[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 12 (Thursday, January 21, 2021)]
[Senate]
[Pages S86-S87]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
LEGISLATIVE SESSION
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PROVIDING FOR AN EXCEPTION TO A LIMITATION AGAINST APPOINTMENT OF
PERSONS AS SECRETARY OF DEFENSE WITHIN SEVEN YEARS OF RELIEF FROM
ACTIVE DUTY
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the Senate will
proceed to consideration of H.R. 335, which the clerk will report.
The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:
A bill (H.R. 335) to provide for an exception to a
limitation against appointment of persons as Secretary of
Defense within seven years of relief from active duty as a
regular commissioned officer of the Armed Forces.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. There will now be up to 30 minutes of debate
on the bill
Ms. COLLINS. Madam President, I rise today in opposition of the
legislative waiver for the nominee to become the next Secretary of
Defense.
Since the inception of our Republic, civilian control of our military
by democratically-elected civilians has been fundamental to American
Government. This principle was firmly established as General George
Washington famously resigned his commission to the Continental Congress
in 1783, when he might have easily positioned himself as the leader of
the fledgling American Government instead. With this bedrock principle
in mind, Congress in 1947 established a limitation on former military
generals serving as Secretary of Defense without a sufficient number of
yes in civilian life. Today, Active-duty military members must have
been retired for at least 7 years before becoming eligible to serve as
Defense Secretary.
Four years ago, despite great concern for what I saw as an erosion of
the principle of civilian control of our military, I voted in support
of granting a ``one-time exception'' to the statutory requirement for
the confirmation of Gen. James Mattis. Until Congress
[[Page S87]]
granted a waiver of this requirement in 2017 for General Mattis,
Congress had approved a waiver only once before, in 1950 for General
George Marshall. With the nomination of Gen. Lloyd Austin, what I had
thought would be a once-in-a-generation waiver in 2017 now appears to
be the start of an unwelcome trend.
To be clear, I do not believe that General Austin himself poses a
specific risk to the civilian control of our military. By all accounts,
he is a dedicated public servant and patriot with more than 40 years of
successful military service. However, I do not believe that President
Biden has offered a strong enough justification for granting another
legislative waiver in so short a time.
Should a waiver for his service be approved over my objections, which
appears likely to occur, I intend to support General Austin's
nomination based on his merits and qualifications. Over the course of
his long and distinguished career, including as commander of U.S.
Central Command during one of the region's most challenging periods for
the United States, he has served with professionalism and diligence and
has earned the trust of President Biden.
General Austin has committed to uphold the principle of civilian
control of the military and pledged to ensure civilian leadership and
oversight over the Pentagon's strategic and operational planning. I
commend General Austin for once again answering the call to serve, and
I look forward to working with him to rebalance our civil-military
relations toward civilian control.
In November 2018, the congressionally appointed National Defense
Strategy Commission concluded that, ``There is an imbalance in civil-
military relations on critical issues of strategy development and
implementation. Civilian voices appear relatively muted on issues at
the center of U.S. defense and national security policy.'' Losing this
civilian perspective can have profound, long-term strategic impacts on
the Pentagon and our national security policy.
There are many reasons for this trend toward unbalanced civil-
military relations in recent years, including the failure of the prior
administration to adequately fill Senate-confirmed positions at the
Pentagon, instead relying on acting officials with limited ability to
assert themselves within the department.
We have also seen a troubling increase in the politicization of our
military. For example, hundreds of retired generals and admirals signed
public letters of support for Presidential candidates in 2020, with
both campaigns competing for the most military endorsements. That was
coupled with a growing trend toward political expression among the
ranks on social media and elsewhere; in at least one instance,
servicemembers in uniform were featured at one of the national
Presidential nominating conventions. It is imperative that military
officers do not come to view their commands as auditions for future
political appointments or opportunities to curry favor with civilian
political leaders.
As Dr. Lindsay Cohn, a professor at the U.S. Naval War College,
stated during the recent Senate Armed Services Committee hearing
examining civilian control of the Armed Forces, civilian control of our
military is not necessarily an on-off switch. It is a web of
institutions, norms, practices, and understandings which can be
weakened or strengthened. Recently, we have begun to see the principle
of civilian control of the military weakened and degraded.
In my view, Congress must not simply acquiesce to that growing trend.
I do not believe it would be wise to allow the exception to swallow the
rule when it comes to such a foundational principle of our Republic as
civilian control of the military.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Madam President, I rise today to once again oppose a
waiver to bypass U.S. law and allow a recently retired member of Armed
Forces to serve as our Secretary of Defense. On the merits, I support
the nomination of Lloyd Austin, and I believe that Mr. Austin is highly
qualified for this role. However, the importance of civilian leadership
at the Department of Defense is greater than any individual nominee.
The subordination of military authority to civil authority is a
bedrock principle of our democracy. In 2017, when I voted against a
waiver to allow James Mattis to serve as Secretary of Defense, I
stressed that our Founders' emphasis on civilian leadership
distinguished the young United States from the other nations of the
time. I also noted that in enacting the exception for General Marshall
in 1950, Congress expressly stated that: ``the authority granted by
this Act is not to be construed as approval by the Congress of
continuing appointments of military men to the office of Secretary of
Defense in the future. It is hereby expressed as the sense of the
Congress that after General Marshall leaves the office of secretary of
defense, no additional appointments of military men to that office
shall be approved.''
I still believe that the 7-year waiting period is a valuable
practice--one of many--that preserves our--Nation's long tradition of
placing civilian authority above military authority. In 2017, I said
``should Congress vote to waive this law at this moment in time, I will
review the nomination [. . .] on its individual merits.'' And I intend
to apply my words then to my actions now and will consider Mr. Austin's
nomination on its merits when it comes to the floor for a vote.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Rhode Island.
Mr. REED. Madam President, I would ask unanimous consent to yield
back all time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
Without objection, it is so ordered.
The clerk will read the title of the bill for the third time.
The bill was ordered to a third reading and was read the third time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill, having been read the third time, the
question is, Shall the bill pass?
Mr. REED. Madam President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There appears to be a sufficient second.
The clerk will call the roll.
Mr. THUNE. The following Senators are necessarily absent: the Senator
from North Carolina (Mr. Burr), the Senator from Mississippi (Mrs.
Hyde-Smith), the Senator from Kansas (Mr. Moran), and the Senator from
North Carolina (Mr. Tillis).
Further, if present and voting, the Senator from Kansas (Mr. Moran)
would have voted ``nay.''
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Are there any other Senators in the Chamber
desiring to vote or change their vote?
The result was announced--yeas 69, nays 27, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 4 Leg.]
YEAS--69
Bennet
Blunt
Boozman
Braun
Brown
Cantwell
Capito
Cardin
Carper
Casey
Cassidy
Coons
Cornyn
Cramer
Crapo
Cruz
Daines
Durbin
Ernst
Feinstein
Fischer
Graham
Grassley
Hagerty
Hassan
Heinrich
Hickenlooper
Hirono
Hoeven
Inhofe
Johnson
Kaine
Kelly
Kennedy
King
Klobuchar
Lankford
Leahy
Lujan
Manchin
McConnell
Menendez
Murkowski
Murphy
Ossoff
Padilla
Paul
Peters
Portman
Reed
Risch
Romney
Rounds
Sanders
Schatz
Schumer
Scott (SC)
Shaheen
Shelby
Sinema
Smith
Stabenow
Sullivan
Thune
Tuberville
Warner
Warnock
Whitehouse
Wicker
NAYS--27
Baldwin
Barrasso
Blackburn
Blumenthal
Booker
Collins
Cortez Masto
Cotton
Duckworth
Gillibrand
Hawley
Lee
Lummis
Markey
Marshall
Merkley
Murray
Rosen
Rubio
Sasse
Scott (FL)
Tester
Toomey
Van Hollen
Warren
Wyden
Young
NOT VOTING--4
Burr
Hyde-Smith
Moran
Tilli
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Three-fifths of the Senators duly chosen and
sworn having voted in the affirmative, the bill is passed.
Under the previous order, the motion to reconsider is considered made
and laid upon the table.
The bill (H.R. 335) was passed.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Jersey.
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