     of fiscal years shall be determined on the basis of estimates 
     made by the chair of the Committee on the Budget of the 
     applicable House of Congress.

     SEC. 4004. ADJUSTMENTS TO REFLECT CHANGES IN CONCEPTS AND 
                   DEFINITIONS.

       (a) House of Representatives.--In the House of 
     Representatives, the chair of the Committee on the Budget may 
     adjust the appropriate aggregates, allocations, and other 
     budgetary levels in this concurrent resolution for any change 
     in budgetary concepts and definitions consistent with section 
     251(b)(1) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit 
     Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 901(b)(1)).
       (b) Senate.--Upon the enactment of a bill or joint 
     resolution providing for a change in concepts or definitions, 
     the Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate may 
     make adjustments to the levels and allocations in this 
     resolution in accordance with section 251(b) of the Balanced 
     Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 
     901(b)).

     SEC. 4005. ADJUSTMENT FOR CHANGES IN THE BASELINE.

        The chair of the Committee on the Budget of the House of 
     Representatives and the Chairman of the Committee on the 
     Budget of the Senate may adjust the allocations, aggregates, 
     and other appropriate budgetary levels in this concurrent 
     resolution to reflect changes resulting from the 
     Congressional Budget Office's updates to its baseline for 
     fiscal years 2021 through 2030.

     SEC. 4006. LIMITATION ON ADVANCE APPROPRIATIONS.

       Notwithstanding subsection (d) of section 203 of the 
     Bipartisan Budget Act of 2019 (Public Law 116-37; 133 Stat. 
     1052), such section 203 shall continue to have force and 
     effect in the House of Representatives during fiscal year 
     2021.

     SEC. 4007. EXERCISE OF RULEMAKING POWERS.

       Congress adopts the provisions of this title--
       (1) as an exercise of the rulemaking power of the Senate 
     and the House of Representatives, respectively, and as such 
     they shall be considered as part of the rules of each House 
     or of that House to which they specifically apply, and such 
     rules shall supersede other rules only to the extent that 
     they are inconsistent with such other rules; and
       (2) with full recognition of the constitutional right of 
     either the Senate or the House of Representatives to change 
     those rules (insofar as they relate to that House) at any 
     time, in the same manner, and to the same extent as is the 
     case of any other rule of the Senate or House of 
     Representatives.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The concurrent resolution shall be debatable 
for 3 hours, with 2 hours equally divided and controlled by the chair 
and ranking minority member on the Committee on the Budget, and 1 hour 
on the subject of economic goals and policies, equally divided and 
controlled by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Beyer) and the gentleman 
from Arizona (Mr. Schweikert) or their respective designees.
  The gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Yarmuth) and the gentleman from 
Missouri (Mr. Smith) each will control 1 hour, and the gentleman from 
Virginia (Mr. Beyer) and the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Schweikert) 
each will control 30 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Kentucky.


                             General Leave

  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and 
include extraneous material on H. Con. Res. 11.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Kentucky?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, it has been roughly 1 year since the first COVID-19 case 
was diagnosed in the United States. Since then, more than 26 million 
Americans have been infected, and more than 440,000 have lost their 
lives.
  Millions of Americans remain out of work as families are pushed to 
the brink of devastation. Our economy faces lows unseen since the Great 
Depression.
  Food insecurity is climbing. Widespread school closures threaten to 
derail our children's education. And our most vulnerable communities 
are being forced to bear the brunt of these twin crises as underlying 
health and economic inequities grow worse.
  Congress has previously come together to pass relief packages, but 
COVID is getting worse, not better. Our

[[Page H289]]

recovery is painful and the most unequal on record. We are still deep 
in the trenches. We have to do more, a lot more.
  As chairman of the Budget Committee, I promised that we would do 
everything our committee could do to support our recovery, which is why 
I introduced the 2021 budget resolution being considered today. This 
budget resolution was designed solely for one task: providing Congress 
with the option of using reconciliation to implement the American 
Rescue Plan and deliver the critical relief we need.
  President Biden's American Rescue Plan lays out an aggressive 
legislative package to change the direction of these crises, including 
a national vaccine program; testing and tracing, paid sick leave to 
stop the spread, an extension of lifeline unemployment benefits that 
are set to expire in March; direct financial support for families; and 
support so schools can operate safely.
  Our country desperately needs this relief, and economists across the 
ideological spectrum agree. Past crises have made it clear that doing 
too little will cost us far more. Weak support will lead to a weak, 
prolonged, and K-shaped recovery, posing more severe risks to our 
economic and budget outlooks than any deficits we might incur.
  Without the American Rescue Plan, CBO estimates that it will take at 
least 3 years before employment returns to prepandemic levels. But with 
this vital support, economists estimate that we can bring the economy 
back to near full employment in a little over 12 months.
  We have the plan and the ability to do this. And, thankfully, we can 
also afford to do it. Interest rates and inflation are at historic 
lows, lower today than even before the pandemic, and the return on 
smart investments in the economy has never been higher.
  Economists of all stripes are telling us, begging us, to use the 
fiscal space we have. They are warning that if we don't go big, we will 
be responsible for a long, painful, and unequal recovery, one that will 
cost more lives and more jobs, that will cause more businesses to close 
and result in more damage to our Nation's economy, both in the short- 
and long-term.
  The resolution's budget reconciliation framework sets a budgetary 
target of up to $1.9 trillion, the estimated cost of the American 
Rescue Plan, allocated across the 12 committees that have jurisdiction 
over some portion of the plan. The resolution instructs these 
committees to report legislation consistent with these budgetary 
targets to the Budget Committee by February 16. The Budget Committee 
will then combine the legislation and prepare it for floor 
consideration.
  There will be plenty of opportunities for my colleagues across the 
aisle to engage in this process and offer amendments, but we cannot 
afford to slow down our response to these urgent crises while 
Republicans decide if they want to help or not.
  The American Rescue Plan can be the difference between getting a 
vaccine or a virus, advancing to the next grade or falling behind, 
keeping the doors open or shutting down businesses for good.
  The choice is clear. I look forward to passing this resolution and 
ensuring Congress delivers the American Rescue Plan to the American 
people.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, the so-called budget before us ``squanders the 
opportunity to start this new Congress working together to address the 
concerns and priorities of the American people in a constructive and 
bipartisan manner.''
  Mr. Speaker, those are not my words. That is what was said at this 
very same moment in 2017 by my colleague across the aisle who is now 
chairman of this committee. You see, he found the very same process 
they are starting today to be so objectionable, so one-sided, so 
partisan, such an abuse of power, that he spoke in opposition for an 
hour to the very same thing the House Democrats are doing now.
  The truth is, I look forward to the time my colleague on the other 
side and I can actually formalize our committee, welcome our members, 
organize, and develop an oversight plan for the new administration, but 
that has yet to happen.

                              {time}  1315

  But here we are on the floor with a bill already; a so-called budget 
resolution; a resolution which, in reality, isn't any sort of budget. 
It is simply a mechanism for the Democrat leaders to enact a radical 
agenda rejected by Americans this fall. They know it. It was rejected 
because their caucus is much smaller now today than it was before the 
election.
  So why are they doing this?
  While five different COVID stimulus packages were negotiated and 
ultimately signed into law on a bipartisan basis over the last year, 
they apparently now need a more one-sided approach, one which is much 
more partisan and bends the rules to radicalize this Congress and the 
policies it produces. Quite the opposite of the speech we all heard 
from out in front of this building 2 weeks ago today.
  The power of our example, isn't that what we were told?
  Well, what is the example here?
  That the unification, the bipartisanship, and work-together attitude 
that the President called for were just empty words for the House 
majority. Though I suppose with this partisan process, our House 
Democrat colleagues are, in a sense, following the example of President 
Biden from his first days in office.
  President Biden has spent his first few days signing one executive 
order after another and pushing policies that will destroy American 
jobs, make our country less secure, and raise the cost of living for 
American families. I will just name a few:
  Canceling the Keystone XL pipeline directly eliminates an estimated 
11,000 jobs, including 8,000 union jobs.
  Enacting a 60-day moratorium on new mining, oil and gas leasing, and 
permitting on Federal lands will cause severe damage to America's 
economy and energy independence, and will result in the loss of over 
100,000 jobs.
  Mr. Speaker, 100,000 Americans are fired by the stroke of a pen.
  Returning the U.S. to the failed Paris Agreement of 2015 will reduce 
U.S. competitiveness in manufacturing and next-generation technologies, 
as industries move to China.
  Terminating a national emergency declaration which immediately stops 
all wall construction at the Southern border leaves American taxpayers 
with an incomplete government project and the loss of thousands of 
jobs.
  Mr. Speaker, thousands of Americans are, once again, fired, again, by 
the stroke of the President's pen. That is a powerful example by the 
President of how to make life harder for the working class and to 
weaken America.
  Again, I come back to: Why is this happening today?
  I think the American people deserve to know, and the answer is 
simple: Democrats in Washington are setting up a partisan process to 
have the Vice President cast the decisive vote in the Senate on an 
array of radical policies.
  At worst, their plans are to try and use this pandemic to seize more 
government control of your life; to grow government power over your 
healthcare choices; to place new rules, mandates, and regulations on 
your small businesses; and to grant citizenship to millions here 
illegally.
  At best, their plan is to actually award hundreds of billions of 
dollars to the very same State governments which are shutting down our 
schools, telling restaurants they can't open, and keeping families 
locked inside. They want to bail out their political allies who are 
telling small businesses they can't open, who are blocking Americans 
from going into their houses of worship, and who are ruining more 
families by the day.
  America is suffering right now, but they are suffering because of the 
choices, the mandates, and the lockdowns being put in place by 
government. We all know the quote from President Ronald Reagan: ``The 
nine most terrifying words in the English language are: `I'm from the 
government, and I'm here to help.' ''
  Well, I think there are about 3,800 more families who have loved ones 
in New York nursing homes, who would agree with that statement right 
now.
  Government harm has gone on long enough. It needs to stop, yet we are 
setting up a process today to give hundreds of billions more to those 
very same State governments. The numbers

[[Page H290]]

don't lie. Adding in the President's $2 trillion proposal from earlier 
this month, we will have spent $6 trillion in less than 1 year in so-
called COVID-19-related stimulus. That is larger than the GDP of every 
country on Earth other than the U.S. and China. It is the equivalent of 
$17,000 per every American and $70,000 per household.
  Do families really feel like they have gotten $70,000 out of their 
government in the last year?
  No way.
  What is worse is we have now crossed over. Government policies are 
now making the crisis worse, resulting in millions of needless deaths. 
Suicide rates among adults and children are way up. The U.S. National 
Bureau of Economic Research, just this past month, said that, over the 
next 15 years, more than 890,000 Americans could die as a direct result 
of the unemployment caused by COVID-related lockdowns.
  Here was the headline in The New York Times last week: ``Surge of 
Student Suicides Pushes Las Vegas Schools to Reopen.''
  Lockdowns, mandates, closures, virtual: It is unrealistic, not 
sustainable, and not the way.
  Under remote virtual learning, students are not getting the 
instruction they need, especially those who may not have access to 
reliable broadband. Not to mention the mental health and emotional 
development needs that are not being met.
  If we want to support families and communities, let's follow the 
science and let's reopen our schools. Our country is about giving 
Americans the power of information and letting them decide what is best 
for their family and for their loved ones, not government telling them: 
Stay indoors; don't see your family; and I am going to destroy your 
job, small business, and everything you have spent your life building.

  So here we are, setting new precedent under the Democrat-controlled 
House. In more than 30 years, Congress has never voted on a House-
originated budget that has not first gone through committee.
  For what?
  To bail out the very governments who are the ones costing families 
everything right now.
  Is this how the Democrats intend to govern: to put Government ahead 
of the people?
  I remind my friends that the power of the majority is a fleeting 
thing, and the American people are watching.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I listened with great interest to the passionate words 
of the ranking member, and I failed to hear one instance in which he 
expressed concern or any ideas about how to help the hundreds of 
thousands of Americans who will die if this government does not act 
quickly and aggressively; or the hundreds of thousands of businesses 
that will close; or the schools that he wants to reopen, which we all 
want to reopen. We are looking for ideas, but so far all we have had is 
resistance and obstruction.
  The President this week actually met with 10 Republican United States 
Senators in an effort to get a bipartisan approach to the crisis we 
face. I would still hope that we can do that, but we can't afford to 
wait for that to happen. That is why this process is in place, giving 
plenty of opportunity for the Republicans in both the House and Senate 
to participate and to help us find a better plan to move forward.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from 
Massachusetts (Mr. Neal), who is the chairman of the Ways and Means 
Committee.
  Mr. NEAL. Mr. Speaker, I want to acknowledge Mr. Yarmuth here for the 
clarity and the speed with which he has proceeded.
  A reminder in support of this resolution here to the previous 
speaker, the gentleman from Missouri: this is the opening salvo in a 
process. This is not the conclusion. To talk to the President of the 
United States this morning without any incendiary rhetoric and no 
divisive tone, but for him to reiterate good suggestions will be 
entertained as good suggestions as the process goes forward.
  The COVID-19 crisis is far from over. Record numbers of deaths--look 
at the numbers in front of us, Mr. Speaker.
  What has happened?
  The number of people who are projected to die by the next quarter, 
500,000 Americans dead, 25 million infected, 19 million Americans 
receiving unemployment insurance.
  And we are going too fast in this process?
  President Biden and his American rescue plan contains the kind of 
bold policies that we have sought to advance here for months. We 
understand that the economy will not recover without first crushing the 
virus. Mr. Speaker, we will not get the economy back up and running 
until we defeat the virus and restore safe working conditions, as 
previously noted.
  This public health emergency requires aggressive, science-based 
action, and it is going to take time. In addition to passing measures 
to eradicate the pandemic, we must ensure that families and jobless 
workers are able to afford life's basic necessities, or, as we might 
say, liquidity and cash flow in the system.
  Accomplishing these goals requires us to go big. Economists left, 
right, and center have all said the same thing in this chorus: Go big.
  The Ways and Means Committee is ready to meet this challenge. We are 
going to beat this virus and we are going to put money into the hands 
and pockets of the people in America who really need it, extending 
unemployment assistance, combating child poverty, supporting hard-hit 
families, the retention tax credit, and the earned income tax credit. 
We are going to give some help to people in America who, again, really 
are in harm's way. Passage of this resolution will provide us with an 
additional pathway to swiftly advance these priorities.
  By the way, as of this morning, 76 percent of the American people 
agree with what we are doing.
  In times as desperate as these, we need to prepare our mechanisms so 
they are ready at our disposal to get the American people the relief 
they need.
  Mr. Speaker, for millions of lives and livelihoods that are at stake, 
I urge all of my colleagues today, regardless of their party, to 
support this critical measure.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman from 
Massachusetts. I will remind him that the government there in his State 
has already received $7.5 billion in bailouts and, under this plan, 
would receive an additional $7 billion. During the lockdown there in 
his State, more than 2,500 small businesses have been closed and the 
death rate has been more than the top five in the Nation.

  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from the great 
State of Colorado (Mrs. Boebert), who understands what it is like to 
run a small business and the burdens that government places on them.
  Mrs. BOEBERT. Mr. Speaker, I have to hand it to my colleagues on the 
other side. In the infamous words of Obama Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel, 
they ``never let a crisis go to waste.''
  When the unemployment rate is up and incomes are down, when the job 
openings are few but the food lines are many, when the American people 
need their Representatives to put aside partisan politics, my 
colleagues on the other side put forth this boondoggle proposal.
  This partisan $1.9 trillion bill is being forced through Congress 
when more than $1 trillion from previously passed laws remain unspent.
  How about let's get that $1 trillion out the door before we come back 
to the trough?
  Mr. Speaker, they can't let this crisis go to waste, so they are 
going to force-feed leftist policies to the American people and do 
their best to disguise it as COVID relief.
  My constituents back home are asking me: How does killing more jobs 
by doubling the Federal minimum wage help reopen our economy? What do 
climate change policies have to do with stopping the spread of COVID? 
How does expanding ObamaCare help reopen our children's schools?
  The answer is none of these policies have anything to do with 
stopping or addressing the China virus. They are unnecessary and 
radical. This budget is just Democrats doing what Democrats do, trying 
to score political wins on the backs of Americans in crisis.
  So we will vote on this bill, Democrats will claim their political 
wins,

[[Page H291]]

and America will go further into debt. But the real relief that 
Americans need, the relief of a job, an open school, and a thriving 
economy, will once again go unaddressed.
  I urge my colleagues to get real and scrap this pipe dream.
  I urge a ``no'' vote on this bill.

                              {time}  1330

  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I just wanted to respond to the notion that 
this is a radical plan. The radical, very radical chairman of the 
Council of Economic Advisers under President Trump, Kevin Hassett, 
said:

       But I think we need to be risk-averse and pass another 
     relief package. There are so many businesses treading water, 
     barely hanging on. Now they are getting hit by another shock. 
     You could end up in a negative spiral for the economy.

  January 22, 2021, the radical Kevin Hassett.
  Mr. Speaker, it gives me great pleasure to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to 
the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Grijalva), the distinguished chairman 
of the Natural Resources Committee.
  Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the budget 
resolution and reality that is before us today. This resolution 
provides relief to the American people that has been needed and 
required for over a year.
  I want to thank Speaker Pelosi, leader Hoyer, whip Clyburn and, of 
course, Chairman Yarmuth for the fine work he and his committee did in 
preparing this resolution to respond to the urgency before the American 
people.
  As we have seen in the Natural Resources Committee, the effects of 
the pandemic, COVID-19, have been devastating to many populations 
across this country. It has particularly and severely impacted 
indigenous people and Tribes across this country disproportionately, 
four times higher than the national average in people that have been 
infected, and the mortality rate is reflected in the same way.
  This resolution provides $20 billion for Tribal Governments, $5.8 
billion for Indian Health Service, $900 million to assist Tribal 
Governments to develop culturally and linguistically appropriate 
programs for their communities, and provides adequate and necessary 
funding to Indian Health Service and providing a level of equity to the 
question of relief that has to be central in everything we do.
  In addition, at the recommendation of the House Natural Resources 
Committee, to ensure that we can deal with a pandemic in the making, 
the package contains funding for tools to limit dangerous wildlife 
trade and monitor wildlife-borne diseases at home and abroad.
  I urge a ``yes'' vote, and I thank the chairman for the time and his 
hard work.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cline), who proudly represents their Sixth 
District, a wonderful new addition to the Budget Committee.
  Mr. CLINE. Mr. Speaker, I would agree with the gentleman. Our 
families are hurting. Our farmers are suffering, and our small 
businesses are failing from the shutdown policies of Democrat governors 
like mine in Virginia. They need our support as we manage through this 
pandemic.
  But what they don't need is a $1.9 trillion package packed full of 
Democrat wish list items that will cripple our economy, including a 
minimum wage increase that would destroy 1.3 million jobs, according to 
the CBO, and hundreds of billions of taxpayer dollars to bail out 
poorly run State governments.
  Mr. Speaker, 1 month ago the last COVID relief bill, nearly $1 
trillion, was signed into law and, together with previously enacted 
stimulus laws, over $1 trillion remains unspent. In fact, the CBO, just 
this week, announced that they project our economy to bounce back over 
the next several months, without trillions of dollars in additional 
stimulus aid from Congress, and that much of our recovery hinges on the 
removal of these shutdown requirements and the pace of vaccinations. 
That is where our focus should be, ensuring that those who want to be 
vaccinated receive it, and ensuring that we reopen our businesses and 
schools as soon as possible.
  As a new member of the Budget Committee--or I hope to be a new member 
of the Budget Committee; we haven't even organized yet for this 
Congress--I am outraged by the slipshod way this resolution is being 
rammed through the House. It is like being a member of the Judiciary 
Committee and having impeachment rushed directly to the floor without 
hearings. Whoops, did that.
  I see the chairman of the Ways and Means Committee still here. I 
don't know that he would like it so much if we had tax bills that came 
directly to the floor without going through Ways and Means.
  What is next, a farm bill that doesn't go through the Agriculture 
Committee? A transportation bill that doesn't go through the 
Transportation and Infrastructure Committee?
  You know, the circus being run by House leadership gives a bad name 
to circuses everywhere.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, it gives me great pleasure to yield 2\1/2\ 
minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks), the distinguished 
chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee.
  Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this COVID supplemental 
package. This has been a dark and difficult past year for our world. 
More than 2 million people have died around the world, including more 
than 400,000 in our great country. Economies are in crisis around the 
globe, and over a billion children are out of the classroom.
  Our country's health and economic challenges require a bold response 
in scale, and more delay is not an option. We must work to beat back 
this virus, shore up our economy, and ensure the most vulnerable are 
prioritized and protected.
  But we cannot solve this problem without addressing the outside world 
also. Pandemics do not respect borders, and they don't care about 
nationalities.
  As chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I firmly believe that the 
health and economic wreckage caused by the COVID-19 pandemic will only 
end once it ends everywhere. We are currently addressing the monumental 
task of vaccinating our country, but afterwards we must turn our 
attention to the remainder of the world. Only then can we fully put 
this worldwide pandemic behind us and put ourselves back on the path to 
economic prosperity.

  Crucially, this package includes support for global health efforts as 
well as lifesaving humanitarian assistance. This means support for 
vaccine procurement, vaccine delivery, and sustained engagement to 
build the capacity of health systems throughout multilateral 
engagement. It means supporting organizations like the World Food 
Program, UNICEF, and the WHO, that the United States must partner with 
in order to succeed.
  COVID-19 did not begin on our shores, but American innovation and 
global health leadership can end it. The cameras of history are 
rolling. The time to act is now.
  We must join with what Chairman Yarmuth is doing and make sure that 
we help those who have suffered as a result of this pandemic. Extending 
unemployment insurance, helping those who can't pay for their rent or 
mortgage, putting our children back into schools, helping our small 
businesses; this is what this bill does. This is why we have to do it, 
and we have to do it now because this is the emergency of our time and 
it takes bold moves.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman from 
New York. I will remind him that his State government has already 
received $28.5 billion in bail-out money and, under this proposal, 
would receive $20.5 billion under the plan; while that very same 
government has enacted some of the strongest lockdown policies in the 
Nation, resulting in the closure of more than 6,500 small businesses in 
the State of New York, with an unemployment rate currently at 8.2 
percent. And the State of New York also has the second highest COVID-
related deaths per capita in the Nation.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. 
Obernolte), an entrepreneur from California, a leader in his State 
legislature on budgetary issues, and a new member of the Budget 
Committee.
  Mr. OBERNOLTE. Mr. Speaker, the House Budget Committee was 
constituted in 1974, and since then, not a single budget resolution has 
passed out of this Chamber without hearings and reasoned debate, until 
today.

[[Page H292]]

  Should H. Con. Res. 11 pass, it will be the first budget resolution 
in almost 50 years to pass this Chamber without a single hearing, 
without a single vote, without a single witness. We are being told that 
the reason for this is the need for quick action in response to 
additional stimulus and relief for the coronavirus crisis.
  But Mr. Speaker, I have read this resolution. It is 55 pages. I can't 
find a single item in this resolution related to the coronavirus 
crisis.
  Now we are being told that might be true. You see, this is just a 
shell that we pass this to the Senate, which triggers a lengthy and 
complex process of budget reconciliation.
  But, Mr. Speaker, if our intent is to pass quick relief, and I think 
it should be, we could do that today. This Chamber has passed in the 
last 12 months almost $4 trillion of relief. Mr. Speaker, of that, over 
25 percent, over $1 trillion, remains unspent. We could fix that today. 
We could fix that now, instead of relying on this lengthy and complex 
process of budget reconciliation.
  Mr. Speaker, this is a serious topic. It deserves serious 
consideration, and not the violation of almost 50 years of protocol and 
procedure in this Chamber. I urge a ``no'' vote.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I welcome the gentleman from California to 
both Congress and the Budget Committee and I look forward to working 
with him. I will advise him that in just a few weeks he will have the 
opportunity, as a member of the Budget Committee, to go through a 
markup, offer amendments to the plans that will be proposed in another 
budget resolution that will actually come to the floor. So I look 
forward to that discussion and hope that will satisfy the gentleman.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the distinguished gentleman 
from Oregon (Mr. DeFazio), the chair of the Transportation and 
Infrastructure Committee.
  Mr. DeFAZIO. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  I know Mr. Obernolte is a new member of the committee; he might even 
be brand new to the House. But he said he couldn't find a single thing 
in this package that related to COVID?
  Oh, well there is $110 billion for vaccines, for testing, which has 
been pathetic under the Trump administration with no help. Oh, and 
personal protective equipment, but I guess those things don't have 
anything to do with COVID and the pandemic.

  Now, let's get real here. The first gentleman spoke and said, We want 
to help schools, and this bill doesn't help schools.
  Well, actually, yesterday they tried to cut our funding for schools. 
We are putting in $170 billion to reopen the schools. It is going to be 
very expensive, new HVAC systems, a whole bunch of new furniture, all 
sorts of stuff to get kids safely to school for this and future 
pandemics, to be ready, to prepare. And they wanted to cut our 170 to 
$54 billion. But they are for schools and we are not.
  Oh, by the way, they didn't do anything for childcare assistance 
which is a huge problem for people during this pandemic.
  Now, let's talk about a few things that are in here: Cash payments 
promised by President Biden and the two people who helped us flip the 
Senate, they are in here.
  Extended unemployment, if we don't do that--you don't want to do it--
20 million Americans will have no income and no job on March 14; 
100,000 people in my State.
  Assistance for small businesses. Food, well, I think that is pretty 
critical stuff on a day-to-day basis.
  Rental assistance, and that is something else the Trump political 
hack running OSHA wouldn't do.
  We are going to have standards for protection of workers. We have had 
huge outbreaks in meatpacking plants and in transportation--people have 
died--and everywhere else because there are no Federal standards to 
protect workers. We are taking care of that in this bill and with some 
funding.
  And they say this is unprecedented. You used reconciliation for $3 
trillion of tax cuts for the wealthiest among us and the biggest 
corporations in the world, to drill for oil in the Alaska National 
Wildlife Refuges, and then you used it again to try and take away 
healthcare from tens of millions of Americans and their protection for 
preexisting conditions and other things. Yeah, unprecedented. Malarkey. 
Let's talk about the issues and cut the BS.

                              {time}  1345

  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I would like to respond to the gentleman from Oregon 
saying that this is unprecedented. What is unprecedented is that this 
is the first time that a budget resolution that originated in the House 
bypassed the Budget Committee.
  Reconciliation has been used numerous times, but this is the first 
time in the history of this country that the Democrats bypassed the 
Budget Committee in a budget resolution that originated in the House. 
The people are watching, Mr. Speaker.
  I also appreciate the gentleman from Oregon. I will remind him that 
his State government has already received $4.5 billion in bailouts, and 
they will receive another $4.5 billion in bailouts while their State 
has locked down small businesses, costing more than 1,000 small 
businesses to close their doors.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. 
Carter), a true defender of commonsense, conservative values and a good 
friend.
  Mr. CARTER of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to the 
budget resolution.
  The American people have suffered. They have suffered greatly from 
this pandemic, and this body has taken action to support those efforts.
  It should be noted that Republicans have voiced support for targeting 
relief where it is needed. Mr. Speaker, we get it. We know there are 
still needs out there. We know there are still people hurting. We 
understand that, and we agree that we need to have targeted relief.
  Thus far, Congress has passed nearly $4 trillion in COVID relief 
funding on everything from the PPP program to direct payments to money 
for testing and for vaccinations.
  However, a significant amount of funding has yet to be utilized, with 
more than $1 trillion of available resources waiting on the sideline to 
be spent. Of that $1 trillion, there is $280 billion left in the PPP 
program, $239 billion in health spending, $172 billion in unemployment 
insurance assistance, and $58 billion in State and local aid, to name a 
few areas with leftover funding.
  Now, we are discussing ramming through this budget resolution so that 
the Democrats can pass a $1.9 trillion COVID package without any 
bipartisan input or work. After weeks of talk of increasing 
bipartisanship and working together on big issues for our country, this 
resolution runs contrary to that. Not only does it do our budget 
process a disservice, but it moves forward with the idea that the 
bipartisan consensus of Congress should be cast aside.
  As I said earlier, there is more than $1 trillion that has been 
passed in COVID relief that is just sitting there unused. 
Unfortunately, this budget resolution doesn't address that point or 
build upon that point.
  For that reason, Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to oppose this 
resolution.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman 
from Texas (Ms. Johnson), the distinguished chair of the Science, 
Space, and Technology Committee.
  Ms. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, when the COVID-19 crisis hit, the 
National Science Foundation rose to meet the challenge. The agency has 
already invested $200 million in research to understand the 
coronavirus, understand and model how the virus spreads, and enable 
approaches that lessen the harm of COVID-19 to public health, society, 
and the economy.
  The additional funding provided for in this budget resolution will 
enable our Nation's best and brightest researchers to continue to help 
us through this crisis and will contribute to better preparedness for 
the next one.
  Similarly, the National Institute of Standards and Technology reacted 
quickly as the pandemic unfolded, asking Manufacturing USA institutes 
to submit their best proposals for rapid, high-impact projects to help 
with the crisis. Several institutes had already redirected their 
efforts, but more funding was needed.

[[Page H293]]

  Congress provided $10 billion in the Cares Act. The additional 
funding provided for in this resolution will support important 
manufacturing innovations across a range of needs, including 
therapeutics, accelerating production of critical supplies, and 
ensuring supply chains for the pandemic response.
  The Science, Space, and Technology Committee, which I chair, held 
numerous hearings, briefings, and roundtables last year to discuss the 
role of the National Science Foundation, NIST, and other science 
agencies in helping the Nation through this pandemic. $750 million 
represents just a fraction of what is needed, including to recover all 
the science and, more importantly, the talent that is hemorrhaging from 
the STEM pipeline as a result of this crisis. I will continue to push 
for such funding as part of the stimulus discussions.
  Finally, while I do support the entire package, I want to lend my 
voice in particular to the support of vaccinations and immunizations, 
another topic my committee has spent considerable time on. We will not 
begin to move beyond this crisis until we have widespread immunization 
and vaccination.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentlewoman from 
Texas. I will remind her, as we debate how to improve the economy, the 
administration's hostility to the energy industry, as demonstrated by 
his executive orders, threatens at least 120,000 jobs in the State of 
Texas.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. 
Feenstra). As a freshman, he has already shown leadership as a true 
defender of conservative principles.
  Mr. FEENSTRA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to the H. Con. 
Res. 11, which paves the way for our national deficit to increase by 
$2.1 trillion.
  Our current debt is $28 trillion. Let's put that in perspective. This 
budget that we are looking at here will never balance. It will push our 
national debt to $41 trillion by the end of its forecast. Let me say 
that again: $41 trillion by the end of its forecast.

  This out-of-control spending is jeopardizing the very future of 
Social Security and Medicare. Every senior should be deeply concerned 
about the possibility of losing Social Security based on this out-of-
control spending by the Democrats.
  Currently, our country pays about 2 percent on the debt that we have. 
It will not stay at 2 percent because 2 percent is currently low. If 
our interest rate increases, we are going to struggle to try to fund 
our discretionary programs like defense and infrastructure because the 
money will go toward interest. This is dangerous, fiscally 
irresponsible, and reprehensible.
  Just like a business or a family, when the credit card bill comes due 
and there is not enough money, you have to cut. The Democrats have put 
our Nation in a perilous situation with this out-of-control spending.
  We must take our growing national debt crisis seriously and not look 
at this laundry list of progressive ideas put forth by the Democrats.
  We are saddling our children and their grandchildren with this debt, 
focusing on the politics of today, and not worrying about our Nation's 
future. This budget must be stopped.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, once again, I welcome the gentleman from Iowa to the 
House of Representatives, and I will correct him.
  There is no 10-year budget outlook in this budget. This is a single 
budget resolution, only for this fiscal year, designed to facilitate 
the use of the reconciliation package to implement the President's 
American Rescue Plan, which, by the way, he campaigned vigorously on 
throughout his campaign.
  While Republicans were saying, ``Oh, it is too early to do something. 
Let's pause. Let's wait. Let's do this,'' the President was aggressive. 
The President was creative, forceful, and the American people rewarded 
him with a victory.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania 
(Mr. Brendan F. Boyle), a distinguished member of the Budget Committee.
  Mr. BRENDAN F. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I was struck about 
15 minutes ago when one of the speakers on the other side made the 
claim that the Democratic agenda was rejected by the American people in 
November. It was so rejected, Democrats won the House, the Senate, and 
the White House for the first time in a dozen years. That is rejection 
I can take.
  The reality is, the American people put us in charge because the 
previous administration's response to COVID was so weak and so 
ineffective.
  It is a sad fact that more than 400,000 Americans have died from 
COVID. This is now one of the four most deadly events in American 
history. We have 20 percent of the COVID deaths and 20 percent of the 
COVID cases worldwide.
  To deal with the enormity of the crisis, we need a big, bold plan, 
such as the Biden 1.9 plan.
  Mr. Speaker, economists are famous for not agreeing. Because 
economists were so famous for saying, ``Well, on the one hand, or on 
the other hand,'' Harry Truman, when asked, said the one thing he 
wanted was a one-handed economist. So it is striking that economists 
all across the ideological spectrum--liberal, centrist, conservative--
all favor going big in this moment. That is what this plan does.
  I am also struck by the fact that there must be a Democrat in the 
White House because the other side is suddenly talking about the 
deficit and the debt again. When there is a Republican in the White 
House, it is not a big concern.
  Again, Mr. Speaker, economists agree: This is not a moment that we 
should be concerned about the deficit and the debt. This is a moment 
when, once and for all, we need to finally tackle this pandemic.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania. I will remind him that his State government has already 
received $14 billion in bailouts. They will receive another $13.5 under 
this plan while that very same State government has enacted lockdown 
policies, causing the closure of more than 3,000 of their small 
businesses.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. 
Donalds), a great addition to the Budget Committee and a true leader.
  Mr. DONALDS. Mr. Speaker, as I walked onto the House floor today, I 
heard the talk from the other side, talking about wanting to share in 
good ideas. But what is interesting is, as this budget resolution has 
come forth, there has been no sharing of ideas.
  We have seen a general framework coming from the Biden administration 
calling for $1.9 trillion, but that completely flies in the face of the 
fact that there is $1 trillion that this very body, the last Congress, 
appropriated last year that is still unspent. That money has not gone 
out the door. Yet, we are talking about solutions to help our country 
through COVID-19.
  Now, my career before politics was actually in finance and economics. 
I spent 17 years in that field. If you are going to talk about 
stimulating an economy, the first thing you want to do is actually 
study the current state of your economy. One of the metrics we always 
like to use in financial services is the unemployment rate. It is a 
pretty popular statistic.
  Let's take a look at the unemployment rates going on around the 
country. In my State of Florida, it is 6.1 percent. In Alabama, it is 
3.9 percent. In South Carolina, it is 4.6 percent. In Texas, it is 7.2 
percent.

                              {time}  1400

  Compare that to blue States in our country, New York and California, 
where they soar over 8 percent.
  Why is that happening?
  Because their governors and their mayors have refused to reopen their 
economies.
  If you want to stimulate something, actually let the American people 
get back to work. Let them run their businesses, and you would be 
surprised at what actually would happen in our economy.
  Let's talk about the $15 minimum wage, which is in the Biden plan. I 
don't know how a $15 minimum wage is going to help struggling small 
businesses continue to thrive in the current environment. Furthermore, 
what we have already seen with the $15 minimum wage is that it has led 
to workers actually getting less hours, less hours at the jobs that 
they have. I don't see how that is actually helping anybody stimulate 
an economy.

[[Page H294]]

  Let's talk about education. In this plan, right now there is $170 
billion, give or take, to go to local school districts to reopen.
  But guess what? If they are picketing outside of the school 
district's school board in Chicago to not go back into the classroom, 
what is this additional money actually doing?
  In Florida, we have been open in our schools. We have done this. 
There are tens of billions of dollars already available to help school 
districts reopen. All they need is leadership. They don't need more 
money.
  The last thing I want to add is with respect to State and local 
governments. Every State government and every local government either 
gets their money from income taxes, sales taxes; like in the great 
State of Florida, property taxes on the local level. This is typically 
how you get your revenue. If you want to help State and local 
governments take care of their revenue problems, they should open up. 
They should not come back to this Capitol and get money.
  Why should Florida pay for New York?
  Except for the fact that the only thing New York has done is help the 
real estate markets in Florida because New Yorkers are fleeing New York 
to come to the great State of Florida.
  Mr. Speaker, let's be clear. This budget resolution is not about 
economics. It is not about COVID-19. It is not about helping our 
schools reopen. This budget resolution is purely politics. It is an 
opportunity to push through an agenda through budget reconciliation 
where, if you actually studied our economy and studied the fact that 
now close to 40 million Americans have been vaccinated with the vaccine 
from the previous administration, we are on track to getting reopened. 
We should study this. We should be more targeted. We should not be 
putting forward a massive spending bill where no study has ever been 
given.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, once again, I welcome the gentleman from 
Florida to the House of Representatives. I really think that we ought 
to stop talking about States bailing other States out. The next time 
that a major hurricane hits Florida, we are not going to say that New 
York and California don't want to help them. That is not the kind of 
body that I hope we are.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Virginia 
(Mr. Scott), the distinguished chairman of the Committee on Education 
and Labor.
  Mr. SCOTT of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the budget 
resolution. The COVID-19 pandemic is continuing to inflict widespread 
harm across our communities. In addition to the thousands of people who 
are dying every day from this virus, millions of workers remain 
unemployed, students are falling further behind, and an unprecedented 
number of American families are facing hunger and homelessness. Anyone 
who doubts the need for urgent and immediate COVID-19 relief is not 
paying attention to the multiple ongoing crises affecting people across 
the country.
  We will continue working with our Republican colleagues to find areas 
of agreement so that we can provide our constituents with the support 
they desperately need, but we can't put the label of bipartisanship 
ahead of the urgent needs of our communities. Our constituents don't 
want us to say that we could have provided relief checks in the amount 
of $1,400, but we needed to work with the Republicans, and now they are 
only $1,000.
  The upcoming COVID-19 rescue package must extend assistance for the 
unemployed Americans, protect all workers from COVID-19 infections, and 
support frontline workers who have cared for our loved ones and kept 
food on the table during the pandemic.
  The rescue package must also provide schools the necessary resources 
to open safely, to help institutions of higher education cope with 
severe financial strain, and to keep childcare providers afloat. We 
must also expand nutrition assistance to ensure that our children and 
families do not go hungry.
  Finally, the COVID-19 rescue package must help close the massive 
State and local budget shortfalls, which will inevitably force painful 
cuts to education and other public services if left unaddressed.
  Mr. Speaker, we are at a critical moment in the fight against COVID-
19. We have the responsibility to do everything in our power to meet 
the basic needs of the American people. This budget resolution gives 
Congress an additional tool to pass a COVID rescue package that will 
confront the pandemic and deliver the immediate relief that our 
constituents deserve.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support the resolution.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman from 
Virginia. I will remind him that his State government has already 
received $6.5 billion in bailout money, and they will receive another 
$9 billion under this plan while that very same government has enacted 
lockdown policies directly leading to the closure of more than 2,000 
small businesses.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from the great 
Commonwealth of Virginia (Mr. Good), who already is a leader in this 
conference.
  Mr. GOOD of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to H. Con. 
Res. 11, the House Democrat budget for fiscal year 2021.

  Mr. Speaker, in response to a previous speaker, it is always time to 
talk about the deficit. Our national debt has already climbed to $28 
trillion, representing about $85,000 per American citizen. This is over 
$200,000 per American family or household.
  How can we ever hope to repay that?
  The spending on our interest payments alone on this debt, even with 
the current artificially low interest rates, amounts to about 8 percent 
of our annual budget as recently as fiscal year '19. It is projected to 
rise to 26 percent of our budget over the next 30 years or by fiscal 
year `50.
  This path of fiscal insanity is simply not sustainable. Without our 
currently artificial rates, we simply couldn't even afford to pay our 
existing debt right now. Our national debt and current fiscal situation 
truly represents one of the greatest threats to our country. The 
science, as we like to say, or more specifically the math, confirms 
this reality because a day of reckoning is coming.
  We are the first generation to ever leave a legacy of debt to our 
children and grandchildren. The Greatest Generation, the World War II 
generation, who also faced down the Great Depression crisis, didn't 
even do this to us.
  So where do we find ourselves today?
  We are contemplating a $2 trillion spending package that will cost 
every American citizen an average of about $6,000 apiece, or $15,000 
per family.
  For what? What will they be getting for their share of this new debt?
  Some will get a $1,400 check in return for their $6,000 share of the 
debt. That is not a very good deal.
  This proposal comes from the same folks who continue to unjustifiably 
clamp down on our freedoms, economically and otherwise. In fact, in my 
own home State of Virginia, 25 percent of businesses have permanently 
closed since the lockdowns began. There is simply no substitute for the 
American economy, and no relief or spending package will ever be 
sufficient.
  When has government spending ever truly fixed a problem or not made 
it worse?
  We have to turn the American worker, the American businessperson, and 
the American economy loose. We have to stop spending our citizens' 
futures.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 15 seconds 
to the gentleman from Virginia.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will put his mask on.
  Mr. GOOD of Virginia. We have to stop spending our citizens' 
financial future. Instead, we have to empower them to chart their own 
economic destiny.
  To paraphrase the words of a famous young environmentalist: How dare 
you? And how dare we?
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I know it is fascinating, and I have heard 
this argument now year after year after year talking about how much 
every individual in this country has owed because of the debt--the 
national debt. We have been accumulating debt in this country for most 
of our 240-year history.
  I ask the gentleman: Has there ever been one American citizen or one 
American citizen's ancestor who has ever paid any of that debt or who 
has ever been asked to pay for that debt?

[[Page H295]]

  Of course not. That is because we are a sovereign currency nation. We 
don't pay attention to that.
  And just to clarify one thing he said, he said spending money has 
never helped in a crisis. Well, you will find virtually no economist 
who will not say that what we did last spring when we passed the CARES 
Act helped us mitigate the very first few months of this disaster. We 
didn't do enough then. We can't make the same mistake now.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from California 
(Mr. Takano), the distinguished chair of the Committee on Veterans' 
Affairs.
  Mr. TAKANO. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Kentucky for 
yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, as chairman of the House Committee on Veterans' Affairs, 
I am painfully aware of the toll this pandemic has taken on our 
Nation's veterans. I hear from veterans who are struggling to find work 
as unemployment numbers rise. I hear from veterans who have had their 
critical compensation and pension exams postponed, delaying much-needed 
benefits.
  Sadly, we have lost over 8,900 veterans and 120 VA staff to the 
pandemic so far.
  Across the Nation and at the height of the pandemic, veterans have 
stepped up to serve their country, a trait not uncommon for the 
thousands of veterans whose services continue even after they pack away 
their uniforms. Their service as first responders and healthcare 
workers battling COVID-19; as essential employees keeping our economy 
moving, packages delivered, and hospitals sterilized has served as an 
example of how strong America can be when we act together.
  Despite all of the setbacks our Nation has faced, it is our duty to 
be optimistic. Our veterans have shown the way.
  Mr. Speaker, VA has responded to crises across the country through 
its Fourth Mission, even landing on the Capitol Grounds yesterday to 
deploy mobile vet centers to support U.S. Capitol Police, members of 
the National Guard, and the congressional staff after the insurrection 
on January 6.
  Throughout this pandemic, veterans and VA have continued to step up 
and serve their communities, not just their fellow veterans.
  The time for decisive action is now. Passing this resolution does not 
negate the need for bipartisan cooperation. The need now is real, and 
the pain caused by this pandemic is deep. The best way to provide 
direct relief to the American people and continue serving all those who 
have served is to act fast and to do it now. We cannot afford to wait 
for higher case counts, for additional variants of the virus to emerge, 
for more Americans to go without work or watch their savings dwindle. 
We must act fast, and that is why we are here today.

  I just will say to the gentleman from Missouri that I know that we 
have billions of dollars that came to the State of California, but I 
would like to remind the gentleman that California is a net donor 
State, including money that I am sure has gone to the State of 
Missouri.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman from 
California. I will remind him that his State government, yes, indeed, 
has already received $43 billion in taxpayer bailouts and will receive 
another $42 billion in taxpayer bailouts if this bill passes.
  But let's talk about California. This is the State that has some of 
the most stringent lockdowns in the entire country. In fact, their 
lockdowns are so significant that more than 16,500 small businesses 
will never open their doors again. That is government that believes 
that it is okay to deny you to go to your house of worship and to eat 
out in an outdoor restaurant, but you can go to a strip club or get a 
tattoo. That is California.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from the great 
State of Georgia (Mrs. Greene), a small businessowner who proudly 
represents the people of the 14th Congressional District.
  Mrs. GREENE of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to 
the blue State bailout budget. The Democrats know they don't have the 
votes to pass these radical policies in the Senate, so they are 
doubling down on reconciliation to destroy our economy with a $2 
trillion taxpayer-funded spending spree.
  Democrats are using reconciliation for the exact opposite purpose for 
which it was created. With this budget, Democrats are bailing out 
failing Democrat-run States like Illinois and New York, expanding the 
welfare state, exploding the deficit, groveling to teachers' unions and 
teachers who refuse to go to work, and hiking taxes on businessowners 
who don't comply with the higher minimum wage standard. This is just 
the beginning.
  They want to pay people more money to stay home rather than allowing 
them to go back to work and earn a paycheck. They are fine letting 
schoolchildren and parents suffer while teachers' unions ignore them 
and still collect taxpayer-funded paychecks.
  American politicians sent millions of children and young adults home, 
closed their schools, and banned them from going to their jobs. They 
forced them to stay in isolation from their peers. They canceled prom, 
canceled sports, and canceled graduation.

                              {time}  1415

  They claim this was for their safety, but the results have been 
horrific. Suicide and depression have been on the rise. Do you think 
any family will feel like a consolation prize of $1,400 will make them 
feel good about their teen that committed suicide because of the 
shutdowns? I don't think so.
  Democrats are trying to raise the minimum wage for jobs that they 
won't even let people go to work in. Democrats closed their States 
while Georgia stayed open. Why are we supposed to bail them out? Why 
are my hardworking constituents being punished for wanting to go to 
work and support their families?
  Democrat Governors have run their States like tyrants of third-world 
countries, not like free Americans. They are oppressing the American 
people and reaping the benefits.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  The gentlewoman from Georgia said that this plan is going to destroy 
the economy. I think it is interesting that the American Rescue Plan 
has received praise from the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the Business 
Roundtable, the National Retail Federation, among other business 
groups, and top economic advisers from the last four Presidents: Kevin 
Hassett, who I mentioned earlier from the Trump administration; Gene 
Sperling; R. Glenn Hubbard; and Alan Blinder have all said that 
additional spending is needed to rescue the economy.
  Mr. Speaker, I am honored to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman 
from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone), the distinguished chairman of the Energy 
and Commerce Committee.
  Mr. PALLONE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this 
legislation which will give Congress the ability to swiftly enact 
President Biden's American Rescue Plan. Our Nation and our people are 
hurting. While we have made historic progress developing lifesaving 
vaccines in record time, we are now in a race to get these vaccines 
into the arms of Americans as new variants of the virus spread.
  Unfortunately, the Trump administration left President Biden a mess 
to clean up. President Trump refused to develop a national strategy to 
crush the virus and said it was the responsibility of the States. This 
led to a sluggish and flawed vaccine rollout, a disjointed patchwork of 
State testing plans, and supply chain constraints on essential medical 
supplies and personal protective equipment.
  In December, Congress made a down payment to help jump-start our 
Nation's recovery. However, our work is far from done. Congress must 
provide the new Biden administration the additional resources and 
support necessary to implement a national strategy. The American Rescue 
Plan is a comprehensive, multipronged national approach. It is robust 
because we need a big plan to tackle the COVID-19 pandemic.
  The American Rescue Plan will invest billions to speed up the 
distribution and administration of COVID-19 vaccines across the 
country. It will support the development of community vaccination 
centers, as well as mobile vaccination units that can go into hard-to-
reach areas that are often underserved.

[[Page H296]]

  The American Rescue Plan invests in a national testing strategy with 
funding for rapid tests, expanding lab capacity, and assisting States. 
Expanded testing will ensure that schools can support safe reopening, 
that vulnerable settings like long-term care facilities can regularly 
test their populations, and that any American can get a test for free 
when they need one.
  Mr. Speaker, we will also provide specific funding for health 
services and underserved communities. This includes funding to hire 
100,000 new public health workers. They will perform vital tasks like 
vaccine outreach and contact tracing for underserved populations. The 
American Rescue Plan provides additional investments in community 
health centers and health services on Tribal lands, and these funds 
will support the expansion of COVID vaccinations, treatment, and care 
to underserved populations.
  Mr. Speaker, this plan delivers bold relief to the American people. 
It deserves strong, bipartisan support here in the House. I urge my 
colleagues to act with the urgency of the moment and support this 
resolution.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman from New Jersey, and I wanted 
to remind the Chamber that his State government has already received 
$9.5 billion worth of taxpayer bailouts and under this proposal, would 
receive an additional $9.5 billion under this plan, while that very 
same government has enacted lockdown policies directly leading to the 
closure of more than 3,000 small businesses.
  And that State, very sadly, actually has the highest per capita death 
rate of all States in the United States.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. 
Arrington), who represents the 19th Congressional District and has been 
an active participant in the budget process for as long as I have known 
him, a true defender of fiscal responsibility.
  Mr. ARRINGTON. Mr. Speaker, thank you to my friend from the Show Me 
State and the ranking member and our fearless leader on budget.
  Speaking of show me, I would like for somebody to show me why this is 
good for the American people, Mr. Speaker.
  We all want to help our fellow Americans. We all want to help our 
country get back to its feet from this pandemic and the unintended 
consequences from government actions, but this resolution is a disaster 
in and of itself on so many levels, Mr. Speaker.
  Let's start with this spirit of unity and peace and bipartisanship. 
This President, one after another, has taken more executive actions 
than all three Presidents combined that have killed jobs, that have 
undermined the security of the American people, and now, the first 
major legislation is to use reconciliation to ram this through.
  This isn't about relief and recovery, Mr. Speaker. This is about a 
Trojan horse to sneak policies that would not otherwise go anywhere in 
this Chamber because it couldn't. There are Federal wage mandates, when 
our small businesses are sucking air trying to get on their feet, make 
payroll, provide a service. And we want to kill 4 million more jobs. 
That is a CBO estimate. That is in healthy times. That is in good 
times.

  This isn't a recovery relief bill. It is a massive bailout and a 
windfall to poorly managed cities and States. My colleagues are asking 
$350 billion. Census data shows that we have lost State revenue to the 
tune of $37 billion. What is the $350 billion going to go to, Mr. 
Speaker? I ask my colleagues.
  It is to bail out cities and States with poor management who have 
been reckless and irresponsible in their behavior and they want the 
taxpayers to bail them out.
  They are asking 10 times the amount of what they need. It is 
irresponsible. This is a series of bad policies. These are barriers, 
not incentives, to recovery.
  There is $500 billion, a massive redistribution of wealth to people 
who are unaffected by COVID, to people who are in this country 
illegally, Mr. Speaker.
  This resolution increases the unemployment insurance so that 80 
percent of the people are actually being paid more on unemployment than 
at their previous job. Are you kidding me?
  Please, tell me this is not a recovery bill, Mr. Speaker. Look, we 
don't need another job-killing Federal mandate, reckless spending, 
liberal, partisan wish list. We need to open up this great country's 
economy, get our kids back to school, and bring America back.
  Please work with us to do that for the sake of this country.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the comments from my friend from Texas, and 
I remind him that this, as I said in my opening statement, is plan B. 
We would prefer not to do this. We would prefer to have a bipartisan, 
regular order solution to this. We could do it actually more 
expeditiously than the reconciliation process.
  But when Republicans, in an effort to be supposedly bipartisan, offer 
$600 billion--when virtually everyone says we need relief and rescue 
money approaching the $1.9 trillion figure--it is not genuine, 
bipartisan, good-faith negotiation. That is posturing.
  We will have several weeks to reach a bipartisan agreement. I hope we 
can. But this is plan B. And we will proceed with it because the 
American people can't wait as long as the Republicans seem to be able 
to.
  Mr. Speaker, I am honored to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman 
from Georgia (Mr.   David Scott), the distinguished chairman of the 
Agriculture Committee.
  Mr. DAVID SCOTT of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for 
yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, first of all, let me tell my Republican friends this: 
All you have to do to know why we have got to go big for the survival 
of our Nation is look at the news recently. Have you seen the lines of 
cars? Some have been in line since 4 and 5 in the morning. And our 
community food banks are there.
  Why do you think that they are there? They are hungry. We have got 17 
million of our children going to bed hungry every single night because 
the American people don't have the money to go buy groceries. And you 
know, what? One of the fastest growing groups of those out there 
hungry, who are starving, who are dying under the viaducts, who are 
committing suicide in record numbers, are our veterans.
  That is why we need to go bold, to go big. You talk about 
bipartisanship. That is what the American people want, bipartisanship 
to get money in their pockets.
  And look, friends, I am chairman of the Agriculture Committee. I am a 
businessman. I graduated from the top school of finance in the world, 
the Wharton School of Finance. I can speak on this economy. The basic 
tool of growth in economy is getting money in the pockets of people who 
are spending. That is how you keep your community going. They are not 
going to sit on that money. They are going to buy, go into Kroger and 
Publix and get food.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield the gentleman from Georgia an 
additional 30 seconds.
  Mr. DAVID SCOTT of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, now is the time. We can't 
afford more delays. The time for us to be bold is now. This is the time 
to be decisive, to move confidently, and most importantly, to move 
Democrats and Republicans together to save our great Nation; not 
tomorrow. The time is now.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to address their 
remarks to the Chair.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I would like to highlight that just in the last couple 
of days, the Congressional Budget Office released a report that, in 
fact, the economy will strengthen, grow, and recover without any 
additional stimulus dollars by the middle of 2021. You are looking at 
in just 5 to 6 months, the Congressional Budget Office said that the 
economy will recover without one single penny being spent of stimulus 
money.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. 
McClintock), a leader on the Budget Committee.
  Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Speaker, $2 trillion in revenues, $6 trillion in 
spending. This is madness. This is how countries commit fiscal suicide: 
force

[[Page H297]]

the economy to shut down, and then hand out government checks.
  The problem, of course, is that the government does not finance the 
economy. It is the economy that finances the government.
  And when you wantonly destroy millions of jobs by forcing small 
businesses to shutter, by canceling construction and energy production 
across the country, when you flood the labor market with millions of 
illegal immigrants at a time when millions of Americans are out of 
work, you shut down the economy, and you shut down the tax revenues 
that the economy produces and that the government spends.
  And so we borrow instead. Now, this budget requires $4 trillion in 
borrowing. Now, where will it borrow this $4 trillion from? The future 
earnings of your family, of course.

                              {time}  1430

  Let's add this up. There are 129 million households in the United 
States. $4 trillion comes to $31,000 added to the debt of every 
household in America, at the average.
  Now, this isn't theoretical. That is real money that will be repaid 
by every family through its future taxes, tax-driven price increases, 
lower wages, and inflation. That is the future for our families that 
the Democrats set in motion today while they promise to help us through 
these tough times with this sorry excuse for a budget resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, it is not just our future that is being robbed. That 
money must be repaid in the future, but it must be borrowed in the 
present from the same capital market that would otherwise be available 
to loan to consumers seeking to make consumer purchases that drive two-
thirds of our economic growth, or businesses seeking to recover, or to 
home buyers seeking to buy homes. That money will not be there for them 
because the government has borrowed it instead.
  Now, remember, the government cannot put a single dollar into the 
economy that it has not first taken out of that very same economy. If I 
take a dollar from Peter and give it to Paul, it is true, Paul has an 
extra dollar to spend. That is what the Democrats are calling stimulus. 
But it is equally true that Peter now has one less dollar to spend in 
that same economy, which is why these stimulus schemes never work in 
the present and always diminish our future.
  Mr. Speaker, our country is in desperate condition because of 
government-mandated lockdowns that have failed to slow the coronavirus 
while they have laid waste to our economy and the livelihoods of 
millions upon millions of Americans.
  There is only one relief measure that will rescue our Nation from 
this dystopian nightmare: End the lockdowns.
  History is screaming this warning at us. Countries that bankrupt 
themselves and destroy their economies simply aren't around very long. 
Let that not be the epitaph of the United States of America.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman 
from New York (Ms. Velazquez), the distinguished chair of the Committee 
on Small Business.
  Ms. VELAZQUEZ. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this budget resolution 
because small businesses need help now. This pandemic has already 
darkened hundreds of thousands of storefronts on Main Streets 
throughout America. A recent study found that 800 businesses closed 
daily between April and September last year.
  Every day without Federal relief, this pandemic shutters businesses, 
destroys lives, and wipes out good-paying jobs. COVID is devastating 
Black and Latino entrepreneurs, dropping the number of businesses by 41 
and 32 percent, respectively. Small businesses do not have time for 
drawn-out negotiations nor debates over process. They need help 
immediately.
  Mr. Speaker, today's budget resolution gives us a critical tool to 
deliver urgently needed aid to small firms and the American people by 
passing President Biden's American Rescue Plan.
  This resolution will grant us the means to provide small businesses, 
particularly those that are underserved, with billions in new funding 
for loans, grants, and support programs.
  This resolution will enable us to appropriate desperately needed 
funds for the national strategy to crush the virus.
  This resolution would allow us to make a difference in the lives of 
millions of Americans who have lost their jobs by expanding 
unemployment benefits and extending the eviction moratorium.
  I welcome Republican support for these efforts.
  Mr. Speaker, what we are proposing are commonsense measures to offer 
a lifeline to struggling Americans. We must prepare to move forward. 
The price of inaction is too steep. The longer we wait, the more lives 
COVID will take. The longer we wait, the more businesses this pandemic 
will destroy. The longer we wait, the more people in my district 
suffer.
  We need a big, bold package. That is why I strongly encourage my 
colleagues to support this resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, I wish that the other side would care about the $2 
trillion tax cut package.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 15 seconds to the 
gentlewoman.
  Ms. VELAZQUEZ. Mr. Speaker, when we look at how much businesses in 
this country are suffering today and how many businesses are shutting 
their doors, it is our responsibility to help them get whole. The only 
way that consumers are going to go into the malls and the restaurants 
is when they have peace of mind that we have done everything to protect 
them.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentlewoman's 
comments, and the best way to help her constituents and to help those 
small businesses in the State of New York is to stop the lockdowns.
  Mr. Speaker, we have more than $1 trillion that is lingering out 
there that has been appropriated to help these small businesses, to 
help healthcare professionals, to help with vaccinations. They are 
still hurting, but the money is still there.
  Mr. Speaker, what is happening so bad in the State of New York is 
that they are not using science. They are using arbitrary items that 
have shut down more than 6,500 small businesses in the State of New 
York. Open up the State of New York so small businesses can operate and 
grow.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. 
Banks), a distinguished Navy veteran, our leader on the Republican 
Study Committee, and a rising podcast star.
  Mr. BANKS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the ranking member, and I 
congratulate my friend in his new leadership role in addressing what is 
one of the most important issues in our country today, which is fiscal 
irresponsibility and a now nearly $30 trillion national debt. I 
appreciate his leadership.

  Mr. Speaker, that is why today I rise in opposition to this, the 
Democrats' sham $2.1 trillion parody of a budget. Democrats, in their 
own words, having failed again to pass a budget last year, now say: 
``The 2021 budget resolution has a single purpose. It gives Congress 
the option of using a budget reconciliation.''
  However, this is a very different tune than what my Democrat 
colleagues said just a few years ago. In August 2017, Senate Majority 
Leader Schumer said reconciliation is ``the wrong way to do the 
business of the country,'' and he demanded a bipartisan solution 
instead.
  Democrats are once again shirking their duty to produce a budget 
while intending to ram a partisan spending bill down the throats of the 
American people.
  However, in 2019, the Republican Study Committee, which I chair, 
produced a budget that balanced in 6 years. It reduced tax burdens on 
American families, limited the Federal Government to our core 
constitutional responsibilities, and prioritized individual liberty.
  Speaker Pelosi once infamously said: ``Show me your values. Show me 
your budget.''
  Well, now we know what those values are. At a time when most small 
businesses are fighting for their lives, they would proudly impose 
minimum wage hikes and Green New Deal sanctions that would starve our 
economy.
  What they won't tell you, though, is where they plan on getting this 
money

[[Page H298]]

from--from American workers, American families, and robbing future 
generations. That is where.
  Mr. Speaker, every dollar taxed, borrowed, or printed by the 
government is a dollar taken from a hardworking family. It is a credit 
on a small business, or it ends up creating price bubbles that wipe out 
a lifetime of savings.
  Mr. Speaker, we know these are their values, but I ask: Are these 
America's values?
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman 
from California (Ms. Waters), the distinguished chair of the Committee 
on Financial Services.
  Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I happily rise in support of this joint 
budget resolution for fiscal year 2021 to enact our President Biden's 
American Rescue Plan and provide urgently needed COVID-19 relief.
  Thank God for President Biden. We have been without a plan with a 
President who was busy trying to steal votes and abandon the American 
people when he knew that we were suffering.
  Communities across the Nation continue to suffer during this pandemic 
crisis. Congress has a duty to act and come to the aid of struggling 
individuals, families, and small businesses.
  Mr. Speaker, this is not about giving tax breaks to the richest 
people in America the way the past President and the Republicans are 
intent on always doing.
  President Biden's plan provides the relief that America needs so 
badly. The plan increases the stimulus payments to individuals in 
December to $2,000, adding $1,400 for every individual; extends 
enhanced unemployment assistance; and provides nutritional assistance 
to address growing hunger.
  Mr. Speaker, people are hungry all over America. They are hungry in 
the cities, in the little towns, in the rural areas. This plan provides 
nutritional assistance to address this growing hunger and includes $350 
billion in funding for State, local, Tribal, and territorial 
governments.
  Mr. Speaker, as chairwoman of the House Committee on Financial 
Services, I have been sounding the alarm about the urgent need for 
emergency rental and homeless assistance during this crisis, as 
millions are at risk of losing their homes. They don't care on the 
other side whether families will be set out on the sidewalks with their 
children. The past President turned a blind eye to the fact that people 
have not been able to pay their rents since March.
  Mr. Speaker, pursuant to this resolution, my committee will quickly 
consider an additional $25 billion to support renters and their 
landlords, including by funding emergency housing vouchers, Tribal 
housing assistance, and rural housing. We will provide another round of 
funding for people experiencing homelessness, who are often the most 
vulnerable to the pandemic.
  Mr. Speaker, my committee will also quickly respond to the urgent 
needs of small and minority-owned businesses by establishing programs 
used successfully during the financial crisis to promote growth in the 
economy.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 15 seconds to the 
gentlewoman.
  Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, importantly, my committee will support our 
President's effort to roll out a comprehensive Federal plan to address 
the pandemic by considering how to bolster the authorities under the 
Defense Production Act to ensure our frontline workers have the medical 
equipment and supplies they need to fight this pandemic.
  Mr. Speaker, I am so pleased we finally have a plan for America.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, the last 2 weeks, working-class 
Americans have faced a great target on their backs from the new 
President. By the stroke of a pen--47 different executive orders and 
actions--he has fired hundreds of thousands of American workers.
  Mr. Speaker, by the stroke of a pen, in the last 2 weeks, the sitting 
President has fired hundreds of thousands of American workers who are 
wondering where their next paycheck will come from, who are wondering 
how they are going to pay their mortgage, who are wondering how they 
are going to survive in South Dakota, North Dakota, Texas, Wyoming, 
Colorado.
  Just because this President was trying to unify his liberal base, he 
fired hundreds of thousands of American workers. It is war on the 
working class.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Iowa (Mrs. 
Hinson), a distinguished journalist.
  Mrs. HINSON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Missouri.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to this sham budget 
resolution. When I came to Congress, I said I would work with anybody 
to get things done and deliver for Iowans. I know there will be 
opportunities to do that, and I hope there are across the aisle.
  But today, I have to say I am disappointed that we are debating a 
hyper-partisan resolution instead. It is a disgrace to taxpayers. It 
was crafted in the back rooms. And Iowans' seat at the table was taken 
away through this process today.
  As a result, this budget resolution will allow major legislation to 
move along partisan lines, including President Biden's $1.9 trillion 
spending plan.
  Mr. Speaker, this plan isn't about COVID relief at all. It is about 
jamming through a liberal agenda, including a $15 minimum wage mandate.

                              {time}  1445

  This would absolutely decimate our rural economy in Iowa and would 
destroy livelihoods across my district.
  The Congressional Budget Office estimates that a $15 minimum wage 
would kill at least 1.3 million jobs. So let's talk about the real 
people here, the workers, the Iowans who make up these statistics.
  Cubs Auto Shop is a small business in Brooklyn, Iowa, in my district. 
The owner built his business from the ground up, and he told us that a 
$15 Federal minimum wage would make it hard to expand his business at 
all.
  We need economic growth now more than ever before. He is just one of 
my many constituents who have told me they would have to lay off 
workers, raise prices, or even shut down permanently if a $15 minimum 
wage becomes a reality. This might be right for California and New 
York, but one-size-fits-all Federal minimum wage mandates would destroy 
small businesses and rural communities in my district.
  It is unacceptable that the budget would be used to push this 
through. Instead, we should be using it to stop Washington's pork 
spending.
  So, today, I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to oppose 
this faux budget resolution and stand up for taxpayers.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I want to welcome the gentlewoman from Iowa 
to the House of Representatives and just remark that when she said that 
this is a plan that was crafted in secret, this plan was crafted during 
the 2020 campaign. It was part of President Biden's agenda, and every 
American voter had a chance to register his or her support for that 
plan.
  Mr. Speaker, may I inquire from the Chair as to how much time remains 
on both sides.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Suozzi). The gentleman from Kentucky has 
20 minutes remaining. The gentleman from Missouri has 13 minutes 
remaining.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New 
York (Mr. Higgins), a distinguished member of the Budget Committee.
  Mr. HIGGINS of New York. Mr. Speaker, the past year has tested 
America's resolve and steeled our character. We enter a new year 
optimistic with still much work before us.
  The pandemic has taken much from us, but it has also shown us the 
best of our country: Americans helping one another through acts of 
charity and kindness; health workers going nonstop to treat, test, 
trace, and vaccinate; teachers, firefighters, police, and sanitation 
workers serving the public at great risk to their own health.
  Vaccines are being distributed and administered. Hope is in sight. 
But many Americans are still in peril, and Congress must act.
  President Biden's American Rescue Plan is the bold initiative which 
meets this critical moment. Now is the time to go big, to guarantee 
every family has food and shelter over their heads; to safely get our 
children back into the classrooms; to protect our small businesses, 
restaurants, and workers who braved this pandemic; and to invest in

[[Page H299]]

our State and local communities that have fought this virus on the 
front lines.
  I strongly urge my colleagues to support this budget resolution. Only 
through bold action can we crush this virus, return to normal, and 
build a stronger Nation.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Michigan (Mr. Kildee), a distinguished member of the Budget Committee.
  Mr. KILDEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this budget resolution, 
which gives Congress the additional legislative tool it needs to pass 
the urgently needed coronavirus relief for our constituents and for our 
communities. I am very pleased that President Biden has made defeating 
this virus his top priority.
  This pandemic is not over. COVID-19 continues to pose both a health 
and economic crisis, so we have to respond with solutions that are 
scaled to the size and scope of this problem. By passing this 
resolution, Congress will be able to get relief to people more quickly: 
more resources for vaccine distribution; more aid to reopen schools 
safely; additional support for families, for seniors, for small 
businesses that are hurting.
  I know that Republicans and Democrats share these common goals. In 
fact, they are speaking up all across the country. Republicans and 
Democrats support this big and bold approach.
  We should work together in this body to manifest that and pass this 
legislation, so we get the people the help they need.
  Doing nothing is not an option, and neither is doing too little. In 
fact, we have heard so much about the long-term economic impact. The 
truth of the matter is, doing nothing or doing too little will cost us 
more money, an estimated 4 million jobs that could be lost. The impact 
on families, the impact on all of us, would be tremendous if we fail to 
scale the response to the size of this problem.
  Mr. Speaker, my Republican colleagues were very quick to use this 
very same process to pass legislation that we received the day before 
we voted on it, to give massive tax cuts to the very people at the very 
top of the economy. Now, when we see a crisis that literally is 
threatening the lives and the livelihoods of Americans, we have to use 
every tool we can to get them the help they need.
  I support this resolution, and I urge my colleagues to do so as well.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman from Michigan, and I will 
remind him that his State government has already received $10 billion 
in taxpayer bailouts and will receive another $10.5 under this plan.
  However, if President Biden wouldn't have done 1 of his 47 executive 
orders, his State would have received another $230 million. But the 
President shortchanged the State of Michigan by $230 million because of 
one of his 47 strokes of the pen in the last 2 weeks. So, I think the 
gentleman would be a little upset with his President for that action.

  Also, because of the lockdowns, the State of Michigan has lost more 
than 3,500 small businesses. Such a shame.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Jacobs), a great addition to the Budget Committee.
  Mr. JACOBS of New York. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to 
the budget resolution put forth by the majority.
  Rather than seek bipartisan consensus, Democrats are effectively 
shutting out Republicans through this reconciliation process. The 
Democrats are proposing to spend $1.9 trillion, one of the largest 
single expenditures in U.S. history.
  They will be funding this historic expenditure by dramatically 
increasing our national debt, and these unprecedented and historic 
obligations are being undertaken without engaging in the Budget 
Committee at all.
  Just because the Democrats have control of both Houses and the 
Presidency does not mean they should be abusing this power, bypassing 
the important and deliberative role of the legislative process instead 
of working in earnest with the Republican Members.
  In the 116th Congress, we were able to find bipartisan consensus on 
COVID relief, and I believe we can do the same here now.
  This go-it-alone approach is very unfortunate because there are many 
provisions in President Biden's proposal that I could support. I have 
been calling for additional aid to local governments since I arrived 
here in Congress this summer. Further, we most definitely need more 
resources to ensure a more robust deployment of vaccines throughout the 
Nation.
  This partisan approach to relief legislation is damaging and 
unproductive. I hope the majority will reconsider this process.
  I want to believe President Biden's calls for unity, bipartisanship, 
and cooperation. I was encouraged to see the talks between the White 
House and the Senate Republicans. This is exactly how we should be 
working to address the needs of the American people.
  During these very challenging times, I stand ready and willing to 
work with the Biden administration and any of my colleagues across the 
aisle to help the American people.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Nevada (Mr. Horsford), a distinguished member of the Budget Committee.
  Mr. HORSFORD. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Con. Res. 
11.
  And before I start, I want to just let the ranking member know, my 
job is to get as many resources to my State as possible from this COVID 
relief. So, I hope you report how much money my State has received, and 
please say ``Nevada'' correctly when you do it.
  That money is needed to help workers, families, and small businesses 
who are struggling during the worst pandemic that we have experienced 
in a generation.
  Now, 3 years ago, Republicans pushed through the biggest tax cuts in 
American history for the wealthiest Americans and the biggest 
corporations. Those tax cuts added nearly $2 trillion to the national 
debt without a whisper about fiscal conservatism from my colleagues on 
the other side.
  Now, in the middle of a pandemic, one that has resulted in more than 
400,000 deaths of our fellow Americans, millions of jobs that have been 
lost, and countless small businesses that have been shuttered, my 
colleagues on the other side want to talk about the deficit.
  Well, I am calling your bluff. This isn't about the deficit; it is 
about obstruction. And if Republicans would rather watch their 
constituents--to the ranking member, you have the same constituents. 
You have talked to me about the fact that your district is one of the 
poorest districts in the country. You and I have talked. You are also a 
member of the Ways and Means Committee. I have relatives in Missouri, 
so I am just as concerned about those workers, those families, and 
those small businesses.
  We want to crush the virus, but in my home State, we can't recover 
and reopen our economy until we crush this virus. So, I need you to 
work with us. There is nothing in this resolution that says Republicans 
can't join on board. The President said today that he is willing to 
entertain suggestions on how to move forward.
  But my vote for this resolution is a call to my colleagues to work 
with us to get this done because our constituents are counting on us, 
not blue State constituents or red State constituents but American 
constituents.
  I represent rural parts of my district that are conservative, and I 
have urban parts of my district that are not. I am fighting for all of 
them.
  I am taking a stand, and I am asking you to work with us to pass this 
American Rescue Plan for all families, for all workers, and for all 
small businesses that have suffered for far too long. I know that these 
are divided times, but bipartisanship can change that.
  Mr. Ranking Member, I am asking you to work with us, not in the 
majority, but as colleagues to do the right thing on behalf of all of 
our constituents because that is why each one of us was elected. 
Courage is what American people deserve most, Mr. Speaker.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to address their 
remarks to the Chair.

[[Page H300]]

  

  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Nevada for his 
comments and how we are eager to work in a bipartisan approach in this 
package. That is why we are kind of frustrated, because our committee 
has not even organized so that we could even have a discussion on a 
bipartisan approach.
  Instead, the majority's side decided to force through this 
reconciliation without even going through the Budget Committee because 
they have not even organized.
  So, I would love to work with them, but you have already closed the 
door. Hopefully, you will reopen it so we can discuss this, and I would 
love to work with him.
  Also, in my State, in my congressional district, we have operated 
under what I believe are the best processes in fighting COVID, not 
locking down and shutting the doors on your small businesses.
  We have some of the lowest unemployment rates in the State of 
Missouri, thanks to the leadership of Governor Parson. Also, we have 
the lowest death rates of COVID in our State, thanks to the leadership 
of Governor Mike Parson.
  I wish the States of Nevada, California, and New York, and a lot of 
other States, would open up and stop the lockdowns and follow the 
science. Then, there wouldn't be bailout pieces of legislation to go to 
the States that have made the wrong choices.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to address their 
remarks to the Chair.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the 
gentlewoman from Indiana (Mrs. Spartz), a true patriot.

                              {time}  1500

  Mrs. SPARTZ. Mr. Speaker, as a finance professional and CPA who spent 
over a decade working in advanced finance, as former accounting college 
faculty, and as a mother of two young daughters, I am appalled at how 
reckless, irresponsible, and broken our budgeting process is.
  The Congressional Budget Act of 1974 and the intent of fast-track 
reconciliations has been completely misused, often by both parties. 
These budgeting gimmicks are unacceptable. We must reinstate the 
deliberative process in our House and restore transparency, 
accountability, and basic principles of budgeting.
  I hope my Democrat colleagues will express similar concerns to their 
leadership, since we all care about the future of our children and our 
country.
  As their fellow Democrat Senator once said: We are in the process now 
of seeing the Pandora's box, which has been opened to the abuse of the 
reconciliation process.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Texas (Mr. Doggett), who is a distinguished member of the Budget 
Committee.
  Mr. DOGGETT. ``Reconciliation'' defines not only this budget process, 
but, to most Americans, it simply means that you come together to 
overcome prior differences. President Biden has made clear his desire 
to reconcile, to come together. We welcome Republican proposals, but we 
steadfastly reject Republican delay. Too many Americans are struggling 
to let these filibustering Republican Senators repeat what happened 
last year. You remember, Mr. Speaker. We waited, we waited, and we 
waited more than seven months, and, finally, they yielded at the edge 
of Christmas and gave us too little, too late.
  After so much dithering, today represents an opportunity for 
Republicans to reconcile. They need to reconcile with the truth. They 
need to reconcile with the facts--not phony ``alternative facts,'' but 
reality; to come together, with us, for American families who never 
received those 100 million vaccines that President Trump told us would 
be here last year, to reconcile with the reality of anxious Americans 
today who are out there calling, standing in lines, and trying 
anxiously to get some protection from this pandemic that wasn't 
provided last year.
  When the Senate is permitted to become a graveyard for important 
legislation for American families, too many Americans are sent 
prematurely to the graveyard.
  Could anyone have imagined here a year ago that Trump Republicans who 
refused to prepare and respond to this pandemic--remember when they 
claimed that the virus would simply just disappear like a miracle?
  Could anyone have imagined that now as a result of their approach, 
almost half a million Americans are dead and more to come from their 
vanishing virus?
  As that virus has evolved to become more transmittable, cannot our 
colleagues evolve to hear the need for vaccine, for food, and to not 
having people sleep under bridges?
  Let's reconcile, let's make amends, and let's deliver relief now.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman from 
Texas, but I would like to remind this Chamber again that the 
administration's hostility to the energy industry has demonstrated by 
just the stroke of a pen his executive actions have threatened at least 
120,000 jobs in the State of Texas.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from the great State 
of Wisconsin (Mr. Grothman), who is a veteran of the Budget Committee, 
whom I am glad to have back.
  Mr. GROTHMAN. Mr. Speaker, I know normally Congressmen take this 
opportunity to talk about some hot-button issue; therefore I feel a 
little regret that I am going to have to delve into what the great 
English historian Thomas Carlyle called the dismal science. I am going 
to have to address economics.
  I am going to talk about two issues. I am going to talk about the 
monetary supply, and I am going to talk about inflation. It is a little 
bit boring, but they are both very important.
  First, the monetary supply. If you wonder where I get these numbers, 
Mr. Speaker, you can google John Williams' ``Shadow Government 
Statistics.'' I am going to talk about M1 and M2.
  M1 is a narrow definition of the monetary supply. We are now up 
rocketing at over 65 percent increase. You can go back 20 years and the 
highest prior increase is under 20 percent. So when you have this much 
of an outlier, look out.
  Some people would say M2, which is a more narrow definition, 
including things like certificates of deposit, is better; but even that 
amount is shooting up 25 percent a year. The previous high in the last 
20 years was 18 percent in 2008. And you remember what happened after 
2008.
  As the great James Garfield, Republican President--oh, how we wish he 
had a full 4 years--said: ``He who controls the money supply of a 
nation controls the nation.''
  Please, I beg the chairman of the Budget Committee, before proceeding 
forth here, hold a hearing on the money supply.
  Secondly, I want to talk about inflation a little bit. Sometimes it 
is forgotten that in both 1980 and 1990, we changed the definition of 
inflation. But I am old enough to remember the Jimmy Carter years and 
how devastating it was when we used to have inflation of over 15 
percent.
  Right now, if you had that definition back then, inflation would 
already be running at about 10 percent a year. Even if you looked after 
1990, when, again, the definition changed, we ran inflation at about 5 
percent a year. Now, you can only imagine what would happen if we throw 
another $2 trillion of money and the amount of inflation will go up.
  Look at the cost of housing in the supposed economic downturn. 
Already the cost of housing is going up. That should be a danger sign 
for everybody.
  I was critical of the past administration on a variety of things. I 
was opposed to President Trump's $2,000-a-person thing for this reason. 
I think there is still time to turn back before we have a huge problem 
with the money supply and the overall stockmarket, and we can still 
show that this Congress has a little bit of fiscal responsibility.
  I again beg: Please have a hearing not just on the monetary supply, 
but a hearing on inflation.
  As Herbert Stein, an economist of some fame and even more famous as 
Ben Stein's dad, said: ``If something can't go on forever, it won't.''
  I ask the chairman to please have a hearing on monetary supply and 
inflation.

[[Page H301]]

  

  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New 
York (Mr. Jeffries), who is the chairman of the Democratic Caucus and a 
distinguished member of the Budget Committee.
  Mr. JEFFRIES. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished chair of the 
Budget Committee from the Commonwealth of Kentucky for yielding, as 
well as for his tremendous leadership in connection with this 
resolution and the effort to deal with this moment that we find 
ourselves in this country.
  These are challenging times in the United States of America, filled 
with pain, suffering, and death. More than 425,000 Americans have died. 
Over 26 million Americans have been infected by the coronavirus. More 
than 100,000 small businesses have permanently closed. Tens of millions 
of Americans have been grappling with unemployment or food insecurity. 
Many are on the brink of homelessness.
  These are challenging times in the United States of America, filled 
with pain, suffering, and death. Now is not the time for obfuscation or 
moderation. Now is the time to go big and to decisively deal with the 
problems that everyday Americans are confronting.
  COVID-19 is a once-in-a-century pandemic. It requires a once-in-a-
century, comprehensive, continuing, and compassionate congressional 
response. That is what the American Rescue Plan put forth by President 
Biden is all about.
  We must crush the coronavirus through testing, tracing, treatment, 
and vaccinations for every single American. We must provide direct 
relief to everyday Americans by increasing survival checks to $2,000 
per person. We must lay the foundation to supercharge our economy so we 
can build back better for the people. That is what the American Rescue 
Plan is all about. That is what today's vote is all about.
  Vote ``yes'' so we can move America forward and put this virus behind 
us once and for all.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Roy), who is a true defender of conservative 
principles.
  Mr. ROY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished gentleman from 
Missouri for yielding. I enjoyed working with him on the Budget 
Committee the last 2 years. I wish I was this time. Maybe we will do it 
in a couple of years.
  I enjoy working with the distinguished chairman from Kentucky, but I 
find it interesting that after 2 years on the Budget Committee I am 
finally seeing a budget resolution, because I sure didn't see one for 
the last 2 years.
  But here we are. We are on the floor of the House of Representatives, 
allegedly the people's House.
  Do I get to offer an amendment? Do I get to say a single word about 
what is in this $2 trillion bill?
  No, because this is fake.
  The American people are looking at the people's House. They are 
asking: What are we doing?
  We are surrounded by fences and razor wire. We are going through 
magnetometers. I am sitting here on the floor of the House with a $2 
trillion bill larded up for political purposes that I never had a 
chance to amend, debate or have any discussion about besides 2 minutes 
or 3 minutes here with a prepackaged bill done in smoke-filled rooms, 
brought to the floor, and I am told to vote ``yes'' or ``no,'' push the 
green button, push the red button.
  That is what we have taken the people's House and reduced it to.
  We have $4 trillion that we have spent on COVID relief. With all due 
respect to my colleagues on the other side of the aisle who are saying 
go big, we have spent $4 trillion.
  I have worked on a bipartisan basis with my friend, Dean Phillips, to 
pass the PPP Flexibility Act. We are all working hard to help the 
American people, but this resolution is a sham.
  When are we going to get in committee and vote and debate and roll 
our sleeves up and offer amendments? When are we going to do the work 
that we were sent here to do?
  The distinguished leader from Maryland has been here a while, 
respectfully. This place has changed. The gentleman from Maryland and I 
have talked about this.
  When are we going to offer amendments? When are we going to debate 
and vote on those amendments?
  That is what bipartisanship is, not throwing a $2 trillion 
reconciliation measure to use as pressure with the Senate to play games 
so that you can try to force the hand of the Senate to get the 60 
votes, and then come down here and say: Oh, yeah, we have done 
something great with some budget reconciliation.
  Have we had any debate down here about what is actually affecting the 
people of this country? Or do we have a bunch of show speeches?
  When are we going to turn this body back into the people's House? 
When are we going to turn this into something the American people can 
be proud about, that we are sitting here debating something serious?

  Should we have $300 billion for local governments? Should we have 
some help for small businesses? Should we have something?
  Let's debate this out. No one over here wants to see their people 
suffer in the States that they represent. But we want businesses open. 
We want economic growth and opportunity. We don't want to point 
fingers. We have 30-something million vaccines distributed. Let's not 
point fingers. Let's take the work that has been done by the previous 
administration, by this body on a bipartisan basis, and let's move 
forward and get this country working again.
  China is about to roll right over us if we don't do our job, Mr. 
Speaker.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume 
to respond to my friend from Texas, to say that, in about 3 weeks or a 
little less, the Budget Committee will have a piece of legislation 
which actually goes into the details of the American Rescue Plan and 
includes those. There will be a markup. The gentleman will have every 
opportunity to offer amendments, and then that bill will come to the 
floor as well. So don't give up hope.
  Mr. ROY. Will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Texas.
  Mr. ROY. I am no longer on the Budget Committee. So will I have the 
ability to offer amendments?
  Mr. YARMUTH. We will have a floor debate as well. In regular order, 
the gentleman will go through the Rules Committee.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from 
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).

                              {time}  1515

  Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Roy is walking off the floor, but I am 
one of those Members that has sympathy for his frustration. I have 
sympathy for his frustration because I have served here for a long time 
when we did things in a bipartisan, regular order way.
  But I hope the gentleman shared the same frustration when we passed a 
tax bill that did $2 trillion, at a time when the economy didn't need a 
tax cut and the people who got the tax cut clearly did not need it. And 
I had the same frustration the gentleman has expressed.
  As the gentleman who chairs the committee pointed out, this is the 
first step, however, in giving instructions on what committees ought to 
do, and doesn't tell them exactly how to do it. Next week is going to 
be an entire committee week in which 12 committees will consider how to 
achieve the objectives set forth in the budget resolution. But I do 
share, and we ought all share that we don't act in the bipartisan 
fashion in which we ought to.
  The President met with 10 Republican Senators. They are pretty far 
apart. I am going to speak a little bit about the substance of this, 
but I want to assure the gentleman that I am a big supporter of regular 
order. I think we ought to pass all 12 appropriations bills and not do 
these omnibus bills that nobody knows what is in them: not you, not me. 
I am the majority leader. You think, well, he knows all that is in 
there. I don't. Why? Because they are so massive that you really don't 
have an opportunity and we don't debate them fully. So I want to say 
that I share the frustration.
  On this, I think we need to move quickly, and I am going say why in 
the comments that I make. But I didn't want the gentleman to go off the 
floor thinking that everybody was simply dismissing, not so much the 
substance, but the frustration he feels, I feel, and I think so many of 
our Members feel about the process being either too quick or too slow, 
too comprehensive, too incomprehensible. So I just wanted to say that 
to the gentleman.

[[Page H302]]

  

  Mr. ROY. Will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. HOYER. I yield to the gentleman from Texas.
  Mr. ROY. I would just ask if we might be able to at least meet in 
private and have discussions about how to restore regular order and 
offer amendments on the floor because to the distinguished chairman of 
the Budget Committee that is great to debate it in committee, but I am 
no longer on the Budget Committee, so I would love to have the ability 
to debate on the floor and have regular order. And I just think if we 
could just have a conversation, sit in a room and figure out how we can 
do that going forward, no matter who is in charge of the Chamber.
  Mr. HOYER. Reclaiming my time, Mr. Speaker, we have passed four major 
pieces of legislation. They weren't partisan pieces of legislation. 
They weren't rushed through by Democrats and, in fact, a Republican 
President had to sign all four of those bills. The first one, an $8.3 
billion bill, four times what the President asked for, but ultimately, 
he said, yes, we need that much, and that was way, way, way too little. 
But we thought it was a huge sum of money at that point in time. It 
passed 415-2.
  On March 14, we passed the Families First Coronavirus Response Act, 
363-40.
  On March 27, just a few days--this is all within weeks of one 
another, we passed the CARES Act, about $2 trillion, voice vote, $2 
trillion, about the same amount as this bill suggests. Frankly, since 
that time, we have had hundreds of thousands of Americans die from 
COVID, and our economy go up and down, but now it is tanking, and we 
are all concerned about that.
  George Bush came to the House when I was majority leader the first 
time and said, we need $700 billion, actually, a little more than that, 
$700 billion to loan to big banks. Loan to big banks? And Ben Bernanke, 
then the chair of the Federal Reserve said, if you don't do it, we are 
going to go into a depression.
  So what happened, Mr. Speaker, was Democrats carried that bill for 
George Bush, a Republican President, and Republicans gave him one-third 
of their votes, their President--he was our President, but theirs in 
the sense he was a Republican.
  So I am a little frustrated when I hear, well, we can't do this 
because we passed the Paycheck Protection Program and Health Care 
Enhancement Act, very controversial, a big bill, 388-5. Now, what does 
that tell you? What does it tell the American people? That there was a 
consensus that it is a crisis in America that there is no example for 
it in the past. And so we need to move.
  We had an election. The President of the United States said we had to 
move, and we passed a $900-plus billion bill, and the President said, 
by the way, it wasn't enough. He wanted to see more. He wanted to see 
substantially more in payments to the American people because they were 
struggling.
  So, Mr. Speaker, this is a continuation of what has, throughout the 
year--we are not yet at the year, the first year of COVID, and so far, 
we have dealt with it in a bipartisan way, and robustly, because of the 
magnitude of the challenge.
  People are suffering from the most severe public health emergency in 
our lifetimes and the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression, 
and they are looking to Washington for help.
  After we enacted, Mr. Speaker, the CARES Act in March 2020 to get 
American workers, businesses, and communities through the spring and 
summer months, the Trump administration and Republican-controlled 
Senate hit the pause button.
  We passed the Heroes Act May 15. We then waited and waited and tried 
to negotiate. Mr. McConnell said, no, let the States go bankrupt. And 
Mr. McCarthy said, let's see what happens. And tens of thousands, 
hundreds of thousands of people died, and the economy has regressed.
  That pause crippled our Nation's response, both to the public health 
emergency and the economic one as supports authorized by the CARES Act 
faded.
  While we were finally able to reach bipartisan agreement on COVID-19 
relief at the end of December, December 16, to be exact, much damage 
had been done and we knew, we knew, we all knew that the December 
legislation would not be enough, Mr. Speaker, and that we would have to 
act again. Now we are doing so.

  Now, very frankly, when we were at the greatest recession, not 
depression, in December of 2007, and then 2008, and then when we took 
over and could act on a relief bill, we passed a $787 billion bill, 
relatively small by the kinds of sums we are talking about now, and it 
saved us from depression, and not a single Republican in the House of 
Representatives voted for that.
  Now, remember, 172 Democrats voted for George W. Bush's TARP 
legislation. Not a single Republican stepped in to help the American 
economy, not one. So when I hear about bipartisanship, I think to 
myself, gee, I am for bipartisanship, and we will all be for it. And I 
will tell you, the proof of the pudding is those 172 votes that voted 
for TARP; and without TARP, I think the country would have gone into 
depression.
  Now, President Biden has outlined the next steps we need to take as 
part of the American Rescue Plan. The budget resolution before us today 
provides us with one path to put that plan into action with the next 
round of major relief for our people.
  The gentleman from Texas lamented, well, this is a farce. Let me tell 
you, if this farce passes, millions of families are going to get 
thousands of dollars to support themselves and buy food and pay their 
mortgage and pay their rent. This is very real.
  Now, this is not the only path. Let me be clear, Mr. Speaker, we want 
this to be a bipartisan endeavor. Joe Biden's entire career, which is 
an extensive career, shows his bipartisanship, and I hope the 
discussions between the President and a small group of Senate 
Republicans will lead to a responsible and actionable bipartisan 
compromise that can pass the Senate with 60 votes and get to the 
President's desk in the coming weeks.
  But make no mistake; we will not seek compromise at the expense of 
necessary action. The American people cannot wait for Republicans to 
work their way through another pause.
  Democrats are taking this step today to ensure that we have all the 
procedural tools necessary to move forward with the relief so sorely 
needed for the American people in case the preferred path of 
bipartisanship is unsuccessful, particularly because expanded 
unemployment benefits expire on March 14.
  So, Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me, to join the 
chairman in a bipartisan way in voting for this resolution so we can 
assure the American people that Congress is moving forward with the 
relief they need and in the timely manner they ought to expect.
  If we care about American families, if we care about children who are 
going hungry, if we care about renters who can't pay rent and landlords 
who need that rent to pay their bills--now, some of them may be giants, 
but most of them are small--this bill cannot wait. This bill needs to 
pass as soon as we can possibly pass it.
  I urge all my colleagues, vote for this resolution, and let's take a 
first, critically important step to passing this bill that will be 
constructed by 12 different committees here, committees in the Senate, 
and put together, as the chairman has just pointed out, and we will 
have to vote on it again as a final product, for the people.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is 
remaining?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman has 8 minutes remaining.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee), a distinguished member of the Budget 
Committee.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, let me thank the distinguished chairman 
of the Budget Committee for the masterful way that he has led the 
Budget Committee and the masterful way that he has led this debate.
  In the next couple of months, close to 600,000 Americans will die; 
loved ones will be forbidden from going to their bedside; and some of 
them will find themselves lodged in refrigerator trucks.
  Individuals in our districts, like the woman in my district, will 
report that she has $8 in her bank account and the potential for being 
evicted.
  Mr. Speaker, what we are doing today is a rescue mission, like we 
needed to do for the fires in California, or

[[Page H303]]

Hurricane Harvey, or like we needed to do when I fled the United States 
Capitol as the planes were hitting the Pentagon in 9/11. This is a 
rescue mission.
  And I will not take a back seat all the years that I have known 
President Biden to ever deny his sincerity about bipartisanship. I have 
worked alongside of him. He is the leader who brought us out of the 
depths of depression with the automobile collapse. He is the one that 
led us in the recovery act after the debacle of the collapse of Wall 
Street in 2007 and 2008.
  I was here when the Secretary of the Treasury said, America will not 
be the America that it was, we are going down. And so, we need to go 
big. The Secretary of the Treasury says--a renowned economist--says we 
need to go big.
  This is a time for our friends to listen to Abraham Lincoln: ``The 
dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present. The 
occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the 
occasion. As our case is new, so we must think anew and act anew.''
  Our case is new. We are needing the $1,400. We are needing the 
eviction moratorium. We are needing unemployment extension.
  And finally, let me say, Mr. Speaker, we are needing to ensure that 
this work is done on behalf of the American people. We need a rescue 
mission and we need it now.
  Mr. Speaker, as a senior member of the Committees on the Judiciary, 
on Homeland Security, on the Budget, and as the Member of Congress for 
a congressional district that has experienced the worst of COVID-19 as 
a public health emergency and economic catastrophe, I rise in strong 
support of H. Con. Res. 11, which reorders budgetary priorities to 
provide $1.9 trillion to allow Congress to take immediate and decisive 
action to crush the virus and vaccinate our people, build the economy 
back better, reopen schools, and provide needed support and assistance 
to state and local governments that have been asked to do too much with 
too little for far too long.
  So if our Republican colleagues are amenable to reaching an agreement 
on a legislative response that is commensurate to the challenge facing 
Americans, nothing in the legislation before will preclude that from 
happening.
  But have no doubt, if they refuse to be part of the solution, the 
unified and bicameral Democratic congressional majority, in 
coordination with the new Democratic Administration, will take the lead 
and act boldly to address and overcome the present crisis.
  I would urge my Republican colleagues to heed the words of the 
Republican Governor of West Virginia who said colorfully just a few 
days ago, ``At this point in time in this nation, we need to go big. We 
need to quit counting the egg-sucking legs on the cows and count the 
cows and just move. And move forward and move right now.''
  The same sentiment was expressed more eloquently by Abraham Lincoln 
in 1862 when he memorably wrote:
  The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present. 
The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the 
occasion. As our case is new, so we must think anew and act anew.
  Mr. Speaker, the bipartisan action we took last December was a step 
in the right direction but only a long-delayed down payment; we cannot 
afford any more delays, especially since Republican stalling already 
caused a painful lapse in critical unemployment assistance last year, 
and additional unemployment assistance is set to expire in March.
  That why this resolution, which creates a failsafe alternative to 
debating, voting, and passing the American Rescue Act, is absolutely 
crucial and the right thing to do, right now.
  The American Rescue Plan proposed by President Biden takes a 
multiprong approach to tackling the public health and economic crises 
stemming from the COVID-19 pandemic.
  Mr. Speaker, by an overwhelming margin (79 percent), the public wants 
and is demanding that we act to provide more economic relief to address 
the damage caused by the coronavirus pandemic.
  Nearly two-thirds (65 percent) of Republicans and Republican-leaning 
independents believe an additional relief package is necessary, while 
more than nine in ten (92 percent) Democrats and Democratic leaners say 
more coronavirus aid will be needed.
  Even the most conservative Republicans favor more relief by a 56 
percent-44 percent margin.
  Nearly nine in ten of all adults (88 percent) in lower-income 
households say an additional package is necessary, while 81 percent of 
Republicans in lower-income households (81 percent) say additional aid 
is needed now.
  Let me make clear at the outset Mr. Speaker, that nothing in this 
resolution precludes the reaching of a bipartisan and bicameral 
agreement to pass and fund the President's America Rescue Plan, which 
in nearly all material respects mirrors the Heroes Act passed by the 
House Democratic majority on May 15, 2020, nearly nine months ago, only 
to languish on the Republican Senate Majority Leader's desk while 
hundreds of thousands of our fellow Americans succumbed to the virus 
and millions of others lost their livelihoods and businesses, and 
everyone faced an uncertain future.
  It would send a powerful signal to the American people if our 
colleagues across the aisle would join us in this effort because 
nothing would better show them that elected representatives can put 
partisanship aside and put America first.
  And that bipartisan achievement would portend success for similar 
initiatives in the area of infrastructure, energy, national and 
homeland security, and criminal justice and immigration reform, all of 
which I am ready and willing to reach across the aisle to find common 
ground.
  To beat the virus and safely reopen schools, the plan will mount a 
national vaccination program that includes setting up community 
vaccination sites nationwide and makes the investments necessary to 
safely reopen schools.
  It will also take complementary measures to combat the virus, 
including scaling up testing and tracing, addressing shortages of 
personal protective equipment and other critical supplies, investing in 
high-quality treatments, and addressing health care disparities.
  The American Rescue Plan delivers immediate relief to working 
families bearing the brunt of the crisis by providing $1,400 per person 
in direct cash assistance to households across America, bringing the 
total (including the $600 down payment enacted in December) to $2,000.
  Additionally, the plan will also provide direct housing and nutrition 
assistance to families struggling to get by, expand access to safe and 
reliable child care and affordable health care, extend and expand 
unemployment insurance so American workers can pay their bills, and 
give families with children as well as childless workers a boost 
through enhanced tax credits.
  Mr. Speaker, the American Rescue Plan provides much needed support 
for communities struggling with the economic fallout, including hard-
hit small businesses, especially those owned by entrepreneurs from 
racial and ethnic backgrounds that have experienced systemic 
discrimination.
  Finally, the plan also provides crucial resources to protect the jobs 
of first responders, frontline public health workers, teachers, transit 
workers, and other essential workers that all Americans depend on.
  The 2021 budget resolution is not a comprehensive fiscal blueprint 
for the next 10 years; it is designed solely to provide the option of 
using reconciliation to deliver critical relief and achieve the goals 
of the American Rescue Plan.
  As such, the total spending and revenue levels in the resolution 
simply reflect current-law projections adjusted for the estimated costs 
of the American Rescue Plan.
  Once the American Rescue Plan becomes law, Congress will begin its 
work on a forward-looking, comprehensive budget resolution for 2022 
that will provide urgently needed economic support and address 
longstanding deficits in our communities and underlying inequities in 
our society, which have been so starkly revealed and exacerbated by 
COVID-19.
  I strongly support this legislation and urge all Members to join me 
in voting for its passage.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance 
of my time.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I am privileged to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to 
the gentlewoman from Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky), a distinguished member 
of the Budget Committee.

                              {time}  1530

  Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Mr. Speaker, I am so proud. Only 2 weeks into the new 
Presidency, we are now moving ahead, right now, boldly, to answer the 
cry of the American people and to ultimately pass and implement the 
American Rescue Plan. If you don't hear the cry of your constituents, 
then you aren't listening.
  I want to focus on our communities, our States, our counties, our 
cities, large and small, that are in a crisis situation right now. They 
are starving for help to cover the basic costs that they have, and we 
have an opportunity to give them $350 billion in relief and flexible 
aid that can be used to make sure that our communities stay strong.
  It is not just about budgets, and it is not just about employees. It 
is about our constituents who will find that if

[[Page H304]]

we aren't able to fund the essence of what our communities need, then 
we are going to see firefighters lose their jobs; we are going to see 
paramedics and police and nurses and teachers and sanitation workers 
not available for our communities; and we will see towns and counties 
not able to fund their transportation systems.
  It is time for us to act. It is past time for us to act. Let's do it.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman 
from New Jersey (Mr. Sires), a distinguished member of the Budget 
Committee.
  Mr. SIRES. Mr. Speaker, this resolution is a critical tool that we 
can use to provide relief to millions of Americans by passing President 
Biden's American Rescue Plan.
  COVID-19 has impacted every corner of our Nation, taken loved ones 
from us, sickened millions more, shuttered small businesses, and pushed 
hardworking families into dire straits.
  As we look at the toll this pandemic has taken, we must pass an 
aggressive, large-scale response. We cannot continue in piecemeal 
relief that falls short of addressing the needs of communities in every 
congressional district.
  By setting a reconciliation framework across numerous House 
committees, we can craft a plan that will expand testing and 
vaccination efforts; extend critical lifelines for those who have lost 
their job; support schools, local small businesses, and first 
responders; and send direct aid to those who are struggling.
  The burdens that our Nation has endured over the last year are far 
too high for continued inaction, and I hope that my colleagues will 
join me in supporting this resolution.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman 
from California (Ms. Chu), a distinguished member of the Budget 
Committee.
  Ms. CHU. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of getting the 
American people the help they need and getting it to them fast.
  The budget resolution before us today is simple. It allows Congress 
to act quickly to deliver much-needed assistance to the American people 
so that we can defeat this pandemic. That means more survival checks, 
enhanced unemployment benefits, new grants and loans for small 
businesses, State and local aid, education funding, faster 
vaccinations, and much more.
  This winter has been the most challenging period of the COVID-19 
crisis. People have been driven to desperation with skyrocketing cases, 
hospitalizations, and 440,000 deaths nationwide. But now we see the 
light at the end of the tunnel.
  Every day, over a million more Americans receive safe and effective 
vaccines, and that rate is increasing. That means that it is absolutely 
crucial for Congress to act now to provide enough stimulus and support 
so that our economy, healthcare facilities, local governments, and 
schools have the resources needed to survive and begin to recover.
  The urgency can't be overstated. Last year, Republicans allowed 
unemployment benefits to expire and pushed 8 million Americans into 
poverty. By acting now, we can avert a repeat of this disaster when 
benefits expire again in just 6 short weeks. We can make substantial 
improvements to make sure that we have a more inclusive recovery that 
includes low-wage workers and immigrant families.
  Let's pass this bill and truly help the American people.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman 
from California (Ms. Lee), another distinguished member of the Budget 
Committee.
  Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairman Yarmuth for his 
leadership in putting forth this budget resolution.
  COVID continues to ravage our communities. Black and Brown people 
have been disproportionately impacted the hardest. Now that vaccines 
are being distributed, the disparities in who has been vaccinated are 
quite shocking.
  On top of this health crisis is an economic crisis. Eight million 
more families have fallen into poverty since May. Food banks have lines 
around the block, and 12 million children are going hungry. Enhanced 
unemployment insurance expires next month; small businesses are going 
under; and our State and local governments are struggling to make 
payroll for millions of essential workers.
  Our constituents and communities can't wait. We have to go big, and 
we have to move fast.
  The relief package enabled by this budget resolution is the rescue 
needed to keep people from falling off the cliff. It will also allow us 
to address the glaring racial and ethnic disparities in our pandemic 
response.
  Let me tell you, I am one who believes we should provide ongoing 
payments until the end of the pandemic. Through no fault of their own, 
people's lives and livelihoods have been shattered, but we do provide 
in this package and in this budget enhanced unemployment insurance and 
direct payments.

  We don't have the luxury of time, nor of nickeling-and-diming our 
constituents. We must deliver for the American people a rescue package 
that matches the scale and the scope of the pain in our country.
  Remember, a budget is a moral document that reflects our values, 
which, of course, means we must put people first, regardless of party 
affiliation.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, if this Chamber really cared about helping the working 
class, we would first call on the schools to reopen immediately; end 
the small business lockdowns so Americans can get back to work; and 
stop the President's job-killing executive orders, which are firing 
hundreds of thousands of Americans.
  I stand ready, with my colleagues, on policies that will help support 
the working class. I look for the opportunity that we actually come 
into the Budget Committee, where we can work together and help the 
working class.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Beyer) and 
the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Schweikert) are recognized for 30 
minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Virginia.
  Mr. BEYER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Kentucky (Mr. Yarmuth), the distinguished chairman of the Budget 
Committee.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record the names of the 
Budget Committee staff who worked so tirelessly and competently on this 
piece of legislation.

                  Budget Committee Majority Staff List

       Erika Appel
       Ellen Balis
       Samantha Carter
       Edward Etzkorn
       Jose Guillen
       Jocelyn Harris
       Emily King
       Sarah Lee
       Sheila McDowell
       Diana Meredith
       Kimberly Overbeek
       Barbara Pike
       Katie Raymond
       Scott Russell
       Laura Santos
       Raquel Spencer
       Greg Waring
       Alexandra Weinroth
       Christie Wentworth
       Jennifer Wheelock
       Ted Zegers
       Grady Stevens (intern)

  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, for the record, nothing in this proposal 
should come as a surprise. The resolution's budgetary target matches 
the estimated cost of the American Rescue Plan, every detail of which 
was put forward during President Biden's campaign. Further, many of 
these provisions have already passed the House but languished on 
Senator McConnell's desk.
  Nothing we are doing here precludes a bipartisan deal. But let's be 
clear, the American people overwhelmingly support President Biden's 
plan.
  And I can assure you they couldn't care less about House procedures. 
They want us to act and get them the relief they need now.
  January was the deadliest month yet for COVID. Every 28 seconds, an 
American died from the coronavirus. At that

[[Page H305]]

rate, more than 385 Americans will have died while we are debating this 
resolution.
  We cannot afford to slow down. We need to hurry the hell up.
  Mr. BEYER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I want to begin by recognizing Chairman Yarmuth, whose leadership of 
the Budget Committee is so routinely remarkable that we take it for 
granted.
  The budget resolution we are voting on today will set us on a path to 
defeating the virus and providing urgent relief for millions of 
Americans.
  It is a big moment for this country, and this Chamber and Chairman 
Yarmuth have handled it with characteristic skill and grace.
  I also want to thank Speaker Pelosi for her extraordinary leadership, 
guiding the House through all the challenges since this pandemic began 
and now bringing up legislation that is urgently needed and will 
ultimately sustain millions of Americans during this crisis.
  President Biden has called for a package that meets the moment, and 
Speaker Pelosi has laid out a path that gets us there. The Speaker has 
guided this Chamber brilliantly as we passed the Cares Act; provided 
additional support to families and businesses in the spring and fall; 
and now, as we begin the expeditious process to beat the virus, get the 
American people the relief they need and deserve.
  I am honored that she has asked me to lead the Joint Economic 
Committee this Congress as our country recovers and rebuilds. I look 
forward to partnering with my colleagues on both sides of the aisle on 
the full range of economic challenges and opportunities before us. 
There is so much work to do.
  This legislation will save American lives and give tens of millions 
of Americans the help they need.
  Mr. Speaker, I am a businessman. One of my favorite ideas is: Don't 
show me your values; don't tell me your values; just show me your 
calendar.
  Well, budgets are a statement of values. If you want to know what a 
person or a party really believes, look at how they allocate their 
resources. Show me your budget.
  Four years ago, the Republicans held the White House, the Senate, and 
the House of Representatives. Their signature legislation was a $1.9 
trillion tax cut bill, which overwhelmingly favored the wealthy, the 
top 10 percent. That was a statement of their values.
  Today, Democrats have the responsibility of governing, with Joe Biden 
in the White House and majorities in the House and Senate. We declare 
different values. The most important value is to save American lives. 
The second most important value is to restore American prosperity.
  The budget resolution we consider today is a critical first step to 
achieving both overarching goals. We have to act quickly because those 
aren't the only overwhelming goals that we are facing.
  Climate change. Secretary Yellen, in her confirmation hearing, called 
climate change an existential threat facing the globe. She is right, 
and we can't waste any more time. Temperatures are rising. Glaciers are 
melting. The frequency of forest fires is increasing, as is the 
frequency of once-in-a-hundred-year storms. Carbon emissions are out of 
control.
  Soon, scientists say, we will reach a point of no return. Many 
believe we may already be there, and it doesn't help that the previous 
administration spent 4 years pretending that climate change didn't 
exist.

                              {time}  1545

  And infrastructure: Despite years of ``infrastructure weeks,'' we 
haven't moved the ball on infrastructure at all.
  This harms our country in countless ways, not the least of which it 
makes the United States less competitive around the world. Bad for 
business, bad for consumers, harmful to the next generation.
  Our roads are filled with potholes. Our bridges are falling down. 
Broadband doesn't reach millions of Americans and is priced out of 
reach for millions more. And on and on.
  We have the opportunity to build back better a more equitable, 
inclusive, sustainable, and green economy. But we need policies that 
are aligned with the priorities and the needs of middle-class families, 
not geared toward the wealthy and the well connected.
  This budget resolution reflects deeply held American values, 
preserving lives and health, and creating prosperity for every 
American. It reflects who we are, all Americans, and it deserves our 
complete support.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. SCHWEIKERT. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, first, because I don't get the chance to do this very 
often, this is the Joint Economic Committee. We are basically here to 
talk about the economic impact of this piece of legislation. I am 
joyful to have Mr. Beyer as my opposite. He is someone who I truly 
respect intellectually. If he suggests you read a book, grab it.
  But this is one of those occasions where, having sat through the 
Committee on the Budget's testimony discussion, I am both frustrated 
and a little heartbroken on the number of things that were said that 
actually weren't mathematically true or policy true or accurate. I am 
hoping that those of us on the Joint Economic Committee can actually 
raise the level of this argument and this discourse to being 
hyperfactual because we need to get this right.
  Do understand that a $1.9 trillion bill, if you do the interest, is 
$2.4 trillion to $2.5 trillion. So we need to start getting our 
understanding of the types of dollars we are talking about.
  Mr. Speaker, I don't intend to stand here and just do a bunch of 
responses, but here's the quarterly from the Census Bureau about State 
and local revenues and resources: A 17.7 percent increase in receipts.
  Now, your State might not be that, but 17.7 percent from the Census 
Bureau, their latest document.
  And if you have one of the municipalities that is hurting, that has a 
shortfall, there is still $58 billion sitting in the account that 
hasn't been spent, yet we are talking about adding another $1.9 
trillion in spending.
  Until we also take a moment and understand the almost $1 trillion 
still sitting in the accounts that haven't been released or spent, part 
of this argument we are having today is absolutely absurd.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BEYER. Mr. Speaker, I have a quick response to my dear friend 
from Arizona. While we acknowledge that many of the States actually had 
increased revenues last year, virtually no locality did. I represent 
Northern Virginia, a fairly wealthy part, yet every one of our local 
governments is getting creamed. We had 1.3 million job losses in State 
and local government in 2020. That is not nothing.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. 
Pocan), the immediate past chair of the Congressional Progressive 
Caucus and the most distinguished magician in the U.S. House.
  Mr. POCAN. Mr. Speaker, the American people are hurting, and they 
need our help now. Millions have lost their jobs over the past year 
through no fault of their own, and more than 100,000 small businesses 
have been forced to close forever due to COVID-19. The House has tried 
to do the right thing. We passed multiple relief packages last year 
that began to approach the scale needed to address the suffering in our 
communities, only to meet resistance from Mitch McConnell's Senate and 
the Trump administration.
  Let's be honest, the Federal Government's handling of this pandemic 
has been largely inept. The previous administration said it was just 
the flu, that it would pass before we knew it, that injecting ourselves 
with unproven substances would take care of the problem.
  Extend that magical thinking to testing and vaccine distribution and 
it is easy to see why the American people and the economy are in crisis 
today. Now those same magical thinkers tell us that more aid for people 
suffering across the Nation is not needed.
  The Congressional Budget Office told all of us on Monday that the 
Nation's unemployment rate will not return to prepandemic levels 
throughout the rest of this decade. This decade.
  Let's stop nickel-and-diming our response to this once-in-a-century 
pandemic. Let's follow the advice of almost every major economist who 
has

[[Page H306]]

urged us to act big. Doing too little is the real threat we face.
  State and local governments have been providing tests and assisting 
in vaccine distribution, all while losing tax revenue. They need our 
help.
  The unemployed are at risk of losing their homes, and working people 
are going hungry. They need our help. Small businesses have lost demand 
at a time they need it most to keep people employed. They need our 
help.
  I am proud to support additional direct payments to individuals, aid 
for schools, aid for State and localities' public health programs. I am 
proud to support more aid for struggling small businesses, addressing 
our longstanding need for widespread broadband access, and minimum wage 
that ensures no full-time worker in America lives below the poverty 
line.
  Let's do this. I urge all of my colleagues to support the resolution 
before us.
  Mr. SCHWEIKERT. Mr. Speaker, just a couple points. There is still 
$280 billion sitting in the payroll protection account. There is still 
$239 billion sitting in the health spending account. I am someone who, 
on a personal level--and I believe our Republican side of the Joint 
Economic Committee--believes we need to probably spend more, but it 
needs to be properly targeted so we get the impact.

  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California 
(Mrs. Kim).
  Mrs. KIM of California. Mr. Speaker, I rise today because people are 
hurting, small businesses are struggling to keep their doors open, and 
livelihoods are on the line.
  The COVID-19 pandemic has taken more than 440,000 lives to date. It 
has taken the life of my mother-in-law, and I am sure many of my 
colleagues' loved ones, too.
  Now is the time for unity. Now is the time to come together. Now is 
the time to put down our partisan words and show that Congress can work 
together for the American people.
  Bypassing the chance for bipartisanship is not the way to bring 
relief to the American people or to bring unity. I came to Congress to 
break the partisan gridlock, but the reconciliation process drives us 
farther apart.
  We should strive to focus on issues that we all can get done, like 
providing $160 billion targeted funding for vaccine distribution and to 
reopen our schools safely, not a wish list to advance our other 
priorities unrelated to the COVID-19 pandemic.
  The Federal Government has also yet to spend about $1 trillion 
provided by the COVID-19 relief bills passed last year. Think about 
that: $1 trillion unspent.
  So I ask my colleagues, before we rush through more trillion dollars, 
let's first have a real bipartisan discussion so we can ensure that our 
communities with the most need are getting the relief right away.
  Instead, Democrats are throwing away the chance to work with 
Republicans to get things done, provide our constituents with relief, 
and bring our country together. The only way we will get through this 
pandemic and get things done is by working together.
  Our constituents, the Nation, and the world are watching.
  Mr. BEYER. Mr. Speaker, let me just point out that we are not 
throwing away our chance to work with Republicans. We would love to 
have a bipartisan bill, but if it's not possible, we have to have this 
reconciliation process in place because it takes weeks to unfold.
  Mr. Speaker, we are in a deep hole. To build back better, we have to 
crush the virus, as Speaker Pelosi so beautifully captured. But make no 
mistake, the COVID-19 pandemic has plunged us into a very, very big 
hole.
  Last week, we got the advance--or first--report on 2020 GDP, and it 
was ugly. The economy shrank by 3.5 percent last year, the worst 
economic performance since 1946. Very few of us were even born the last 
time our economy declined by this much. Let me say it again, the U.S. 
economy is the weakest it has been since the end of World War II.
  It could have been worse. It could have been much worse but for the 
actions we took in a bipartisan way in this Congress. We passed the 
CARES Act in May, and instead of the 5.6 percent decline the CBO had 
forecast, we only got 3\1/2\ percent. Just imagine if the Senate had 
taken up the Heroes Act that we passed. Unemployment insurance alone, 
which was strengthened with the $600 supplemental payment and the 
creation of pandemic unemployment assistance, accounted for more than 
$550 billion in personal income in 2020. These payments were a lifeline 
to individuals, and they bolstered the economy.
  We lost huge amounts of ground in the spring when second quarter GDP 
declined at a record 31.4 percent rate. That 4 percent in the fourth 
quarter helped, but not nearly enough to get us out of the hole.
  As Fed chair Powell and others have made clear, the risk isn't doing 
too much. The risk is doing too little. This budget resolution before 
us recognizes that reality and uses it as a starting point.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Ohio (Mrs. 
Beatty), the distinguished chair of the Congressional Black Caucus, a 
member of the Joint Economic Committee, and my dear friend.
  Mrs. BEATTY. Mr. Speaker, what I am going to say is for the American 
people because, for the past year, American people's lives and 
livelihoods have been turned upside down because of the COVID-19 
pandemic.
  Whether contracting the virus, losing their jobs, working on the 
front lines, at the risk of eviction or struggling to keep their 
businesses open, many of my constituents--Republican constituents, 
Democrat constituents--have been forced to make unimaginable decisions 
and sacrifices.
  In response, Congress passed the strong bipartisan CARES Act. 
However, 10 months later, the virus is still wreaking havoc on our way 
of life, in large part due to the failures of the prior administration.
  So we are here to right the wrongs, and under the leadership of 
Speaker Pelosi and the Biden-Harris administration, we are doing just 
that. We must meet the moment and bookend this pandemic with a big, 
bold package to ensure workers, families, and small businesses have the 
support and resources to break through the dark winter and start the 
process to build back better.
  Think about this, Mr. Speaker: The budget reconciliation will pave 
the way to doing just that.
  Who is against extending emergency unemployment? Who is against 
providing another round of direct stimulus? Who is against offering 
rental assistance to ensure that no family is forced to live on the 
streets? Who is against instituting a quicker rollout and production of 
vaccines after the disastrous rollout, or lack thereof, by the previous 
administration? Who is against expanding funds for child care and 
increasing the child tax credit? Who is against giving aid to the very 
States that we represent and localities?
  So I say to my colleagues: Think about what your constituents have 
called for. Think about what they are losing, and let's give our 
constituents hope. Let's join together to meet the moment; not for us, 
but for the American people, for the economy, and for the future.
  Mr. SCHWEIKERT. Mr. Speaker, I would like to say that Congresswoman 
Beatty has a great mask. It is wonderfully sparkly.
  I did want to share one thing very, very quickly. This is our CBO 
projection of where we are at right now. With the moneys that have 
already been authorized right now, by the end of this year, we will be 
close to a 4 percent GDP growth. So last quarter wasn't anywhere where 
we wanted it. The quarter before that was miserable. But you have to 
understand that this is where we are at.
  We keep hearing our fellow Members make comments, saying the 
economists said, ``Go big.'' But if you actually listen to their second 
line, multiple economists said, ``Go big, but go targeted.''
  This document isn't targeted. It is all over the board.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. 
Estes).
  Mr. ESTES. Mr. Speaker, in addition to treating and vaccinating for 
COVID, our main priority should be getting people back to work. This 
legislation doesn't do that. It is full of job-killing mandates and 
liberal special interest

[[Page H307]]

handouts. So it keeps schools closed. Operation Warp Speed was such a 
great development to get the vaccine rolled out there so we can get the 
economy going.

                              {time}  1600

  But one of the things that this resolution does, it bails out States 
that help top off their tax revenue for 2020. However, in my State of 
Kansas, the 2020 revenues are already higher than the 2019 revenues, 
including in our just completed month of January, 10 percent higher 
than a year ago.
  So the States aren't suffering through the revenue loss because of 
the ability for people to still continue to grow and work as they can.
  But the resolution does raise expenses for Main Street, nearly 
doubling the Federal minimum wage at a time when thousands of small 
businesses are already struggling to keep the lights on. This 
legislation also fails to recognize, as mentioned earlier, that there 
is nearly $1 trillion left from the previous COVID bills that Congress 
has already passed.
  By the way, these were five bipartisan bills that were passed in 2020 
in order to make sure that it addressed all of the issues that we 
reflect across our country. The Biden administration should instead be 
focused on families who are hurting the most, targeting, particularly, 
the more than 8 million people who have lost their jobs due to COVID.
  Workers, families, and small businesses don't need more Washington 
regulations or mandates. They need to have the economy up and running 
again. Republicans believe we must increase wages and job opportunities 
for all workers, and we have gotten real results with tax and 
regulatory reforms, achieving historic surges in jobs and wages.
  Unfortunately, this legislation does not build off of that successful 
playbook, but, instead, shows that the Biden administration is far more 
interested in advancing a radical leftwing wish list over our common 
economic policies that will help our Main Street businesses and 
families.
  Mr. BEYER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I would agree with all of those economists who say go target, go big, 
and go targeted. In fact, that is what Joe Biden has said again and 
again.
  I think his speech on the American Recovery Act was extraordinarily 
targeted, and while this budget reconciliation bill is the big picture, 
we all know that by the time we pass those individual budgets, they 
will be targeted at the most granular level.
  And to my friend, Mr. Estes, with whom I serve on Ways and Means, I 
am glad that Kansas is doing well. I don't know the answer to this, but 
I would go back and see how it is going in Wichita and some of those 
local governments.
  I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Cicilline), 
one of the leaders in so many different ways of the U.S. House of 
Representatives, the former mayor of Providence.
  Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I 
rise in strong support of the budget resolution for fiscal year 2021.
  It has been said that a budget isn't just a series of numbers on a 
sheet of paper, it is a statement of your values. Well, if that is 
true, then this budget is a bold statement of our values as Democrats. 
This budget paves the way for a landmark COVID-19 rescue plan. It 
delivers a simple message to the American people: Help is on the way.
  Mr. Speaker, since the start of this pandemic, tens of millions of 
Americans have been infected. Nearly half a million have died, with 
almost a quarter of all deaths happening in the last month alone. 
Millions of Americans can't find work. It is getting harder and harder 
to pay for food and housing. Schools are closed. Kids are being left 
behind. The American people can't afford any more delays or half 
measures.
  This is a time for bold action. That is why we have to pass this 
budget resolution and pave the way for President Biden's American 
Rescue Plan, an aggressive proposal that tackles our public health and 
economic emergencies.
  The President's American Rescue Plan meets the crisis before us. It 
includes nearly $2 trillion for a new round of survival checks; a 
national vaccination program; the resources cities and towns need to 
safely reopen schools; direct housing and food assistance; expanding 
access to healthcare and safe and reliable childcare; extended and 
enhanced unemployment insurance; paychecks for the first responders, 
public health workers and teachers who are still on the front lines of 
this crisis; and critical support for the hardest-hit small businesses.
  During this historic crisis, the American people deserve to know that 
help is on the way. This resolution does just that. We all know from 
listening to our constituents how much suffering is happening in this 
country, and that we need a response that responds to the gravity of 
the economic healthcare crisis that this pandemic has created. This 
resolution does it. Join us in this effort. Respond to the cries of the 
American people.
  Mr. SCHWEIKERT. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Once again--and I am probably going to keep making this point over, 
and over, and over--I care deeply and am desperately concerned 
particularly for the poor and the working poor in this country. And 
this document, if we are going to be honest about it, does not target 
their suffering.
  I will show a couple of boards here where, once again, we are going 
to be sending stunning amounts of money to places that it is just going 
to sit in a bank account. It is going to go to places where it is not 
actually creating that velocity, that multiplier effect of helping 
those who are suffering.
  And do understand--this is important--there is still $172 billion 
sitting in the disaster loan accounts. There is another $172 billion 
still sitting in the unemployment insurance accounts from things we 
have already done together.
  In that case, it is not completely--I don't want to use the word 
``disingenuous''--but some of the things we are saying here that, yes, 
there is a crisis out there, and, yes, there is actually money sitting 
in the accounts. Get that damn money out of those accounts to where the 
suffering is.

  And with that I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. 
Pfluger).
  Mr. PFLUGER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today for the first time as a Member of Congress 
in complete opposition to the budget reconciliation act.
  Today, adding almost $2 trillion to the national debt and eliminating 
1.3 million jobs is up for a vote.
  This partisan budget reconciliation package allows President Biden to 
shove $1.9 trillion of stimulus spending through Congress without any 
Republican consent. It is a blue State bailout to States who have shut 
down their business, closed their places of worship, and prevented 
families from earning an honest living.
  We don't need bailouts. We need to get back to work. Taxpayers in 
States like Texas should not be left holding the bag for the failing 
governments in New York, California, and others who chose to close 
their economies.
  Congress just passed a $900 billion stimulus package in December, and 
over $1 trillion in COVID relief has yet to reach its intended 
recipients. The U.S. is already over $26 trillion in debt and counting.
  This is totally unsustainable and will have a disastrous consequence 
for our economy and future generations. We are talking about the future 
of our children and our grandchildren. Nothing could be more important 
in this decision.
  Mr. BEYER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I would first like to welcome our new colleague from 
Texas to the floor. An excellent speech.
  I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Peters), 
a member of the Joint Economic Committee and a distinguished 
businessperson in his own right.
  Mr. PETERS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  When Congress passed the emergency COVID bill in December, we knew 
more resources would be needed to fight the virus and provide 
additional relief for many Americans who have been devastated 
financially. Now we are working to accomplish that by March 14 when the 
enhanced unemployment benefits will expire.
  I fully support the beginning of the process of budget reconciliation 
because we need to start the clock. In my

[[Page H308]]

experience in Congress, and yours, too, we all know that this place 
works much better with a deadline.
  However, I would hope that we can respond to this challenge in a 
bipartisan way as we did last March and again in December, and maybe 
this proposal could be better targeted.
  I am encouraged by the $600 billion proposal of 10 Republican 
Senators. Some have scoffed at this offer, called it an insult, or 
dismissed it as not serious. I don't agree with that. $600 billion is a 
lot of money, but it is not adequate for the task at hand. We need more 
help to open schools and to keep people housed. State and local 
governments need assistance to prevent more layoffs and make up for 
lost revenue, and we should stop guessing how long we will need 
unemployment and food assistance.
  As the New Democrat Coalition has advocated from the beginning, we 
should enact automatic triggers to keep them flowing and then shut them 
off according to economic conditions.
  Our biggest challenge as a nation is not one particular issue, but 
the deep division among us here in Congress and among citizens across 
America. Bipartisanship has intrinsic value and we should prioritize 
it. But today's action will ensure that we have a relief package on 
time no matter the politics. This is a step we have to take.
  Mr. SCHWEIKERT. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, maybe I am going to break protocol, but I am finding 
that this will be the second time I think I have complimented someone 
on the Democratic side. Triggers make a lot of sense in this type of 
mechanism when you have, functionally, $1 trillion still sitting in the 
accounts, and we are seeing projections from CBO saying, functionally, 
by the fourth quarter--I am sorry, I didn't have a chance to print this 
large--but by the fourth quarter, unemployment--look, I am one of those 
who believes full employment is always the ultimate goal--but 
unemployment will be back to where basically we were in 2015-2016.
  Can we do better? Absolutely. But to do better, it is going to 
require thoughtful, targeted, well-designed spending, of our resources, 
our statutes. And one of the reasons I talk about that is there is 
something very unique going on. And I hope our chairman of the Joint 
Economic Committee will actually think about this because we haven't 
figured out how to turn this one into being partisan yet. I am sure we 
will figure it out.
  But right now, this is the sort of thing we should be talking about. 
There is this crazy renaissance going on in this country of people 
starting new businesses, filing new LLCs, starting new concerns.
  Now, it may be because of the tragedy of the business they have right 
now which has been crushed by the shutdowns and the virus, but there 
are a remarkable number of new concerns beginning.
  Wouldn't it be both elegant, but also very powerful, as we watch 
unemployment, to find ways to access capital; access to streamlined 
permitting, licensing; crazy things like allowing someone to do a 
microbusiness out of public housing, things that actually have impact.
  And it turns out, those aren't the sort of things you find in a $1.9 
trillion--functionally $2.5 trillion if you are going to be honest 
about the real cost--spending package. And I understand this is a piece 
of legislation that if you actually look at it, it is just line, after 
line, after line, after line of numbers.
  If this passes--which it probably will, you know, the Democrats are 
in the majority--the ethical, moral obligations we have heard from 
multiple speakers here that a budget is your values, is the value the 
fact you can spend stunning amounts of money even when there is $1 
trillion still sitting in the bank unspent, or is the value that you 
are going to do it in a way where we impact the working poor; where we 
impact those who are truly suffering, and not crushing someone like my 
5-year-old daughter who is the one who is ultimately going to be paying 
this back.

  So if we are going to make the moral argument, I hope we think about 
the whole, shall we say, continuum of what we do here, what is moral, 
what is right.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BEYER. Mr. Speaker, can I ask how much time is remaining on our 
side.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Cuellar). The gentleman from Virginia 
has 15 minutes remaining. The gentleman from Arizona has 17 minutes 
remaining.
  Mr. BEYER. Mr. Speaker, to my new friend from Texas, I would point 
out that Texas and California and New York--two of the bluest States 
around--are all net exporters of Federal dollars mostly to red States.
  Now, it tends to be the blue States who are helping out the red 
States in terms of our Federal allocations. I would also like to 
compliment the ranking member on the Joint Economic Committee for his 
optimism in having a 5-year-old daughter.
  Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
Michigan (Ms. Tlaib), the distinguished Member who spent her life 
lifting people out of poverty.
  Ms. TLAIB. Mr. Speaker, this pandemic has taken the lives of nearly 
16,000 Michiganders with 25 percent of the deaths from Wayne County and 
the city of Detroit.
  Our communities are forever changed. The U.S. is on a course to reach 
500,000 deaths by February 20. That is a half a million lives lost.
  And in response to this record death toll, Congress has sent out one 
$1,200 check almost a year ago and another $600 check, for a total of 
$1,800. That is an average of $163 per month.
  Mr. Speaker, there is not a single person in this Chamber or in my 
district who can survive on that little per month. My residents cannot 
afford to wait. The bills don't stop after 1 month; neither should the 
checks. The budget resolution ensures that we can do the work of 
delivering urgent relief to our families and every single district 
across the country.

                              {time}  1615

  Mr. SCHWEIKERT. Mr. Speaker, in many ways we are all saying the same 
thing. It is just, once again, trying to make the argument, if we do 
this smartly and well-targeted, we can do it for a dramatically more 
efficient cost and actually help more of the poor that we know are 
suffering, more of the people who have been crushed, more of the small 
businesses.
  And a simple example, Opportunity Insights has predicted that, with a 
$2,000 check to functionally every household that makes less than 
$46,000, only $420, functionally, of what they receive will get spent. 
The rest goes in the bank. Maybe that is a good thing. Maybe that is 
the audience you want to target. But when you start doing the same 
thing to populations, and for some reason they use $78,000, only $105 
gets spent. So think of that.
  Mr. Speaker, increase the check another $1,400, a population that 
makes $78,000 or more, they are only spending $105. The rest is going 
in the bank account. Maybe that is wonderful, but that is not what we 
are debating. We are trying to create a multiplier effect of some 
stimulus in our society to get the economy going so we see those GDP 
numbers go up; the unemployment go down; and we get back to the miracle 
we were at in 2018 and 2019, where income and equality actually shrank 
for the first time in 2 years, where food insecurity shrank for the 
first time in decades and decades and decades, where the working poor 
actually were doing better than they had in decades and decades and 
decades.
  How do we get back to, functionally, what was the miracle of 2018 and 
2019?
  And my argument is, the model that we are reading in this resolution, 
isn't it. It doesn't get you there. If we truly have the same goal, I 
desperately hope our friends on the left and those of us on the right, 
who actually want to look at this almost like an economist of a laser 
beam, are saying: Let's find those who are hurting and find out how to 
get the resources that are already appropriated and get those to them, 
and then appropriate more where necessary.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BEYER. Mr. Speaker, last summer, when Donald Trump was pressuring 
governors to ignore the advice of health experts and reopen their 
economies, he was predicting we would

[[Page H309]]

lead to a ``V-shaped'' recovery, in which the recovery would be as 
steep as the catastrophic decline.
  Others predicted a ``U-shaped'' recovery, a more drawn-out version of 
the ``V.'' And even others predicted a ``W-shaped'' recovery, an 
uptick, followed by another drop due to a probable second wave of the 
coronavirus, and then hopeful improvement. Even Ian Bremmer talked 
about a scalloped recovery.
  Mr. Speaker, there has been recovery, but with two big caveats. It 
has been a ``K-shaped'' recovery. It has come at the cost of over 
440,000 American lives.
  As the Trump administration pressured States to relax measures needed 
to control the coronavirus, the virus exploded. And this does have 
incredibly long-term cost on families, on generations in the economy.
  But this ``K-shaped'' recovery, which has really come into vogue 
right now, is some are doing quite well and some are doing pretty 
poorly. High-income workers have been able to work from home and save 
record amounts of cash--I think a 33 percent savings rate in the second 
quarter.
  The savings rate has gone through the roof because the paychecks, the 
stock gains, have kept coming in for those folks; but they can't spend 
it on restaurants or movies or travel, flights, entertainment.
  American billionaires picked up $1.9 trillion in net worth in 2020. 
Just the increase in billionaires' net worth alone would pay for this 
package. The personal savings rate more than doubled in 2020. Housing 
prices climbed 10 percent in the last year. Stock market went up about 
15 percent in the midst of the crisis. But, remember, the wealthiest 10 
percent own 84 percent of the stocks. So they walked away with a vast 
majority of the stock gains last year, as they do every year.
  These factors probably explained why households of more than $75,000 
in income saved their $600 payments from December rather than spent 
them, as revealed in recent Opportunity Insights' data.
  On the other side of the coin, low-wage workers have seen 
unemployment drop by 20 to 25 percent, and the unemployment rates for 
Black and Hispanic workers exceeds 9 percent. The rich have gotten 
richer. The poor have gotten poorer. And the American Dream has become 
ever-less attainable for too many Americans. A ``K-shaped'' recovery is 
unacceptable.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. 
Connolly), my friend of almost 40 years, my godfather.
  Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Speaker, I thank my dear friend for yielding to me 
and for his leadership.
  Mr. Speaker, when I served in local government, I helped write and 
pass 14 consecutive budgets--all balanced. And what the budget writing 
process taught me was that a budget is a values document.
  So what does the budget reconciliation process tell us about our 
respective values?
  Well, the last two times the budget reconciliation process was used 
by Republicans, they used it on a $2 trillion tax giveaway to the 
wealthiest Americans and corporations and to take away healthcare for 
more than 20 million Americans. That was their value.
  The budget we are debating today shows the Democrats in Congress are 
going to use every bit of a fight we have in us to take decisive and 
comprehensive action to finally end this pandemic and alleviate the 
economic pain Americans are experiencing.
  We will not wait and see if another 100,000 Americans die in a single 
month in order to deliver vaccines and testing that we need. We will 
not wait and see if the United States loses another 20 million jobs, or 
if the American economy experiences another record-breaking year of GDP 
contraction. We will not wait and see if the U.S. loses another 10 
million jobs, or people continue to go hungry at record numbers.
  We will enact an American rescue plan that saves lives and 
livelihoods. Those are our values.
  Mr. SCHWEIKERT. Mr. Speaker, once again, back to facts over feelings: 
After the tax reform, what did we see in our society?
  It was the first 2 years that we actually saw income and equality 
shrink in modern economic times. I thought that was the Holy Grail.
  Did you see what happened to Hispanics, African Americans' incomes, 
working poor incomes?
  The fact of the matter is, if you tell the truth about the post-tax 
reform model--just maybe because I was in the room--the top 10 percent 
actually were paying more of the Federal income taxes than prior. Yet 
that somehow isn't the folklore that we so often hear from this floor.
  Mr. Speaker, there are couple other points I would like to make. And 
a couple of this is important because Chairman Beyer actually did a 
terrific job touching on some of this. And he was making a very 
powerful point. And, actually, I hate to say this, he was reading part 
of my script, which actually is a little creepy.
  The total deposits in commercial banks, if you take a look at this 
line, have gone up dramatically. It is because too much of the money 
that we have done bipartisan in the last year to help stimulate and 
save the economy ended up in pockets of those very, very wealthy, or 
even medium wealthy, and it ended up sitting in the bank and not 
circulating, rotating in the economy and helping the workers, helping 
the working poor, helping those who are just trying to survive.
  My fear is this budget reconciliation document is going to be just a 
lot more of this, if you actually look. The other thing is--this is a 
tough one, and this is one I am hoping that the placeholder in this 
document isn't what the Democrats really are heading towards because, 
if it is, you are going to hear those who are on our side scream that 
this is a payoff to, shall we say, a constituency that is very 
supportive of the Democrats.
  Mr. Speaker, not been a great year--the year 2000, about 350,000 
State municipal workers lost their jobs. This budget reconciliation 
bill has about $350 billion in the line item for that population. You 
do realize that's $1 million a job. And if you do the total number, it 
is still $350,000 a job.
  Is that compassion? Or is that lunacy?
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BEYER. Mr. Speaker, to add to my friend's charts, let me point 
out that the Congressional Budget Office has estimated, without 
additional resources, investment into the economy, it will take until 
2024--3 more years--just to get back to where we were at the 
prepandemic level 1 year ago.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from 
Texas (Mr. Green), and not the singer.
  Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, in 2017, when my Republican friends 
had control of the House, the Senate, and the Presidency, they passed 
an approximately $1.5 trillion tax break for the very wealthy.
  Mr. Speaker, the wealthy weren't suffering. There was no pain. They 
were not about to be evicted. There were no mortgage payments behind. 
But they got $1.5 trillion approximately in tax breaks.
  Mr. Speaker, I ask my dear friends on the other side to see this, if 
they will: As a tax break for the working class, let's let people who 
are making $75,000 a year have an opportunity to acquire some money to 
help them. If it goes into a bank account, it will come out. They are 
not wealthy. At some point we have to realize that those who are among 
the working class cannot do more with less, while the wealthy need more 
to do more.
  Mr. Speaker, it is time for us to save this country, save these 
people who are suffering. I will vote for this resolution. I will vote 
for reconciliation.
  Mr. SCHWEIKERT. Mr. Speaker, I will tell you this: Mr. Green also can 
sing, and he is one of those I consider a friend. He and I have done a 
number of pieces of legislation, and he and I have a running discussion 
of what actually helps the working poor. We have different views, but 
we know we both have a passion of it.
  Mr. Speaker, let's actually take sort of the theme that has been 
offered here. I believe it is absolutely mathematically wrong, but an 
argument that, Hey, so much of this has helped the wealthy in tax 
reform and those things. Great.
  Mr. Speaker, if someone on the Democratic side can promise me that 
when I am looking at this budget resolution, this is not creating a 
policy box for the Committee on Ways and Means

[[Page H310]]

to turn around and re-implement policy where, functionally, the benefit 
goes mostly to the very, very wealthy.
  So when I see the box here that looks like it would allow for certain 
revenues to be raised, and then it goes to possibly a SALT--a State and 
local tax deduction, which we all know the top 1 percent gets 57 
percent of the value of it, the bottom 80 percent of our society only 
gets 4 percent of the value--that would be, actually, a tax break. 
Actually, I think I have been quoted as saying, ``It is the most 
regressive tax break that you can think of in our society right now 
that is in play.''
  I am just desperately hoping that isn't what I am reading in some of 
these pages as part of that setup. And I would love someone on the left 
to basically promise me that we are not seeing a setup here to, once 
again, subsidize the rich.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BEYER. Mr. Speaker, I had the great honor of attending the 
Arlington funeral service for Capitol Police Officer Brian Sicknick. It 
was moving and very sad, eloquent. I only bring this up because I was 
transported with my friend, Ralph Norman of South Carolina, to the 
cemetery and back with two Capitol Police Officers who were talking 
about how much they love their job but how exhausted they were at ages 
40 and late 20s.
  I asked them, ``What is your job?''
  They said, ``We are security for the Speaker.''
  And she is indefatigable, tireless, works around the clock, and, to 
my mind, is the best Speaker America has ever had.

  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. 
Pelosi), the Speaker of the House of Representatives.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. I thank 
him for his great leadership of the Joint Economic Committee, a place 
where we can really think in a way that is entrepreneurial and 
successful for the American people. His private sector experience, as 
well as respect for the public sector and the nonprofit sector, equips 
him well to lead that important committee and to take us to the floor 
on this bill, following the Budget Committee, under the leadership of   
John Yarmuth, a tireless worker for the budget and this resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, I believe that a budget should be a statement of our 
national values. What is important to us as a nation should be 
reflected when we put a budget together.
  It is curious to me to hear the distinguished gentleman on the other 
side of the aisle. It would be ludicrous if it weren't so deadly 
serious.
  Mr. Speaker, $1.9 trillion, the President of the United States has 
determined is necessary to meet the needs of the American people at a 
time of a pandemic, at a time of consequences to our economy that are 
drastic--and I will go on to that in a moment. $1.9 trillion, which is 
almost exactly the cost of the Republican tax break that they gave to 
the richest people in America; 83 percent of the benefits went to the 
top 1 percent.

                              {time}  1630

  This legislation, which helps meet the needs of the American people, 
to be considered a tax break bill for the rich, it is pathetic. It is 
pathetic. The fact of this Congress is that somebody can say things 
that aren't true on the floor, but if you say that they said something 
that was untrue, you would be called out of order.
  But I would just say, the facts are these. $1.9 trillion, when you 
add in the interest--Mr. Green from Texas referenced this--if you add 
in the interest, $1.9 trillion, $2 trillion, added to the national 
debt, with no stimulus for our economy, only debt for our children.
  Instead, here today, we have a bill that meets the needs of the 
American people. In the election, the American people cast their ballot 
for big, bold action and decisive leadership to turn the coronavirus 
pandemic and economic crisis around. Since then, the need has 
accelerated drastically. The time for decisive action is now.
  Mr. Speaker, that is why, today, we will pass a budget resolution to 
pave the way for a landmark coronavirus rescue, a rescue plan, which 
will do what is needed to save lives and livelihoods.
  We hope that Republicans in Congress would support a legislative 
package that will bring real relief to people and to our communities.
  Passing this budget does not preclude reaching a bipartisan 
agreement. I would rather not work under reconciliation, but if that is 
the way we have to work in order to get results for the American 
people, we must use every option at our disposal. But I am hopeful that 
we can have bipartisanship.
  That does not ensure that Congress can move forward and meet the 
country's needs. The need for this action could not be more urgent, and 
Americans cannot afford to wait. They cannot afford any further delay.
  Tens of millions of Americans have been infected. Nearly half a 
million have died, with one-fifth of those deaths occurring over the 
past month.
  Meanwhile, tens of millions of workers are jobless; food and housing 
insecurity is skyrocketing; and school closings threaten our children's 
education. And our most vulnerable communities are bearing the brunt of 
these crises, as the underlying health and economic disparities 
continue to grow.
  President Biden's American Rescue Plan will take a comprehensive, 
strategic, and science-based approach to tackling the public health and 
economic crises. Here is what it will do.
  It will put money in the pockets of the American people. It will put 
vaccines in the arms of the American people. It will put children back 
in school and workers back to work.
  It will crush the virus and help us safely reopen schools, mounting a 
national vaccination campaign that includes community vaccination 
sites, ramping and scaling up testing and tracing, addressing shortages 
of PPE, investing in high-quality treatments, and addressing healthcare 
disparities.
  It is sinful, Mr. Speaker, to see how few people in our communities 
of color have had access to vaccines up until now, but that will change 
under President Biden and with this legislation.
  It will deliver immediate relief to working families bearing the 
brunt of the crisis, providing $1,400 checks per person to households 
across America and providing housing and nutrition assistance. Tens of 
thousands of people are food insecure in our country. Maybe 17 million 
children are food insecure in our country.
  Access to safe and reliable childcare--let me say it again, safe and 
reliable childcare--and affordable healthcare, expanded unemployment 
insurance, and enhanced tax credits for families, low-income working 
families.
  Finally, the plan will support communities struggling with the 
economic fallout, providing a lifeline for the hardest hit small 
businesses, especially those owned by minorities, and honoring our 
heroes. Yes, $350 billion to honor our heroes, about one-fourth of what 
you were giving to the top 1 percent in our country in your tax bill.
  Why is that important? Because these are the entities, State and 
local county governments, townships, and the rest, that provide the 
services that the people need: healthcare workers, first responders, 
police and fire, transportation, sanitation, food workers, our 
teachers, our teachers, our teachers. They need the State and local 
governments to be funded. That is very important. In a bipartisan way 
across the country, it has bipartisan support. So, yes, it is $350 
billion.
  Again, it is to meet the needs. These people risk their lives to save 
lives, and now they may lose their jobs because of the cost of the 
coronavirus and the lost revenue from the pandemic.
  Finally, the plan would support communities struggling with the 
fallout, again, providing a lifeline--that is this point I am making 
now--for hardest hit small businesses, as I mentioned, that are owned 
by minorities, frontline health workers, teachers, transit workers, and 
other essential workers risking their lives to save ours. It bears 
repetition.
  The cost of inaction is growing by the day. If we don't enact this 
package now, we could end up with 4 million fewer jobs this year, and 
it could take a year longer to return to full employment. An entire 
cohort of young people may have lower lifetime earnings because they 
were deprived of another semester of school.
  Millions of parents, particularly moms, can be forced to stay at 
home, reducing their wages and future job prospects. I believe the 
figure is 100

[[Page H311]]

percent. But just about 100 percent of the jobs lost in December were 
women.
  But if this package is passed and enacted in full by March, economic 
growth is projected to jump by nearly 8 percent this year and then by 
an additional 4 percent next year. At that pace, we will create 7\1/2\ 
million jobs this year alone and a total of 10 million jobs by the fall 
of 2022, reaching full employment.
  But don't take it from me. Experts agree that this bold action is 
needed, especially as interest rates are at historic lows and the 
return on small investments has never been higher.

  As Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen, of whom we are very proud, 
stated:

       Without further action, we risk a longer, more painful 
     recession now and long-term scarring of the economy later. 
     Right now, with interest rates at historic lows, the smartest 
     thing we can do now is act big. In the long run, the benefits 
     will far outweigh the costs.

  Mark Zandi, the chief economist at Moody's Analytics, said just last 
week:

       It is better to err on the side of too much rather than too 
     little. Interest rates are at practically zero, inflation is 
     low, unemployment is high. You don't need a textbook to know 
     that this is when you push on the fiscal accelerator.

  Also last week, the Chairman of the Federal Reserve, Jerome Powell, 
stated:

       I am much more worried about falling short of a complete 
     recovery and losing people's careers and lives that they 
     built because they don't get back to work in time. I am more 
     concerned about that and the damage that will do.

  Reconciliation bills have passed on a bipartisan basis 17 times in 
recent years, including one that I participated in to pass the 
Children's Health Insurance Program, CHIP, which delivered lifesaving 
healthcare to nearly 10 million children.
  As I said, the need for action could not be more urgent. Americans 
cannot afford further delay.
  Listen, listen, listen to your constituents. We should all be 
listening to our constituents. They are our bosses. We must meet their 
needs.
  Listening to our constituents, respecting President Biden's proposal 
to meet their needs, we must work together to save their lives and 
their livelihoods.
  I wish we could have a strong bipartisan vote on this budget bill 
because, as I said, this budget is a statement of our values, and our 
values are that we are here to meet the needs of America's working 
families. It is about our children, their health, their education, the 
economic security of their families, a safe world for them to thrive, a 
world at peace in which they can reach their fulfillment. It is always 
about the children.
  It is not about heaping mountains of debt on them, as they did in 
their tax scam that they passed, and then to have the nerve to call 
this a tax break for the wealthy when it has low-income tax credits, 
childcare tax credits, refundability, billions of dollars for the 
working poor in our country.
  Economists and the Treasury Secretaries of both parties have said, if 
you really want to turn the economy around, help the neediest the most, 
help the neediest first. We do this in this legislation as we bolster 
the middle class and crush the virus.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge an ``aye'' vote.
  Mr. SCHWEIKERT. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, the comment of ``look at this budget and see a party's 
values,'' this may be a little ethereal, but have you all heard the 
term ``blank check company''? It is one of the rages on Wall Street 
right now. Take basically a shell, have a bunch of money put into it, 
and then they promise, saying, we are going to find something to spend 
the money on.
  This is essentially a blank check budget reconciliation with actually 
none of the very elegant and persuasive words said.
  There is also one other thing, and I want to say this as respectfully 
as possible, so I am going to read someone else's words. The well-worn 
and misleading talking points is 83 percent of the tax cuts go to the 
wealthiest 1 percent. Just not true. Since the day of tax reform until 
2025, the wealthiest, and maybe it is too much, get 25 percent. At the 
very end of tax reform, when many of the different tax breaks and those 
things are expiring out, there is an anomaly in the year 2027. It is 
not 83 percent.
  Please, I beg of my friends on the left, I know we like our talking 
points, but there is a reason the public is so enraged with us. It is 
because we have this bad habit of getting behind these microphones and 
playing some real games with the facts, and the facts are the facts.
  Once again, the blank check company concept, this is now the blank 
check budget.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BEYER. Mr. Speaker, may I ask how much time we have remaining.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Virginia has 6\1/2\ 
minutes remaining. The gentleman from Arizona has 8\1/2\ minutes 
remaining.
  Mr. BEYER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer), the distinguished chairman of the Trade 
Subcommittee on Ways and Means and, in my opinion, the most thoughtful 
Member of the House.

                             {time}  (1645)

  Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman's courtesy 
and his leadership.
  Mr. Speaker, the hardest hit sector of our economy is the 500,000 
independent restaurants and their 11 million employees. That is why 
there are 2.3 million of those employees unemployed. And one out of six 
restaurants has closed permanently, with the prospect of up to 85 
percent being lost in the year ahead. Sadly, the impact has been 
disproportionately on women, minorities, and immigrants.
  The PPE program didn't work for restaurants. They don't need 
complicated loans. They don't know, in many cases, whether they are 
going to be open in 2 or 3 months.
  The restrictions across the country are such that most restaurants 
simply do not have a viable economic model. That is why I introduced 
the Restaurants Act. I am pleased that $50 billion has been designated 
for small business in this resolution, and I hope at least 50 percent 
of that will be dedicated to the bipartisan and bicameral Restaurants 
Act that we have introduced. It has over half the Members of the House 
of Representatives cosponsoring and over half the Senate.
  We have an opportunity to move this forward in a way that will give a 
lifeline to our restaurants that are the cornerstone of our community. 
We give them that lifeline, and next year at this time most of it will 
be back to normal. They will be vaccinated, the weather will change, 
and we will be able to return to that vibrant part of our communities. 
But they need the lifeline.
  So I strongly urge support for the Restaurants Act which will be 
reintroduced and part of the reconciliation process that will make it 
possible to provide that necessary support to keep them afloat.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Beyer) for his 
courtesy.
  Mr. SCHWEIKERT. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, there is one other thing I wanted to share. First, the 
Restaurants Act is a good piece of legislation. I think there are many 
of us on Ways and Means who look forward to it or something very, very 
close to it.
  Also, one other comment, Madam Speaker spoke earlier, I was actually 
somewhat enthused about her focus on kids in school. As Mr. Beyer 
teased me, I am 58, my wife is 58, and I have a 5 year old. That is the 
ultimate definition of being optimistic for the future. That is funny.
  But the fact of the matter is, I desperately hope that Madam Speaker 
will use her influence on the teachers' union to encourage getting 
these kids back to school. I have some charts--but I am not going to 
show them to everyone because I may save them for evening floor time--
on the devastation--and the Speaker actually just spoke about this, 
which is a great irony--of what we are doing to the future earning 
power of everyone from the parents to the children themselves.
  How many saw the story, I think in The New York Times, this last week 
about children suicides in Nevada?
  It rips your heart out. But I don't see it in this budget document. 
It is not in there.

[[Page H312]]

  If that is where we are heading, great. As Republicans we are going 
to help make good things happen, getting these schools open, but we 
actually need the influence from the left, particularly with the 
teachers' union to make that a possibility.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. BEYER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Illinois (Mr. Garcia).
  Mr. GARCIA of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, it has been almost 1 year since 
COVID hit the U.S., and the sick are still splitting pills, diabetics 
are still rationing their insulin, and families are doubled up in homes 
to keep relatives off the streets. I saw it in 2008, and I am seeing it 
again. Up and down the streets of my neighborhood on the southwest side 
of Chicago businesses are closed. Every week I am attending another 
wake. It is happening across this country.
  This has been a failure of the American Government. But finally, we 
have a President willing to move a significant relief bill. Congress 
needs to pass this legislation and get people the relief that they need 
now.
  Transit, stimulus checks for working people and immigrants, rental 
assistance and small business grants--we can't nickel and dime our way 
out of this pandemic. Let's do our job. Let's get the vaccine out, and 
let's save our economy. We need to pass the $1.9 trillion budget and 
get the American people back on their feet now.
  Mr. BEYER. Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close.
  Mr. SCHWEIKERT. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  Mr. Speaker, this has been actually a reasonable conversation. I 
desperately hope we are going to have more of this.
  But back to some of the principal points from the Republican side we 
are trying to share about this budget resolution is the SBA paycheck 
protection. There is still $280 billion sitting in the account that 
hasn't gone out the door; healthcare spending, still has $239 billion 
sitting in the account that hasn't gone out the door; economic injury 
disaster loans, $172 billion still sitting in the account that hasn't 
gone out the door; unemployment insurance expansion, another $172 
billion still sitting in the account; education funding, $59 billion 
sitting in the account; assistance to State and local, $58 billion; 
stimulus checks, there is still $52 billion sitting in there; food 
stamps, there is still $33 billion; childcare and development block 
grants, there is $10 billion sitting in that account; agriculture 
assistance, there is still $29 billion sitting in the account. That is 
$1 trillion.

  Is there a need for more help in our society?
  Absolutely.
  Does this document actually target it to those who are hurting, to 
the working poor, and to those who actually haven't gained great wealth 
with the stock market? Are other dollars in their accounts?
  I just don't see it in there.
  And functionally, this is $2.5 trillion of spending. When we 
authorize $1.9 trillion and then do the interest on it, I think that is 
a fair interest calculation.
  I beg of us that as this moves forward and we actually get to put 
some policy behind these incredibly broad numbers, will those of us who 
actually care about math--because the running joke in our family is 
that Daddy works in a math-free zone. Somehow, I thought it would get a 
laugh.
  I desperately ask all of us, this is a stunning amount of money. I 
understand the need for the administration and the Democrat majority to 
act like individuals of action.
  But what happens when that action is theater?
  On the conservative side we want to help, but $1.9 trillion isn't the 
help. It is figuring out where the needs are and getting it to them. 
Instead--and I'll show some of the charts--some of the dollar amounts 
that are in this document are absurd and still don't get us what we 
know we need in our society.
  So as part of my closing here, we have $1 trillion already still 
sitting in the accounts that haven't gone out the door.
  What are we doing to get those resources to those who need it?
  Because this is something that we could do instantly. The cash is 
already sitting there. It is already authorized.
  But also, what could we do as those of us in the Joint Economic 
Committee try to work on math saying: Here is how we get the maximum 
amount of stimulus to help those who are hurting?
  How do we get back to--forgive my cheat sheet--how do we get back to 
an environment where, once again, like we had in 2018 and 2019, income 
inequality actually shrank for the first time?
  How do we get back to where food insecurity was shrinking and where 
the working poor were getting substantially less poor?
  I know there is a great difficulty for my brothers and sisters on the 
left to extend tax reform and regulatory reform any credit. Then don't 
give it credit. But do at least accept we had some amazing things 
happening there for a couple of years for the very populations we come 
behind these microphones and say that we care about.
  Is there a way that on this left budget document--which is 
functionally a blank check company--being authorized to drop $1.9 
trillion in immediate cash with an ultimate cost of about $2.5 
trillion, could we actually take a look at what was working in our 
society before the pandemic and figure out how to do more of what was 
working and take a look at what was done in the previous years where we 
spent lots of money and we had almost no multiplier effect, none of the 
folks we were trying to help were getting help, and do less of this?
  Because this document reads very much like we are going back to the 
bad old days of spend lots of money, do some great virtue signaling, 
and, ultimately, the very people we talk about are no better off.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. BEYER. Mr. Speaker, how much time do I have remaining?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Virginia has 3\1/2\ 
minutes remaining.
  Mr. BEYER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend, the ranking member, for this 
hourlong discussion. I will point out that all those billions and maybe 
trillions of dollars that apparently are still in coffers, one of the 
best things we can do is get new management at the executive level who 
will actually spend the money allocated by Congress, and I think the 
Senate is working on those confirmations right now.
  There is nothing that has the sense of theater about the children in 
Virginia who are three times as food insecure as they were a year ago. 
We have millions of Americans out of work. We have this remarkable 
chart that shows that our unemployment rate hit an official 14.8 
percent back in the spring, and we knew that was undercounted by all 
the people who left the workforce who weren't counted at all. They said 
it was probably closer to 20 percent, the highest since the Great 
Depression.
  Now, we are formally down to 6.7 percent, but, once again, that is 
double the pre-pandemic level and doesn't capture the nearly 5 million 
workers who have given up looking for a job and left the labor force 
since February. That would push the unemployment rate almost at 10 
percent. We cannot afford to be passive.
  My friend, Mr. Schweikert, talks about the multiplier factor, and I 
am a huge fan of the multiplier effect. But the multiplier effect means 
putting money in the hands of people who will spend it. So we are in 
defense of our $15 minimum wage. That is money that will go into the 
hands of people who will spend it that day, that Friday, that weekend.
  Alan Blinder and Mark Zandi, two prominent economists, found that 
fiscal monetary responses in 2008 and 2009 substantially reduced the 
severity and length of the Great Recession. Our wonderful chairman of 
the Federal Reserve, Jay Powell, a Republican, has said that monetary 
policy has gone as far as it can. Interest rates are near zero. It is 
up to us now, those who control fiscal policy, to make this comeback.
  The Hamilton Project found that the Biden proposal would return us to 
the CBO's pre-pandemic projections after the third quarter of this 
year, not 2024 which would be where we were without it.

  We face a once-in-a-generation challenge: a public health crisis 
caused a massive economic hit worse than the Great Recession, and 
responding to either one of these crises, the COVID or

[[Page H313]]

the economy, requires a smart, multifaceted, comprehensive approach. It 
is not a blank-check approach. We have outlined piece by piece by piece 
how this money would be spent, and we still have much granularity to 
go. We have don't have the luxury of choosing which crisis we respond 
to. We have got to overcome both of them to save the lives of hundreds 
of thousands of Americans and ensure the livelihoods of millions more.
  Another luxury we don't have is time. We can't waste months and 
months and months trying to figure out whether we are actually going to 
spend that money in those coffers or whether bipartisanship will work. 
We have to set the structure up so that if reconciliation is 
necessary--the same reconciliation my Republican friends used on the 
Tax Cuts and Jobs Act--it is ready to go.
  The American people--Democrats, Republicans, Independents, and those 
who don't fit in any of those groups--want us to take action. Giving 
shots in people's arms, ramping up testing and tracing, ensuring 
unemployment benefits don't expire on March 14 and that they are there 
when they are needed most--I thank the gentleman, by the way, Mr. 
Schweikert, for piling on automatic stabilizers, almost every economist 
I know thinks that is a good idea--and helping families put food on the 
table. This is what Americans want. We need to move now to get our 
country and our economy back on track, and this budget resolution 
starts the process.
  Today, we are taking a very important step for the American people.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge support for the resolution, and I yield back the 
balance of my time.
  Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in 
strong support of this Budget Resolution.
  The pandemic has left millions of Americans hungry, homeless, or 
unable to make rent and mortgage payments. This resolution would 
provide critical support that is, quite literally, life or death.
  It's a time to make life better for Americans who are hurting, using 
every tool available to us.
  From extending eviction and foreclosure moratoriums, to supporting 
public transit like the Metropolitan Transportation Authority so my 
constituents can still get to work and healthcare appointments, we must 
act holistically.
  Upon passage, the Oversight Committee will immediately get to work on 
one of the most important aspects of this package--providing 
desperately needed funding for states, local governments, tribes, and 
territories.
  This money will allow these governments to help distribute vaccines, 
expand testing, keep frontline workers employed, and maintain vital 
services. It will also keep our economy afloat by allowing states, 
local governments, tribes, and territories to avoid laying off their 
employees en masse.
  The Committee will include expanded emergency paid leave for federal 
employees, available for those who need to quarantine, isolate, or need 
to provide care due to the coronavirus.
  We also will include funding for oversight and transparency efforts 
to ensure every taxpayer dollar included in this package is spent on 
its intended purpose.
  The President's American Rescue plan would deal a decisive blow to 
this devastating pandemic, providing the resources that our families, 
communities, and economy need to survive.
  We must do everything we can, as fast as we can, to get vaccines in 
arms, to get resources to struggling communities, and to get Americans 
back to work.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate has expired.
  Pursuant to House Resolution 85, the previous question is ordered on 
the concurrent resolution, as amended.
  The question is on adoption of the concurrent resolution.
  Pursuant to clause 10 of rule XX, the yeas and nays are ordered.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 218, 
nays 212, not voting 1, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 21]

                               YEAS--218

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Cartwright
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Delgado
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Fudge
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Gomez
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Haaland
     Harder (CA)
     Hastings
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Underwood
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Vela
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                               NAYS--212

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Bost
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carl
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Case
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Crawford
     Crenshaw
     Curtis
     Davidson
     Davis, Rodney
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Donalds
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fitzpatrick
     Fleischmann
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Golden
     Gonzales, Tony
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Granger
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Hagedorn
     Harris
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hinson
     Hollingsworth
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Jacobs (NY)
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Katko
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kinzinger
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mace
     Malliotakis
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Murphy (NC)
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Nunes
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Posey
     Reed
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Roy
     Rutherford
     Salazar
     Scalise
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Steel
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Stivers
     Taylor
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Turner
     Upton
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Webster (FL)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Young
     Zeldin

                             NOT VOTING--1

       
     Wright
       

                              {time}  1753

  Mrs. DINGELL changed her vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
  So the concurrent resolution was agreed to.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.

[[Page H314]]

  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.


    MEMBERS RECORDED PURSUANT TO HOUSE RESOLUTION 8, 117TH CONGRESS

     Axne (Stevens)
     Barragan (Beyer)
     Bowman (Clark (MA))
     Buchanan (Arrington)
     Cardenas (Gomez)
     Carson (Butterfield)
     Cohen (Beyer)
     Cooper (Clark (MA))
     DeSaulnier (Matsui)
     Deutch (Rice (NY))
     Fallon (Nehls)
     Fleischmann (Kustoff)
     Frankel, Lois (Clark (MA))
     Gallego (Gomez)
     Gonzalez, Vincente (Gomez)
     Gosar (Wagner)
     Grijalva (Garcia (IL))
     Hastings (Wasserman Schultz)
     Jayapal (Clark (MA))
     Kirkpatrick (Stanton)
     Langevin (Courtney)
     Larson (CT) (Courtney)
     Lawrence (Kildee)
     Lawson (FL) (Evans)
     Lieu (Beyer)
     Lofgren (Jeffries)
     Long (Wagner)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     Lynch (Clark (MA))
     Maloney, Carolyn B. (Jeffries)
     McEachin (Wexton)
     Meng (Clark (MA))
     Mfume (Brown)
     Moulton (Beyer)
     Napolitano (Correa)
     Payne (Wasserman Schultz)
     Porter (Wexton)
     Price (NC) (Butterfield)
     Roybal-Allard (Correa)
     Ruiz (Aguilar)
     Rush (Underwood)
     Speier (Scanlon)
     Titus (Connolly)
     Trahan (McGovern)
     Vela (Gomez)
     Watson Coleman (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL) (Adams)

    ELECTING MEMBERS TO CERTAIN STANDING COMMITTEES OF THE HOUSE OF 
                            REPRESENTATIVES

  Mr. JEFFRIES. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Democratic Caucus, I 
offer a privileged resolution and ask for its immediate consideration.
  The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:

                               H. Res. 92

       Resolved, That the following named Members be, and are 
     hereby, elected to the following standing committees of the 
     House of Representatives:
       Committee on Agriculture: Mr. Panetta.
       Committee on Education and Labor: Mr. Yarmuth, Mr. 
     Espaillat.
       Committee on Natural Resources: Ms. McCollum, Mr. Cohen, 
     Mr. Tonko, Ms. Tlaib.
       Committee on Veterans' Affairs: Ms. Lois Frankel of 
     Florida, Mr. Brown, Ms. Slotkin, Mr. Trone.

  Mr. JEFFRIES (during the reading). Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous 
consent that the resolution be considered as read and printed in the 
Record.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from New York?
  There was no objection.
  The resolution was agreed to.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

                          ____________________