[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 8 (Wednesday, January 13, 2021)]
[House]
[Pages H151-H165]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




   PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H. RES. 24, IMPEACHING DONALD JOHN 
TRUMP, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, FOR HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANORS

  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I 
call up House Resolution 41 and ask for its immediate consideration.
  The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:

                               H. Res. 41

       Resolved, That upon adoption of this resolution it shall be 
     in order without intervention of any point of order to 
     consider in the House the resolution (H. Res. 24) impeaching 
     Donald John Trump, President of the United States, for high 
     crimes and misdemeanors. The previous question shall be 
     considered as ordered on the resolution and on any amendment 
     thereto to adoption without intervening motion or demand for 
     division of the question except two hours of debate equally 
     divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority 
     member of the Committee on the Judiciary or their respective 
     designees.
       Sec. 2.  Until completion of proceedings enabled by the 
     first section of this resolution--
       (a) the Chair may decline to entertain any intervening 
     motion, resolution, question, or notice; and
       (b) the Chair may decline to entertain the question of 
     consideration.
       Sec. 3.  Upon adoption of House Resolution 24--
       (a) House Resolution 40 is hereby adopted; and
       (b) no other resolution incidental to impeachment relating 
     to House Resolution 24

[[Page H152]]

     shall be privileged during the remainder of the One Hundred 
     Seventeenth Congress.
       Sec. 4.  Section 5 of House Resolution 8, agreed to January 
     4, 2021, is amended by striking ``January 28'' each place 
     that it appears and inserting ``February 11''.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Massachusetts is 
recognized for 1 hour.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield 
the customary 30 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Oklahoma 
(Mr. Cole), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. 
During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the 
purpose of debate only.


                             General Leave

  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
be given 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Massachusetts?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, yesterday, the Rules Committee met and 
reported a closed rule, House Resolution 41, providing for 
consideration of H. Res. 24, impeaching Donald John Trump, President of 
the United States, for high crimes and misdemeanors.
  The rule provides 2 hours of debate equally divided and controlled by 
the chair and ranking member of the Committee on the Judiciary. The 
rule also provides that upon adoption of H. Res. 24, H. Res. 40 is 
hereby adopted.
  Finally, the rule extends recess instructions, suspension authority, 
and same-day authority through February 11, 2021.
  Mr. Speaker, we are debating this historic measure at an actual crime 
scene, and we wouldn't be here if it weren't for the President of the 
United States.
  On Wednesday, January 6, Congress gathered here to fulfill our 
constitutional duty, tallying the electoral college victory of 
President-elect Biden and Vice-President-elect Harris after a free and 
fair election.
  This is largely a ceremonial role for the Congress, one that sends 
the message to the world that democracy in the United States persists. 
But at a rally just a mile and a half down Pennsylvania Avenue, Donald 
Trump and his allies were stoking the anger of a violent mob.
  A Member of this very body proclaimed on that stage: ``Today is the 
day American patriots start taking down names and kicking ass.''
  Trump's personal attorney, Rudy Giuliani, called for a ``trial by 
combat.''
  Then Donald Trump told the crowd: ``We are going to have to fight 
much harder . . . you will never take back our country with weakness.''
  Even though, according to his own administration that this election 
was the most secure in our history, Donald Trump repeated his big lie 
that this election was an egregious assault on democracy.
  He said Vice President Pence ``was going to have to come through for 
us.''
  Trump then told this mob to ``walk down to the Capitol.''
  The signal was unmistakable: These thugs should stage a coup so 
Donald Trump can hang on to power. The people's will be damned.
  This beacon of democracy became the site of a vicious attack. Rioters 
chanted, ``Hang Mike Pence,'' as noose and gallows were built a stone's 
throw from the Capitol steps. Capitol police officers were beaten and 
sprayed with pepper spray. Attackers hunted down lawmakers to hold them 
hostage or worse. Staff barricaded doors. People sent text messages to 
their families to tell them they loved them. They thought they were 
saying good-bye, Mr. Speaker.
  This was not a protest. This was an insurrection. This was a well-
organized attack on our country that was incited by Donald Trump.
  Domestic terrorists broke into the United States Capitol that day and 
it is a miracle more people didn't die. As my colleagues and I were 
being evacuated to safety, I never ever will forget what I saw when I 
looked into the eyes of those attackers right in the Speaker's lobby 
there. I saw evil, Mr. Speaker. Our country came under attack not from 
a foreign nation, but from within.
  These were not protesters. These were not patriots. These were 
traitors. These were domestic terrorists, Mr. Speaker, and they were 
acting under the orders of Donald Trump.
  Some of my colleagues on the other side have suggested that we just 
move on from this horror. But to gloss over it would be an abdication 
of our duty. Others on the Republican side have talked about unity. But 
we can't have unity without truth and without accountability. And I am 
not about to be lectured by people who just voted to overturn the 
results of a free and fair election.
  America was attacked and we must respond, even when the cause of this 
violence resides at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.
  Each of us took an oath last week. It wasn't to a party and it wasn't 
to a person. We vowed to defend the Constitution. The actions of Donald 
Trump have called each of us to fulfill that oath today. I pray that we 
rise to this responsibility because every moment Donald Trump is in the 
White House, our Nation and our freedom is in danger. He must be held 
to account for the attack on our Capitol that he organized and he 
incited.
  I solemnly urge my colleagues to support this rule and the underlying 
article. The damage this building sustained can be repaired, Mr. 
Speaker; but if we don't hold Donald Trump accountable, the damage done 
to our Nation could be irreversible.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, before I begin my formal remarks, I want to ask for 
God's blessing and protection on you; on my friend, Mr. McGovern; for 
all who come to this Chamber today to speak and to vote; for our 
wonderful staff that make this possible; and most especially for the 
men and women of the Capitol Police and the other affiliated law 
enforcement agencies that are here to protect everybody and to make 
sure that this proceeding can go forward.
  With that, Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from 
Massachusetts, my very good friend, the distinguished chairman of the 
Rules Committee, Mr. McGovern, for yielding me the customary 30 
minutes.

  Mr. Speaker, today is a sad day for all of us, for me personally, for 
the Rules Committee, for the entire House of Representatives, and most 
certainly for the American people.
  For the second time in 13 months, we are meeting to discuss the 
impeachment of the President of the United States. Our meeting today 
does not arise in a vacuum and comes at what I hope and pray is the end 
of a tumultuous period for our country.
  Less than 1 week ago, Congress met to certify the results of the 2020 
Presidential election. What started out as peaceful protests, turned 
into a riot as an untold number of individuals stormed the Capitol 
Building. Six people died as a result of this mob. It is only by the 
grace of God and the brave acts of the U.S. Capitol Police; the 
Washington, D.C. Metropolitan Police; the FBI; the ATF; and other 
responding agencies that there was not more bloodshed.
  Violent acts such as these have no place in our Republic. These 
shocking and sobering events rest high on our minds today, as well they 
should. Certainly, January 6, 2021, will live in my memory as the 
darkest day during my time in service as a Member of this House.
  After these grave events, we, as a nation and as an institution, have 
an opportunity to come together. President Trump has conceded the 2020 
election. Congress has certified the results of the election, and next 
Wednesday, President-elect Biden will be sworn in as the President of 
the United States.
  Congress and the Nation can move forward knowing that the political 
process was completed as designed and that the constitutional framework 
that has governed our Republic since 1789 held firm. But instead of 
moving forward as a unifying force, majority in the House is choosing 
to divide us further.
  With only 1 week to go in his term, the majority is asking us to 
consider a resolution impeaching President Trump, and they do so 
knowing full well that even if the House passes this resolution, the 
Senate will not be able to begin considering these charges until after 
President Trump's term ends.

[[Page H153]]

  Mr. Speaker, I can think of no action the House can take that is more 
likely to further divide the American people than the action we are 
contemplating today. Emotions are clearly running high and political 
divisions have never been more apparent in my lifetime.
  We desperately need to seek a path forward, healing for the American 
people. So it is unfortunate that a path to support healing is not the 
path the majority has chosen today. Instead, the House is moving 
forward erratically with a truncated process that does not comport with 
the modern practice and that will give Members no time to contemplate 
the serious course of action before us.
  In every modern impeachment inquiry, an investigation and committee 
action has preceded bringing an impeachment resolution to the floor. In 
part, this is to ensure that members have the full facts, the 
opportunity to engage expert witnesses, and have a chance to be heard. 
It also provides due process to the President of the United States. 
Again, in every modern impeachment inquiry, the President has been 
given an opportunity to be heard in some form or another.
  This is necessary in order to ensure that the American people have 
confidence in the procedures the House is following. It is also 
necessary, not because of the President's inappropriate and reckless 
words are deserving of defense, but because the Presidency itself 
demands due process in the impeachment proceedings.
  Unfortunately, the majority has chosen to race to the floor with a 
new Article of Impeachment, forgoing any investigation, any committee 
process or any chance for Members to fully contemplate this course of 
action before proceeding.
  Professor Jonathan Turley is correct when he called this ``a 
dangerous snap impeachment--an impeachment that effectively would go to 
a vote without the deliberation or inquiries of a traditional 
hearing.''
  Professor Turley also noted that ``the damage caused by the rioters 
this week was enormous. However, it will pale in comparison to the 
damage from a new precedent of a snap impeachment. . . .''
  Mr. Speaker, if the majority is seeking consensus, this is hardly the 
way to create it.

                              {time}  0930

  The majority is failing to provide the House with an opportunity to 
review all the facts--which are still coming to light--to discuss all 
the evidence, to listen to scholars, to examine the witnesses, and to 
consider precedence. This is not the type of robust process we have 
followed for every modern impeachment, and the failure to do so does a 
great disservice to this institution and to this country.
  Mr. Speaker, I could think of nothing that will cause further 
division more than the path the majority is now taking. Rather than 
looking ahead to a new administration, the majority is again seeking to 
settle scores against the old one. Rather than seeking to heal America, 
they are seeking to divide us more deeply, and rather than following 
the appropriate processes the House has used in every modern 
impeachment, the majority is rushing to the floor, tripping all over 
themselves in their rush to impeach the President a second time.
  What is worse, though, is the majority seems to believe this course 
of action is self-evident, and that is simply not the case. I have to 
tell them: it is not. Members have reviewed the same conduct and have 
come to dramatically different conclusions. Legal scholars like 
Professor Turley and Professor Alan Dershowitz, both of whom condemn 
the President's statements, believe that his statements are not 
impeachable. I know other scholars have different points of view.
  Given this difference of opinion, shouldn't we have a better process 
than this?
  Shouldn't we have a chance to examine witnesses, discuss the matter 
with legal scholars, and consider this in committee?
  On a matter as grave and consequential as impeachment, shouldn't we 
follow the same process we have used in every modern impeachment rather 
than rushing to the floor?
  On behalf of generations of Americans to come, we need to think more 
clearly about the consequences of our actions today. The fact of the 
matter is, Mr. Speaker, there is no reason to rush forward like this, 
other than the very obvious fact that there are only 7 days left until 
the new President takes office. But what is worse, as Professor 
Dershowitz has pointed out, because of the Senate's rules, the case 
cannot come to trial in the Senate until 1 p.m. on January 20, 1 hour 
after President Trump leaves office.
  This is an ill-advised course, in my opinion, Mr. Speaker. Even 
Senator Joe Manchin, a Democrat, agrees. Senator Manchin is quoted this 
week as having said, ``I think this is so ill-advised for Joe Biden to 
be coming in, trying to heal the country, trying to be the President of 
all the people when we are going to be so divided and fighting again. 
Let the judicial system do its job.''
  So what, then, is the point of the rush to impeach?
  We are coming off a horrific event that resulted in six deaths. We 
have an opportunity to move forward, but we cannot if the majority 
insists on bringing the country through the trauma of another 
impeachment. It will carry forward into the next President's term 
ensuring that he will struggle to organize his administration. What is 
worse, it will continue to generate the bitterness so many of us have 
opposed.
  Why put us through that when we can't actually resolve this before 
the end of the President's term?
  Mr. Speaker, I think my colleagues in the majority need to think 
about this more soberly. We need to recognize we are following a flawed 
process. We need to recognize that people of goodwill can differ. We 
need to recognize that, while the House may be done with this matter 
after today's vote, it will not be done for the country. It will not be 
done for the Senate, and it will not be done for the incoming Biden 
administration. The House's action today will only extend the division 
longer than necessary.
  Finally, Mr. Speaker, I would note that there are other remedies that 
can be pursued. The President is expected to face litigation over his 
role in last Wednesday's events. There will be criminal proceedings 
against the perpetrators, and I hope all of those who stormed the 
Capitol will be brought to justice. And some Members have proposed an 
alternative procedure--censuring the President--which could garner 
significant bipartisan support in the House.
  I do not think impeachment is a wise course, Mr. Speaker. I would 
urge my friends in the majority to reconsider. There is still time to 
choose a different path, one that leads to reconciliation and hope for 
better and brighter days.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge opposition to the rule, and I reserve the balance 
of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record the powerful statement by 
Congresswoman Liz Cheney, who is the chair of the House Republican 
Conference, titled ``I will vote to impeach the President.''

              Cheney: I Will Vote To Impeach the President

                                                 January 12, 2021.
       Washington--Wyoming Congresswoman and House Republican 
     Conference Chair Liz Cheney (R-WY) released the following 
     statement ahead of votes in the House this week:
       ``On January 6, 2021 a violent mob attacked the United 
     States Capitol to obstruct the process of our democracy and 
     stop the counting of presidential electoral votes. This 
     insurrection caused injury, death and destruction in the most 
     sacred space in our Republic.
       ``Much more will become clear in coming days and weeks, but 
     what we know now is enough. The President of the United 
     States summoned this mob, assembled the mob, and lit the 
     flame of this attack. Everything that followed was his doing. 
     None of this would have happened without the President. The 
     President could have immediately and forcefully intervened to 
     stop the violence. He did not. There has never been a greater 
     betrayal by a President of the United States of his office 
     and his oath to the Constitution.
       ``I will vote to impeach the President.''

  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I want to be clear about just one thing: 
If we vote to impeach the President today and we send it over to the 
Senate, there is nothing to prevent the Senate from taking it up 
immediately if Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell decides that he 
wants to proceed, number one.
  Number two, we all want to talk about unity. I can't think of 
anything

[[Page H154]]

that would unify this country more than if there was a big bipartisan 
vote in favor of impeachment. Every second that this President remains 
in office is a danger to this country and to the world. We have no idea 
what he is capable of doing, whether he will pardon these terrorists or 
whether he will go to war.
  So I urge all my colleagues on both sides to support this rule and 
the impeachment resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. 
Chu).
  Ms. CHU. Mr. Speaker, last week, I hid in an office for hours, 
terrified to open the door because I did not know if a rioter was on 
the other side ready to attack, kidnap, or murder me. But my 
experiences were just the tip of the iceberg. The U.S. Capitol was 
targeted, besieged, and ransacked on January 6 by a murderous mob 
holding a noose for Vice President Pence and targeting Speaker Pelosi. 
Their rampage resulted in destruction and five people dead.
  We were attacked by terrorists, but this time the terrorists were 
radicalized right here in the United States. Worse, they were 
radicalized by the President, who intentionally lied to his supporters 
that the election was stolen and then told them when to come to D.C., 
where to protest, and whom to direct their anger at.
  The need to remove this President could not be more urgent. He is too 
dangerous to remain in office. Donald Trump must be held accountable. 
He must be impeached.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, I will offer an 
amendment to the rule to immediately bring up a resolution establishing 
a bipartisan national commission on the domestic terrorist attack on 
the United States Capitol. This proposed bipartisan commission will be 
tasked with examining and reporting upon the terror attack upon our 
Capitol that occurred last Wednesday. The commission will be bipartisan 
in nature, modeled after the 9/11 Commission, and will fully be 
empowered to undertake a full investigation and make recommendations to 
the President and to Congress.
  I can think of no more appropriate path for Congress to follow than 
by ensuring a bipartisan commission reviews all evidence and reports 
back to us on this horrific event.
  Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of my 
amendment in the Record, along with extraneous material, immediately 
prior to the vote on the previous question.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Oklahoma?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``no'' vote on the previous question.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. 
Rodney Davis), who is the ranking Republican member on the House 
Administration Committee, for a further explanation of this amendment.
  Mr. RODNEY DAVIS of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I first want to thank the 
U.S. Police and the Sergeant at Arms employees who were here on the 
front lines protecting this Capitol last week during the unprecedented 
attack. It is imperative that we focus on ensuring a safe Inauguration 
Day, protecting Members and staff during this time of increased 
threats, and making sure that our Capitol Police officers have the 
support that they need. We need to ensure that what we saw happen a 
week ago today never happens again.
  Yesterday, I introduced, along with Representatives Katko and Comer, 
a bill that would create a national commission on the domestic 
terrorist attack upon the United States Capitol. The bipartisan 
commission would consist of 10 Members--5 Republicans, 5 Democrats--
appointed by the next President and by House and Senate leadership. 
This commission would be tasked with investigating the domestic 
terrorist attack that occurred in this building just a week ago, and it 
will provide us recommendations to prevent similar attacks from 
happening in the future.
  What we saw last week scared all of us who were here. But it also 
showed adversaries what it takes to take out a branch of government.
  When this commission is done with its investigation, it will submit a 
report to the President and the Congress detailing its findings and 
recommendations to ensure that no foreign or domestic adversary could 
accomplish what was done on January 6. We need to ensure that we fully 
understand what took place last week and any and all issues that 
occurred during our response.
  Republicans and Democrats need to work together. We must unite to 
prevent any attacks like this from happening in the future, and we must 
protect this institution, not just for us but for the American people. 
That is why we should defeat the previous question so that we can 
establish this bipartisan commission to equip us with the information 
that we need to support our Capitol Police and the men and women who 
work in these buildings.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).
  Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman of the Rules Committee 
for yielding. I congratulate him for his efforts down at the Rules 
Committee in acting and acting swiftly.
  I appreciate the remarks of Mr. Cole, for whom I have great respect, 
but I disagree with his sense of a lack of urgency in action. I do 
agree with him of the consequences of our action. There are 
consequences to actions, and the actions of the President of the United 
States demand urgent and clear action by the Congress of the United 
States.
  The chairman of the committee introduced the remarks and put them in 
the Record, but I want to reference the remarks of the chair of the 
Republican Conference, which is the analog to the Democratic Caucus. It 
is all the Republicans elected to the Congress of the United States in 
the House of Representatives. And they elected Liz Cheney, the daughter 
of the Vice President of the United States, the former whip of this 
House, Dick Cheney, with whom I served in the eighties.

  Representative Cheney, from Wyoming, a conservative Republican, said 
this: ``The President of the United States summoned this mob, assembled 
the mob, and lit the flame of this attack.''
  That is not some irresponsible new Member of the Congress of the 
United States. This is the daughter of the former Republican whip and 
former Vice President of the United States of America. She knows of 
what she speaks.
  She said this as well: ``There has never been a greater betrayal by a 
President of the United States of his office and his oath to the 
Constitution.''
  This is not, as Liz Cheney says, just some action. She characterized 
it as the biggest betrayal of any President of the United States in our 
history.
  Mr.   John Katko--not a backbench Republican who just got here and 
doesn't know what is going on--Mr.   John Katko, who is the ranking 
Republican on the Homeland Security Committee, says this: ``To allow 
the President of the United States to incite this attack without 
consequence is a direct threat to the future of our democracy.''
  This is not some backbencher on their side of the aisle, Mr. Speaker. 
It reflects the sense of outrage and the sense of historic 
dissimilarity from the actions of any previous President.
  Then Mr. Adam Kinzinger, a member of the Energy and Commerce 
Committee and a senior Member from Illinois--so we have a Member from 
Wyoming, a Member from Illinois, and a Member from New York. There will 
be others on this vote who will join them. Mr. Kinzinger said this: 
``If these actions''--he hasn't had any hearings; he doesn't need any 
long, drawn-out consideration--``If these actions are not worthy of 
impeachment, then what is an impeachable offense?''
  There is no doubt in my mind that the President of the United States 
broke his oath and incited this insurrection.
  I tell my friend, Mr. Speaker, a gentleman for whom I have great 
respect--he is my friend, and I say that honestly, not just as rhetoric 
that we say on this floor, because there are some that I don't consider 
friends, whose values I do not share. That is not Mr. Cole. We have a 
difference. Liz Cheney,   John Katko, Adam Kinzinger, and other 
Republicans whom I have talked to within the last 24 hours believe this 
action is required.

[[Page H155]]

  


                              {time}  0945

  Mr. Speaker, I see the gentleman from Ohio is on the floor. He likes 
to say that we Democrats were elected and the first thing we wanted to 
do was impeach this President. He is shaking his head in agreement 
because, like the President of the United States, he denies the facts. 
Trump-like. Fake news.
  Mr. Speaker, December 6, 2017, Mr. Green, who I am going to refer to, 
offered a motion because he saw the danger that confronted our country, 
and he filed a resolution of impeachment. On December 6, 2017, we had a 
vote on that, and the majority of Democrats voted ``no''--actually, 
they voted ``yes'' to table--so that we did not proceed in 2017.
  The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Green) thought, however, the next year 
that there was still a danger to our country. Some of us shared that 
view, but we were not confident that the case could be made or that the 
transactions that preceded would lead to conviction. So, on January 19 
of 2018, we had a motion to table Mr. Green's resolution, and the 
majority of Democrats voted to table that resolution.
  What a rush to judgment.
  And then, on July 17, 2019, 9 days before the call to Ukraine to get 
the Ukrainian leader to act on the political behalf of the President of 
the United States and where he withheld money to defend the Ukrainian 
people from Russian involvement and offered that as a bribe, on July 
17, the majority of Democrats voted to table that resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, there was no rush to judgment.
  Then that call to which I just referred was on July 26, 9 days later. 
I call that the ``a-ha moment.'' Yes, I knew what I thought, but that 
was proof.
  Some gentlemen have lamented that we didn't know the whistleblower, 
because, after all, if we knew the whistleblower, we could intimidate 
everybody else from coming forward. This President has done everything 
he can to intimidate whistleblowers, people who came forward and told 
the truth. And we had witness after witness after witness who confirmed 
what the whistleblower brought to our attention.
  So, Mr. Speaker, the reason I rise today--and I am going to speak on 
the resolution itself at some later time--is to recognize the 
contributions that Al Green from Texas has made to getting us to this 
place.
  I am not going to read all of the resolution, but I want to read some 
excerpts from the resolution he has introduced. We won't be considering 
his resolution. We will be considering Mr. Cicilline's resolution which 
over 200 others have signed on to.
  Mr. Green had a resolution be introduced: ``Resolved, that Donald 
Trump, President of the United States'' . . . `'is impeached for high 
misdemeanors, and that the following Articles of Impeachment be 
exhibited to the Senate.''
  Article I says, ``In his capacity as President of the United States, 
unmindful of the high duties of his high office and the dignity and 
proprieties thereof, and of the harmony and courtesies necessary for 
stability''--to which my friend spoke, the gentleman from Oklahoma--
Donald John Trump, in violation of his constitutional oath to 
faithfully execute the Office of President ``has harmed the society of 
the United States, brought shame and dishonor to the Office of 
President of the United States, sowing discord among the people of the 
United States'' by weaponizing hate for political gain.
  He went on to say, ``On January 6, 2021, in a speech at the National 
Mall, President Donald Trump weaponized the hate that resulted in 
violence, the deaths of multiple people, an assault on democracy, and 
an insurrection against the Capitol of the United States of America by 
inciting a mob''--who said that? Liz Cheney said it, and Al Green said 
it--infected with white supremacists carrying a rebel flag, erecting a 
gallows structure with a noose, wearing shirts and hateful messages 
such as ``Camp Auschwitz: Work Brings Freedom'' and ``MAGA Civil War, 
January 6, 2021.'' ``MAGA Civil War.''
  They had the hats on of the army of MAGA, which I refer to as ``Make 
America Grieve Again.'' We grieved at Fort Sumter; we grieved on 
December 7, 1941; and we grieved on 9/11. And, yes, we grieved on 
January 6 of this year.
  He goes on to say what the President told this mob that Liz Cheney 
said was recruited by the President of the United States. This is the 
President talking to this mob:
  ``All of us here today do not want to see our election victory stolen 
by bold and radical left Democrats''--like the Secretary of State in 
Georgia and the Governor of Georgia--``which is what they are doing, 
and stolen by the fake news media.''
  Inciting, riling up, creating anger with the fake news and lies that 
the President of the United States said to these folks.
  ``That is what they have done and what they are doing,'' the 
President continued. ``We will never give up. We will never concede. It 
doesn't happen. You don't concede when there is theft involved.''
  And so what did they do? Incited by this President, as Liz Cheney 
said, as   John Katko said, as Adam Kinzinger said, and, frankly, what 
Secretary Chao acted upon and what the Secretary of Homeland Security 
acted upon and what so many others in the administration have acted 
upon--disgusted, dismayed, and disheartened by what their President had 
done, they got out. They quit.
  The President further emboldened them, saying--this is the Green 
resolution. We are not considering it, but it is the Green resolution. 
The President further emboldened them, saying, ``You will never take 
back our country with weakness.''
  We had a display of non-weakness, criminal insurrection-like conduct, 
recruited by and deployed by the President of the United States to come 
to this Capitol and ``stop the steal.''
  The ``steal,'' of course, was: We assembled, accepting what all the 
courts that considered it said was a fair and accurate election of Joe 
Biden and Kamala Harris as President and Vice President of the United 
States.
  After his National Mall speech, a mob of his supporters proceeded to 
the Capitol complex. We know that.
  And so Mr. Green's resolution ends with, ``Wherefore, to prevent 
national harm to our society, Donald John Trump, by such conduct, 
warrants an immediate impeachment trial and removal from office and 
disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or 
profit under the United States Constitution and the 14th Amendment.''
  Mr. Speaker, Mr. Green is going to speak after me, but, in 
conclusion, let me tell my friend Mr. Cole: I have been here some time; 
he has as well. I served with Ronald Reagan, with George H.W. Bush, and 
George Bush. I had respect for all of those Presidents. They cared 
about our country, they honored our Constitution, and they executed the 
duties of their office consistent with the Constitution and laws of our 
country.
  That is not true of this President, and, therefore, he ought to be 
removed. We have that opportunity to do so. Is there little time left? 
Yes. But it is never too late to do the right thing.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Texas (Mr. Green), my good friend.
  Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I had tears well in my eyes as I 
heard Mr. Hoyer, and I know that hearts are hurting. This is a very sad 
time in the history of our country. No one is celebrating. No one wants 
to see this occur.
  Mr. Speaker, I was at the Committee on Rules by way of Zoom. I was 
there for the entire hearing. Those Members on the other side, this is 
something that they understand and they take seriously. Regardless as 
to what is said, I could sense that they are hurting too.
  I just want to thank everyone for all that has happened and the 
appreciation that has been shown.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the 
gentleman from Texas.
  Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman.
  Mr. Speaker, the healing that we talk about that has to begin, the 
healing has to start with some of these people who were there 
initially, who helped to lay this foundation, 110 people.
  I want to recognize Congresswoman Maxine Waters. A lot of them were 
threatened. Their lives were disrupted.
  Mr. Speaker, I include their names in the Record.

[[Page H156]]

  


                   Members Who Voted for Impeachment

                           Total Number: 110

     KEY
     1 = H. Res. 646--First 58--Wednesday, December 6, 2017.
     2 = H. Res. 705--Historic 66--Friday, January 19, 2018.
     3 = H. Res. 498--Noble 95--Wednesday, July 17, 2019.
       Member last name, first name, district, and which article:
       Adams, Alma, NC-12, 1,2,3.
       Barragan, Nanette, CA-44, 1,2,3.
       Bass, Karen, CA-37, 1,2,3.
       Beatty, Joyce, OH-03, 1,2,3.
       Blumenauer, Earl, OR-03, 3.
       Bonamici, Suzanne, OR-01, 3.
       Boyle, Brendan, PA-02, 3.
       Brady, Robert, PA-01, 1,2.
       Brown, Anthony, MD-04, 3.
       Butterfield, G.K., NC-01, 2,3.
       Capuano, Mike, MA-7, 1,2.
       Cardenas, Tony, CA-29, 3.
       Carson, Andre, IN-07, 2,3.
       Castro, Joaquin, TX-20, 3.
       Cicilline, David, RI-01, 3.
       Clark, Katherine, MA-05, 1,2,3.
       Clarke, Yvette, NY-09, 1,2,3.
       Clay, Wm. Lacy, MO-01, 1,2,3.
       Clyburn, James, SC-6, 1.
       Cohen, Steve, TN-09, 1,2,3.
       Davis, Danny, IL-07, 1,3.
       Dean, Madeleine, PA-04, 3.
       DeGette, Diana, CO-01, 3.
       DeSaulnier, Mark, CA-11, 1,2,3.
       Dingell, Debbie, MI-12, 3.
       Doggett, Lloyd, TX-35, 1,2,3.
       Doyle, Michael, PA-18, 3.
       Ellison, Keith, MN-05, 1,2.
       Engel, Eliot, NY-16, 1,2,3.
       Escobar, Veronica, TX-16, 3.
       Espaillat, Adriano, NY-13, 1,2,3.
       Evans, Dwight, PA-03, 1,2,3.
       Frankel, Lois, FL-21, 1,2.
       Fudge, Marcia, OH-11, 1,3.
       Garamendi, John, CA-03, 2.
       Garcia, Jesus G. ``Chuy'', IL-04, 3.
       Garcia, Sylvia, TX-29, 3.
       Gomez, Jimmy, CA-34, 1,2,3.
       Green, Al, TX-09, 1,2,3.
       Grijalva, Raul, AZ-03, 1,2,3.
       Gutierrez, Luis, IL-04, 2.
       Hastings, Alcee, FL-20, 1,2.
       Higgins, Brian, NY-26, 1,2,3.
       Huffman, Jared, CA-02, 1,2,3.
       Jackson Lee, Sheila, TX-18, 1,2,3.
       Jayapal, Pramila, WA-07, 1,2,3.
       Jeffries, Hakeem, NY-08, 2.
       Johnson, Eddie Bernice, TX-30, 2,3.
       Kelly, Robin, IL-02, 1,3.
       Kennedy III, Joseph, MA-04, 3.
       Kildee, Daniel, MI-05, 3.
       Kirkpatrick, Ann, AZ-02, 3.
       Larsen, Rick, WA-02, 3.
       Lawrence, Brenda, MI-14, 1,2,3.
       Lee, Barbara, CA-13, 1,2,3.
       Levin, Mike, CA-49, 3.
       Levin, Andy, MI-09, 3.
       Lewis, John, GA-05, 1,2.
       Lieu, Ted, CA-33, 1,2,3.
       Lofgren, Zoe, CA-19, 3.
       Lowenthal, Alan, CA-47, 2,3.
       Lowey, Nita, NY-17, 3.
       Maloney, Carolyn, NY-12, 3.
       Matsui, Doris, CA-06, 3.
       McCollum, Betty, MN-04, 1,2,3.
       McGovern, James, MA-02, 1,2,3.
       McNerney, Jerry, CA-09, 1,2,3.
       Meng, Grace, NY-06, 3.
       Moore, Gwen, WI-04, 1,2,3.
       Moulton, Seth, MA-06, 1,2,3.
       Nadler, Jerrold, NY-10, 3.
       Napolitano, Grace, CA-32, 1,2,3.
       Neguse, Joe, CO-02, 3.
       Norcross, Donald, NJ-01, 1,2,3.
       Ocasio-Cortez, Alexandria, NY-14, 3.
       Omar, Ilhan, MN-05, 3.
       Pallone, Frank, NJ-06, 1,2,3.
       Pascrell, Bill, NJ-09, 1,2,3.
       Payne, Donald, NJ-10, 2,3.
       Pingree, Chellie, ME-01, 1,2,3.
       Pocan, Mark, WI-02, 2,3.
       Polis, Jared, CO-02, 1,2.
       Pressley, Ayanna, MA-07, 3.
       Raskin, Jamie, MD-08, 1,2,3.
       Richmond, Cedric, LA-02, 1,2,3.
       Roybal-Allard, Lucille, CA-40, 3.
       Rush, Bobby, IL-01, 1,2.
       Scanlon, Mary, PA-05, 3.
       Schakowsky, Janice, IL-08, 1,2,3.
       Scott, David, GA-13, 2,3.
       Serrano, Jose, NY-15, 2.
       Sherman, Brad, CA-30, 1,2,3.
       Slaughter, Louise, NY-25, 1.
       Speier, Jackie, CA-14, 3.
       Swalwell, Eric, CA-15, 3.
       Thompson, Mike, CA-05, 3.
       Thompson, Bennie, MS-02, 1,2,3.
       Titus, Dina, NV-01, 1,2,3.
       Tlaib, Rashida, MI-13, 3.
       Tonko, Paul, NY-20, 3.
       Torres, Norma, CA-35, 3.
       Trahan, Lori, MA-03, 3.
       Vargas, Juan, CA-51, 1,2,3.
       Vela, Filemon, TX-34, 1,2,3.
       Velazquez. Nydia, NY-07, 2,3.
       Walz, Tim, MN-01, 1,2.
       Waters, Maxine, CA-43, 1,2,3.
       Watson Coleman, Bonnie, NJ-12, 1,2,3.
       Welch, Peter, VT-At Large, 3.
       Wilson, Frederica, FL-24, 1,2,3.

                   Members Who Voted for Impeachment


           H. Res. 646--First 58--Wednesday, December 6, 2017

       Member last name, first name, district:
       Adams, Alma, NC-12.
       Barragan, Nanette, CA-44.
       Bass, Karen, CA-37.
       Beatty, Joyce, OH-03.
       Brady, Robert, PA-01.
       Capuano, Mike, MA-7.
       Clark, Katherine, MA-05.
       Clarke, Yvette, NY-09.
       Clay, Wm. Lacy, MO-01.
       Clyburn, James, SC-6.
       Cohen, Steve, TN-09.
       Davis, Danny, IL-07.
       DeSaulnier, Mark, CA-11.
       Doggett, Lloyd, TX-35.
       Ellison, Keith, MN-05.
       Engel, Eliot, NY-16.
       Espaillat, Adriano, NY-13.
       Evans, Dwight, PA-03.
       Frankel, Lois, FL-21.
       Fudge, Marcia, OH-11.
       Gomez, Jimmy, CA-34.
       Green, Al, TX-09.
       Grijalva, Raul, AZ-03.
       Hastings, Alcee, FL-20.
       Higgins, Brian, NY-26.
       Huffman, Jared, CA-02.
       Jackson Lee, Sheila, TX-18.
       Jayapal, Pramila, WA-07.
       Kelly, Robin, IL-02.
       Lawrence, Brenda, MI-14.
       Lee, Barbara, CA-13.
       Lewis, John, GA-05.
       Lieu, Ted, CA-33.
       McCollum, Betty, MN-04.
       McGovern, James, MA-02.
       McNerney, Jerry, CA-09.
       Moore, Gwen, WI-04.
       Moulton, Seth, MA-06.
       Napolitano, Grace, CA-32.
       Norcross, Donald, NJ-01.
       Pallone, Frank, NJ-06.
       Pascrell, Bill, NJ-09.
       Pingree, Chellie, ME-01.
       Polis, Jared, CO-02.
       Raskin, Jamie, MD-08.
       Richmond, Cedric, LA-02.
       Rush, Bobby, IL-01.
       Schakowsky, Janice, IL-08.
       Sherman, Brad, CA-30.
       Slaughter, Louise, NY-25.
       Thompson, Bennie, MS-02.
       Titus, Dina, NV-01.
       Vargas, Juan, CA-51.
       Vela, Filemon, TX-34.
       Walz, Tim, MN-01.
       Waters, Maxine, CA-43.
       Watson Coleman, Bonnie, NJ-12.
       Wilson, Frederica, FL-24.

                   Members Who Voted For Impeachment


           H. Res. 705--Historic 66--Friday, January 19, 2018

       Member last name first name, district:
       Adams, Alma, NC-12.
       Barragan, Nanette, CA-44.
       Bass, Karen, CA-37.
       Beatty, Joyce, OH-03.
       Brady, Robert, PA-01.
       Butterfield, G.K., NC-01.
       Capuano, Mike, MA-7.
       Carson, Andre, IN-07.
       Clark, Katherine, MA-05.
       Clarke, Yvette, NY-09.
       Clay, Wm. Lacy, MO-01.
       Cohen, Steve, TN-09.
       Davis, Danny, IL-07.
       DeSaulnier, Mark, CA-11.
       Doggett, Lloyd, TX-35.
       Ellison, Keith, MN-05.
       Engel, Eliot, NY-16.
       Espaillat, Adriano, NY-13.
       Evans, Dwight, PA-03.
       Frankel, Lois, FL-21.
       Garamendi, John, CA-03.
       Gomez, Jimmy, CA-34.
       Green, Al, TX-09.
       Grijalva, Raul, AZ-03.
       Gutierrez, Luis, IL-04.
       Hastings, Alcee, FL-20.
       Higgins, Brian, NY-26.
       Huffman, Jared, CA-02.
       Jackson Lee, Sheila, TX-18.
       Jayapal, Pramila, WA-07.
       Jeffries, Hakeem, NY-08.
       Johnson, Eddie Bernice, TX-30.
       Lawrence, Brenda, MI-14.
       Lee, Barbara, CA-13.
       Lewis, John. GA-05.
       Lieu, Ted, CA-33.
       Lowenthal, Alan, CA-47.
       McCollum, Betty, MN-04.
       McGovern, James, MA-02.
       McNerney, Jerry, CA-09.
       Moore, Gwen, WI-04.
       Moulton, Seth, MA-06.
       Napolitano, Grace, CA-32.
       Norcross, Donald, NJ-01.
       Pallone, Frank, NJ-06.
       Pascrell, Bill, NJ-09.
       Payne, Donald, NJ-10.
       Pingree, Chellie, ME-01.
       Pocan, Mark, WI-02.
       Polis, Jared, CO-02.
       Raskin, Jamie, MD-08.
       Richmond, Cedric, LA-02.
       Rush, Bobby, IL-01.
       Schakowsky, Janice, IL-08.
       Scott, David, GA-13.
       Serrano, Jose, NY-15.
       Sherman, Brad, CA-30.
       Thompson, Bennie, MS-02.
       Titus, Dina, NV-01.
       Vargas, Juan, CA-51.
       Vela, Filemon, TX-34.
       Velazquez, Nydia, NY-07.
       Walz, Tim, MN-01.
       Waters, Maxine, CA-43.
       Watson Coleman, Bonnie, NJ-12.
       Wilson, Frederica, FL-24.

                   Members Who Voted for Impeachment


            H. Res. 498--Noble 95--Wednesday, July 17, 2019

       Member last name, first name, district:
       Adams, Alma, NC-12.
       Barragan, Nanette, CA-44.
       Bass, Karen, CA-37.
       Beatty, Joyce, OH-03.

[[Page H157]]

       Blumenauer, Earl, OR-03.
       Bonamici, Suzanne, OR-01.
       Boyle, Brendan, PA-02.
       Brown, Anthony, MD-04.
       Butterfield, G.K., NC-01.
       Cardenas, Tony, CA-29.
       Carson, Andre, IN-07.
       Castro, Joaquin, TX-20.
       Cicilline, David, RI-01.
       Clark, Katherine, MA-05.
       Clarke, Yvette, NY-09.
       Clay, Wm. Lacy, MO-01.
       Cohen, Steve, TN-09.
       Davis, Danny, IL-07.
       Dean, Madeleine, PA-04.
       DeGette, Diana, CO-01.
       DeSaulnier, Mark, CA-11.
       Dingell, Debbie, MI-12.
       Doggett, Lloyd, TX-35.
       Doyle, Michael, PA-18.
       Engel, Eliot, NY-16.
       Escobar, Veronica, TX-16.
       Espaillat, Adriano, NY-13.
       Evans, Dwight, PA-03.
       Fudge, Marcia, OH-11.
       Garcia, Jesus G. ``Chuy'', IL-04.
       Garcia, Sylvia, TX-29.
       Gomez, Jimmy, CA-34.
       Green, Al, TX-09.
       Grijalva, Raul, AZ-03.
       Higgins, Brian, NY-26.
       Huffman, Jared, CA-02.
       Jackson Lee, Sheila, TX-18.
       Jayapal, Pramila, WA-07.
       Johnson, Eddie Bernice, TX-30.
       Kelly, Robin, IL-02.
       Kennedy III, Joseph, MA-04.
       Kildee, Daniel, MI-05.
       Kirkpatrick, Ann, AZ-02.
       Larsen, Rick, WA-02.
       Lawrence, Brenda, MI-14.
       Lee, Barbara, CA-13.
       Levin, Mike, CA-49.
       Levin, Andy, MI-09.
       Lieu, Ted, CA-33.
       Lofgren, Zoe, CA-19.
       Lowenthal, Alan, CA-47.
       Lowey, Nita, NY-17.
       Maloney, Carolyn, NY-12.
       Matsui, Doris, CA-06.
       McCollum, Betty, MN-04.
       McGovern, James, MA-02.
       McNerney, Jerry, CA-09.
       Meng, Grace, NY-06.
       Moore, Gwen, WI-04.
       Moulton, Seth, MA-06.
       Nadler, Jerrold, NY-10.
       Napolitano, Grace, CA-32.
       Neguse, Joe, CO-02.
       Norcross, Donald, NJ-01.
       Ocasio-Cortez, Alexandria, NY-14.
       Omar, Ilhan, MN-05.
       Pallone, Frank, NJ-06.
       Pascrell, Bill, NJ-09.
       Payne, Donald, NJ-10.
       Pingree, Chellie, ME-01.
       Pocan, Mark, WI-02.
       Pressley, Ayanna, MA-07.
       Raskin, Jamie, MD-08.
       Richmond, Cedric, LA-02.
       Roybal-Allard, Lucille, CA-40.
       Scanlon, Mary, PA-05.
       Schakowsky, Janice, IL-08.
       Scott, David, GA-13.
       Sherman, Brad, CA-30.
       Speier, Jackie, CA-14.
       Swalwell, Eric, CA-15.
       Thompson, Mike, CA-05.
       Thompson, Bennie, MS-02.
       Titus, Dina, NV-01.
       Tlaib, Rashida, MI-13.
       Tonko, Paul, NY-20.
       Torres, Norma, CA-35.
       Trahan, Lori, MA-03.
       Vargas, Juan, CA-51.
       Vela, Filemon, TX-34.
       Velazquez, Nydia, NY-07.
       Waters, Maxine, CA-43.
       Watson Coleman, Bonnie, NJ-12.
       Welch, Peter, VT-At Large.
       Wilson, Frederica, FL-24.
  

  Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, may God bless our country as we go 
forward.
  MR. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Missouri (Mr. Smith), my good friend, distinguished Republican Member, 
our leader of the Budget Committee.
  Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, if we defeat the previous 
question, we will amend the rule to immediately bring up the bill 
establishing a bipartisan national commission on the domestic terror 
attack of the United States Capitol.
  This has been a devastating week for our Nation. Just last week, we 
stood right here in this very Chamber while a violent mob laid siege to 
the seat of American democracy. It is vital we get the facts on what 
went wrong last week, why the security apparatus failed, and how we can 
ensure it never--it never--happens again.
  Mr. Speaker, less than 50 feet from where we stand in this room, a 
young lady lost her life through those doors--through those doors. I 
was in this Chamber when those gunshots rang. That is real stuff. That 
should never happen in the people's House.
  For the first time, can the House Democrats and the Speaker of the 
House put the people before politics?
  Please put the people before politics. At a time when our Nation is 
more divided than ever before, let's put people before politics.
  President Trump will be leaving in 7 days. Let's try to heal this 
Nation. Let's listen to the American people. This is the people's 
House. Let's operate for the people.
  This country is hurting. The people are hurting. Our colleagues are 
hurting.
  This is a reckless impeachment. This will only bring up the hate and 
fire more than ever before.
  Have a conscience. Put the people before politics. Unify this 
country.

                              {time}  1000

  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, let me remind all of my colleagues that 
what happened on Wednesday would not have happened if it weren't for 
the occupant in the White House. If we want to put the people first, we 
all ought to vote to impeach him and remove him from office as soon as 
possible.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. 
Brownley).
  Ms. BROWNLEY. Mr. Speaker, today is a defining moment in our history.
  Congress was attacked by a mob directed by the President of the 
United States. It was a horrible, terrifying situation. But we all 
know, deep in our hearts, that it could have been much, much worse.
  We simply cannot let it stand. We cannot let it stand for the very 
soul of our democracy. We cannot let the President of the United States 
leave office without acting.
  We are the oldest constitutional republic in the world, and our 
Capitol is a sacred symbol of our great democracy.
  To my colleagues across the aisle, I appeal to your sense of service 
and duty to our Nation and to the oath we all swore to uphold. Before 
we are Democrats and Republicans, we are Americans. Let us come 
together to fulfill our oath by voting for the resolution before us and 
by defending, preserving, and honoring our democracy.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
South Carolina (Ms. Mace), one of our new Members, and note this is her 
first speech on the House floor.
  Ms. MACE. Mr. Speaker, this is not the reason I wanted to give my 
first speech in our Chamber, in our hallowed Halls. This is not what I 
wanted to do in my first week in office. But after the violent events 
of last week, watching and witnessing how heartbreaking this was, thank 
God I sent my kids home on Monday morning because I was worried about 
the rhetoric leading up to the events and to the rally on January 6, 
the violence that could transpire.
  Not only were our lives in danger but if my kids were here, their 
lives would have been in danger, too, the two most precious people in 
my life.
  Mr. Speaker, the U.S. House of Representatives has every right to 
impeach the President of the United States. What we are doing today, 
rushing this impeachment in an hour- or 2-hour-long debate on the floor 
in this Chamber, bypassing Judiciary, poses great questions about the 
constitutionality of this process.
  I believe we need to hold the President accountable. I hold him 
accountable for the events that transpired, for the attack on our 
Capitol last Wednesday. I also believe we need to hold accountable 
every single person, even Members of Congress, if they contributed to 
the violence that transpired here.
  But, today, I am asking my colleagues to remember the words of the 
legendary, great leader in this country, Dr. Martin Luther King, who 
once said the time is always right to do what is right.
  If we are serious about healing the division in this country, 
Republicans and Democrats need to acknowledge this is not the first day 
of violence we have seen. We have seen violence across our country for 
the last 9 months. We need to recognize, number one, that our words 
have consequences, that there is violence on both sides of the aisle. 
We have contributed to it. We need to take responsibility for our words 
and our actions. We need to acknowledge there is a problem, take 
responsibility for it, and stop being part of the problem and start 
being part of the solution.
  God bless every Member in the Chamber today, and God bless the United 
States of America.

[[Page H158]]

  

  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I am happy to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Welch).
  Mr. WELCH. Mr. Speaker, our government is founded on the principle of 
all power flows from the people.
  Donald Trump challenged this principle in two ways: Deceit and 
violence. The deceit is repeated in baseless assertions of an electoral 
fraud. The violence, the attack on the United States Capitol on January 
6, the mob was assembled by Donald Trump, incited by Donald Trump, and 
in service of Donald Trump's effort to overturn, through violence, what 
he lost at the voting booth.
  The violent mob reached the Capitol; killed and injured Capitol 
Police; destroyed property; threatened the Vice President, Members of 
Congress, and staff, all to obstruct the peaceful transfer of power.
  If we want unity, we must have accountability. So the question before 
this Congress: Will Congress condone through acquiescence or condemn 
through impeachment Donald Trump's violent acts to overturn the 
election?
  Congress must impeach.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio 
(Mr. Jordan), the distinguished Republican leader of the Judiciary 
Committee.
  Mr. JORDAN. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, in his opening remarks, the Democrat chair of the Rules 
Committee said that Republicans last week voted to overturn the results 
of an election.
  Guess who the first objector was on January 6, 2017, the first 
objector? The Democrat chair of the Rules Committee. And guess which 
State he objected to? Alabama. The very first State called, Alabama. 
President Trump, I think, won Alabama with 80 points. Actually, he won 
it by 30 points.
  They can object. They can object to Alabama in 2017 but tell us we 
can't object to Pennsylvania in 2021, Pennsylvania where the State 
supreme court just unilaterally extended the election to Friday; 
Pennsylvania where the secretary of state unilaterally changed the 
rules, went around the legislature in an unconstitutional fashion; 
Pennsylvania where county clerks in some counties, and you can imagine 
which counties they were, let people fix their ballots against the law, 
cure their ballots, their mail-in ballots, a direct violation of law. 
And they tell us we tried to overturn the election?

  Guess who the second objector was in 2017? The individual managing 
the impeachment for the Democrats.
  Americans are tired of the double standard. They are so tired of it. 
Democrats objected to more States in 2017 than Republicans did last 
week, but somehow we are wrong.
  Democrats can raise bail for rioters and looters this summer, but 
somehow when Republicans condemn all the violence, the violence this 
summer, the violence last week, somehow we are wrong. Democrats can 
investigate the President of the United States, as Mr. Hoyer went 
through, tried to impeach him, investigate him for 4 years, but will 
not look at an election that 80 million Americans, half the electorate, 
80 million, Republicans and Democrats, have their doubts about.
  I said this last night. I do not know where all this goes, and this 
is frightening for the country. We should defeat this rule, and we 
should defeat the impeachment resolution when it comes up later this 
afternoon.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, some of us objected 4 years ago as a 
protest vote to raise concerns about what all of our intelligence 
agencies had stated clearly, which was that Russia had interfered in 
our election.
  What the gentleman fails to acknowledge is that we all acknowledged 
that Donald Trump was the President the day after the election. Hillary 
Clinton conceded the day after the election.
  And none of us push conspiracy theories like some of my friends on 
the other side of the aisle have been doing, and this President, that 
somehow the President won in a landslide. Give me a break.
  Yesterday, in the Rules Committee, I asked the gentleman from Ohio if 
he would just say five simple words. Mr. Speaker, I will tell you that 
he was talking about healing. The five simple words that one could say 
that would help heal this Nation are that: ``The election was not 
stolen.'' That is it, five simple words. He refused. He said he never 
said the election was stolen. Well, the evidence shows otherwise. Let 
me reference this Dana Milbank piece titled ``Five pesky little words 
keep stumping Jim Jordan.''
  Mr. Speaker, the bottom line is this. This Capitol was stormed. 
People died because of the big lies that were being told by this 
President and by too many people on the other side of the aisle.
  Enough. People should be outraged as to what happened. It was 
unforgivable, unconscionable. Coming up on this floor and talking about 
whataboutism and trying to make these false equivalencies, give me a 
break.
  The President of the United States instigated an attempted coup in 
this country. People died. Everybody should be outraged, whether you 
are a Democrat or a Republican. If this is not an impeachable offense, 
I don't know what the hell is.
  This President is not fit to remain in office.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. 
DeFazio).
  Mr. DeFAZIO. Mr. Speaker, this was not a one-off. It was a long time 
coming. It was a part of a plan to perpetuate Trump in office.
  Trump's campaign strategy was: The election, the only way we can we 
lose is if it is stolen. It is stolen; it is fake. ``It is stolen,'' 
repeated by many of his fellow travelers on that side, more than 150 
times by Trump over the summer.
  Then, they litigated to disqualify voters. That didn't work.
  Then, they litigated to throw out ballots. Well, that didn't work.
  Then, they attempted to delay the count with State legislatures. 
Well, that didn't work.
  Last ditch, the President called down to Georgia and said: Can't you 
find me more votes?
  And then, one last desperate plea: Stop the January 6 certification. 
And the President talked about that on September 26. He said: You know, 
if it goes to Congress, there is one vote per State, and we have an 
advantage.
  So, I think this was part of a plan to disrupt the electoral college 
of the United States.
  Giuliani: ``Trial by combat.''
  Trump: ``You will never take back our country with weakness.''
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania (Mr. Reschenthaler), a new member of the Rules Committee.
  Mr. RESCHENTHALER. Mr. Speaker, I am deeply troubled by last week's 
attack on our Capitol, and I pray for the families of Officer Sicknick 
and Officer Liebengood.
  As I have been saying all summer long, violence and rioting has no 
place in America. The criminals responsible for last week's rioting 
must be brought to justice. At a time when our Nation is still healing, 
we must seek out issues to work on that unite us rather than issues 
that further divide us.
  I was greatly encouraged to see our country unite in condemnation of 
last week's lawlessness and the rioting. I am further encouraged that, 
despite my Democrat colleagues' claims to the contrary, President Trump 
is committed to a peaceful and uninterrupted transfer of power.
  But that is not good enough for my colleagues across the aisle. With 
just 7 days left in President Trump's term, they are fast-tracking 
impeachment proceedings, a move which will no doubt further divide an 
already fractured Nation.

  Even House Democrats' last impeachment effort, which was rushed 
through in record time, at the very least, that had expert input, 
depositions, hearings, and deliberation. This latest attempt at 
impeachment ignores all precedent. It ignores all due process. It 
cannot be voted on in the Senate before Joe Biden is sworn into office.
  I am also very concerned by the charge against the President of 
``incitement of insurrection.'' At his rally, President Trump urged 
attendees to ``peacefully and patriotically make your voices heard.'' 
There was no mention of violence, let alone calls to action.
  Look, I prosecuted terrorists in the Navy. I was a defense attorney 
in the Navy JAG Corps. I was a district judge. Pull up the criminal 
statute. Look at the criminal code. President Trump's

[[Page H159]]

words would not even meet the definition of incitement under criminal 
statutes.
  The measure before us today sets a dangerous precedent whereby 
political parties can justify impeachment simply because they do not 
agree with the President. I would, therefore, urge my colleagues across 
the aisle to just take a step back, let cooler heads prevail, and 
consider how the actions we are taking here today will alter the course 
of history, will lower an already low bar of impeachment for all future 
Presidencies.

                              {time}  1015

  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, when my friends talk about the President 
being committed to a peaceful transition, I just point to what happened 
on Wednesday when his words launched a violent attack against this 
Capitol where five people lost their lives and many more were injured. 
So give me a break.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. 
Jackson Lee).
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Contrary to my good friend's words, the President of the United 
States is an insurrectionist. He led an insurrection against the United 
States of America.
  Prior to the January 6 attack by violent domestic terrorists, the 
President spoke to the crowd for 1 hour, and these were his words. 
These were his words, which is that we cannot take the Nation back. We 
have to take the Nation back with strength, and you must go and do 
that. Those were the paraphrase of his words.
  The President provoked these domestic terrorists with words, with 
actions and conduct that betray a contempt and hostility to the 
national value of equal justice under the law, telling domestic 
terrorists, nearly all of them white supremacists, many of them, who 
support him politically, who stormed the Capitol to derail Congress 
from completing its constitutionally required duty of counting and 
verifying the vote.
  Mr. Speaker, as a senior member of the Committees on the Judiciary 
and on Homeland Security, I rise in strong support of the rule 
governing debate on H. Res. 24, a resolution impeaching the current 
President of the United States for High Crimes and Misdemeanors, 
warranting his conviction and removal from office and, in accordance 
with Article I, Section 3, clause 7, disqualification from ever again 
holding and enjoying an Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the 
United States.''
  I strongly support the rule and the underlying resolution calling for 
impeachment and removal of this President because after the horrifying 
events of Wednesday last, January 6, 2021, another day that will live 
in infamy, the continuance in office of this President for even one 
moment longer represents a clear and present threat to the security of 
the United States, its people, institutions, and democratic form of 
government.
  To put it in the words of the Framers, the current President's 
conduct reflects and reveals a person ``whose character is thus marked 
by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a 
free people.''
  To put it in contemporary terms, the current President can rightly be 
said to be perhaps the leading cause of state-sponsored domestic 
terrorism.
  Every minute this President remains in office represents a minute of 
maximum peril to the American people and the American Experiment.
  Unrepentant after his perfidious and treacherous conduct of Wednesday 
last, the President just yesterday went to Alamo, Texas, without giving 
any advance notice or consultation to the leaders of that community.
  Does anyone really doubt that the President's true purpose in going 
to Alamo was to signal to his band of disloyalists his desire that they 
make a last stand and fight to the death in his name?
  I do not, and neither does the majority of the American people, and I 
suspect that in their heart of hearts, neither do our colleagues on the 
Republican side.
  Mr. Speaker, three facts demonstrate why immediate action to remove 
the President is essential.
  First, the abject failure and refusal of the President to take care 
that the laws be faithfully executed puts lives at risk.
  When the U.S. Capitol was besieged last week by domestic terrorists, 
the President obstructed and denied the request of the Mayor of the 
District of Columbia to call out the National Guard to protect life and 
property; it took the Vice-President, working with Speaker Pelosi and 
incoming Senate Majority Leader Schumer to prevail upon the Department 
of Defense to come to the defense of the Capitol and the people trapped 
inside.
  Instead of acting in accordance with his sacred oath to preserve, 
protect, and defend the Constitution and to take care that the people 
and property of the United States are protected against all enemies, 
foreign or domestic, the President did nothing but watch the mayhem on 
television, ebullient at the enthusiastic display of support from his 
lawless loyalists.
  Second, the current President's conduct stands in stark and marked 
contrast to his conduct earlier this year when protests were sweeping 
the country in response to the murder of George Floyd, when the 
President dispatched law enforcement authorities to put down peaceful 
protests led by moms and veterans in Portland, Oregon and social 
justice activists in Washington, D.C.
  Back then, the President mobilized a heavy police presence, many on 
horseback and others using tear gas, to clear Lafayette Square of 
peaceful protesters so he could walk across the street to have himself 
photographed clutching a bible upside down in front of a church.
  Third, the President's words, actions, and conduct betray a contempt 
and hostility to the national value of equal justice under law, telling 
the domestic terrorists, many of whom were white supremacists who 
support him politically, who stormed the Capitol to derail Congress 
from completing its constitutionally required duty of counting and 
verifying the votes of presidential electors, that ``we love you. 
You're very special,'' while referring to African Americans and other 
persons of color protesting social injustice and inequalities in the 
criminal justice system as ``animals,'' ``thugs,'' and ``anarchists.''
  Mr. Speaker, the President's actions inciting insurrection against 
the United States was the proximate cause of the horrifying siege of 
the U.S. Capitol, the destruction and desecration of the Citadel of 
Democracy, and the deaths of at least six persons, one of whom was a 
uniformed officer to the United States Capitol Police, whom was 
bludgeoned to death by the incited mob.
  Abusing the powers and resources of his high office, Donald John 
Trump has actively and continuously endeavored to undermine the 
essential institutions and foundations of a democratic system of 
government in the United States, engaging in a long train of abuses and 
usurptions, pursuing invariably the same object, evincing a design to 
make himself an authoritarian ruler unaccountable to, and independent 
of, the people of the United States.
  The utter unfitness of the President for the office he holds and his 
contempt for the sacred oath he took before the nation with God as his 
witness, was vividly on display on January 6, 2021.
  But signs of his calumny were on display in plain sight, reflected by 
his misbehavior and malfeasance from the earliest days of his 
administration.
  Abusing the powers and resources of his high office, this President 
has actively and continuously endeavored to undermine the essential 
institutions and foundations of a democratic system of government in 
the United States, engaging in a long train of abuses and usurpations, 
pursuing invariably the same object, evincing a design to make himself 
an authoritarian ruler unaccountable to, and independent of, the people 
of the United States by:
  (1) Soliciting and welcoming the assistance of a hostile foreign 
power to aid him in securing election in 2016 as President of the 
United States;
  (2) Refusing to acknowledge Russian interference in the internal 
affairs of the United States, and then opposing responses by Congress 
and the Executive Branch to protect the national security and interests 
of the United States against future Russian interference and 
aggression;
  (3) Publicly conveying his interest and willingness to accept the 
assistance of foreign powers in his attempt win reelection as President 
of the United States;
  (4) Refusing continuously to acknowledge to the American people that 
he would accept and be bound by the verdict rendered in the 2020 
Presidential election, instead claiming that any outcome in which he 
was not declared the winner was fraudulent, rigged, and illegitimate;
  (5) Taking active measures to impede and undermine the ability of 
American citizens to convey their disapproval of his continuance in 
office by exercising their rights as voters, including misusing the 
United States Postal Service to prevent the timely delivery of mail-in 
ballots;
  (6) Instituting frivolous lawsuits to overturn the results of the 
2020 Presidential election, falsely alleging wide-spread voting fraud 
but producing no evidence in support of his spurious allegations;
  (7) Exhorting and inciting his supporters to believe falsely that 
victory in the 2020 Presidential election had been stolen from him and

[[Page H160]]

that constitutionally required Joint Meeting of Congress for the 
purpose of counting the votes of electors and announcement of the 
result by the President of the Senate was illegitimate and intended to 
complete the theft of his victory; and
  (8) Failing to take action to protect and defend Federal officers and 
personnel, property, buildings, and institutions on January 6, 2021, at 
the U.S. Capitol that was besieged by supporters of Donald John Trump, 
resulting in extensive damage to the property of the United States and 
the deaths of at least four persons.
  This is why multiple Members of Congress, introduced resolutions of 
articles of impeachment; joined by dozens of original cosponsors, I 
introduced H. Res. 26, impeaching the President for the High Crimes and 
Misdemeanors of (1) Abuse of Power and (2) Willful Refusal And Failure 
To Protect And Defend The Constitution Of The United States.
  Mr. Speaker, Donald John Trump has acted in a manner contrary to his 
trust as President and subversive of constitutional government, to the 
great prejudice of the cause of law and justice, and to the manifest 
injury of the people of the United States.
  He must be impeached, convicted, removed from office, and 
disqualified from ever again holding and enjoying an Office of honor, 
Trust or Profit under the United States.
  My love and reverence for the Constitution compels me to vote to 
impeach this President and I urge all my colleagues who revere the 
Constitution and our democracy, which has endured for more than 240 
years, to join me in voting for the rule for H. Res. 24, so we can vote 
to impeach Donald John Trump for High Crimes and Misdemeanors against 
the United States.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Carter), my very good friend.
  Mr. CARTER of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to 
this effort to move forward with impeachment proceedings.
  What happened on Wednesday, January 6, was nothing short of pure 
anarchy. Those individuals who broke the law should be held accountable 
for their actions. They should be prosecuted to the highest extent of 
the law, and they should be put in jail.
  This was one of the saddest days of my life, last Wednesday, Mr. 
Speaker. Our thoughts and our prayers are with the police officers and 
other law enforcement who carried out their duties on that tragic day, 
including Officers Sicknick and Liebengood.
  Right now, our focus should be on healing, healing our Nation. With 
so many upset and dismayed at the actions of last week, it is our 
responsibility to chart a path forward, to subdue the growing 
animosity, and to find ways to heal our country.
  Unfortunately, I don't believe this resolution will achieve those 
goals, especially 7 days ahead of the inauguration. This is a very 
serious and concerning effort during such a tense and fragile time in 
our country.

  I urge my colleagues to consider how this would further entrench 
people during such a tense time. I cannot support this.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. All Members are reminded to wear face 
coverings while on the floor. All Members and staff should be wearing 
face coverings while on the floor.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman 
from Texas (Mr. Doggett).
  Mr. DOGGETT. Mr. Speaker, for years Donald Trump has honored thugs 
worldwide who suppress democracy. For months, with a daily diet of 
lies, he has made clear his refusal to accept any election in which he 
was not the winner.
  After failing completely in his repeated attempts to intimidate both 
Republican election officials into committing fraud and Republican-
appointed judges into ignoring our Constitution, he made a desperate 
attempt last week to block the final election count and prevent the 
peaceful transition of power essential to democracy. Trump basically 
attempted to overthrow the government, to violently overthrow the first 
branch of government, this Congress.
  Like his deadly reaction to the pandemic, he totally bungled the 
deadly attack. Both his frenzied riotous mob and his congressional 
enablers were defeated. America, we did ``stop the steal.'' We stopped 
Donald Trump from stealing our democracy and imposing himself as a 
tyrant.
  Today, we not only demand accountability for his gross misconduct, 
but more importantly, we declare to the next Trump-like aspiring 
tyrant, not in America, we love our democracy too much. Our Capitol is 
scarred, but our democracy survives. Violating his sworn duty to 
protect and defend our Constitution by seeking to violently overthrow 
the government by inciting violence, lighting the flames of a deadly 
insurrection. If this is not impeachable, nothing is.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I advise the Chair that I have additional 
speakers on the way, but they are having a difficult time. I reserve 
the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro).
  Ms. DeLAURO. On November 3, the American people voted overwhelmingly 
for Joe Biden and Kamala Harris to serve as President and Vice 
President of the United States.
  The country was about to enter a new era, with great hope for change. 
Yet, with a decisive mandate and majority, the President used 
untruthful claims to end the completion of a constitutional process of 
collecting the electoral votes making Joe Biden President of the United 
States.
  Not accepting the will of the American people, the President 
unleashed the most horrific violence that overwhelmed the security 
forces at this Capitol, which was overrun for the first time since 
1812, putting the lives of so many at risk--indeed, a day of infamy.
  This impeachment will be viewed as a transcendent vote, where all 
will be judged. Vote to impeach the President of the United States, 
Donald J. Trump.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
Florida (Ms. Castor).
  Ms. CASTOR of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for 
yielding me the time.
  I rise today to urge the impeachment of Donald Trump because the 
attack on the Capitol and the Congress was the single most depraved 
betrayal of the U.S. Constitution ever committed by a President. The 
traitorous incitement of an insurrection demands not just impeachment 
but removal from office immediately.
  Violence during the transfer of power, Confederate flags, anti-
Semitic paraphernalia desecrated this Capitol. Accountability must come 
swiftly. We must act with the same resoluteness we showed in the early 
morning hours after the insurrection, where we ensured the will of the 
voters was effectuated.
  Donald Trump's defilement of this Capitol will not stand. It demands 
impeachment now.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute the distinguished gentleman 
from North Carolina (Mr. Bishop), who is my very good friend.
  Mr. BISHOP of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for 
yielding me the time.
  These articles charge incitement. Once before, the House impeached a 
President of the United States within a week of the alleged offense. 
That was President Andrew Johnson days after he removed Secretary of 
War Edwin Stanton in 1868. Over 50 years later, the Supreme Court 
declared unconstitutional the Tenure of Office Act that President 
Johnson had refused to obey.
  In other words, the House was not only hasty, it was wrong, punishing 
noncompliance with the unconstitutional law. At least when that 
occurred, the constitutionality of the law in question was unsettled. 
Here, however, an angry House majority races to impeachment in direct 
violation of settled constitutional law.
  Again, the articles before the House charge incitement to 
insurrection. They do not specify inciting language. The law is well 
settled: ``What is required, to forfeit constitutional protection, is 
incitement speech that `specifically advocates' for listeners to take 
unlawful action.''
  The violence last Wednesday was abhorrent. Perpetrators should be 
prosecuted. Those responsible for security decisions held accountable. 
Congress can disapprove, revile, condemn, even censure. But Congress 
cannot, consistent with the rule of law, punish that which the 
Constitution's First Amendment declares protected. If my colleagues do 
it, the violators of the duty to this Constitution, however angry, will 
be those who vote for this Article of Impeachment. It is not Mr.

[[Page H161]]

Green's Article of Impeachment. It is incitement, and the Constitution 
is settled on that point.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the 
gentlewoman from Minnesota (Ms. Omar).
  Ms. OMAR. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me the 
time.
  Let us not mince words about what happened last week. It was a 
violent attempt to interrupt our democratic process. It was a targeted 
blow at the most essential process that makes us a democracy. It was 
directly and specifically incited by the President of the United 
States.
  For years, we have been asked to turn a blind eye to the criminality, 
corruption, and blatant disregard to the rule of law by the tyrant 
President we have in the White House. We, as a nation, can no longer 
look away.
  The President not only incited an insurrection against our government 
but has, in word and deed, led a rebellion.
  We cannot simply move past this or turn the page. For us to be able 
to survive as a functioning democracy, there has to be accountability.
  We must impeach and remove this President from office immediately so 
that he cannot be a threat to our democracy.
  I stand ready to fulfill my oath of office. I challenge my colleagues 
on the other side of the aisle to do the same.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record a New York Times 
article published January 9 titled `` `Our President Wants Us Here': 
The Mob That Stormed the Capitol.'' It is another example of why our 
country cannot risk even one more day of Donald Trump.

                [From the New York Times, Jan. 9, 2021]

     Our President Wants Us Here: The Mob That Stormed the Capitol

          (By Dan Barry, Mike McIntire and Matthew Rosenberg)

       It was the table setter for what would come, with nearly 
     2,000 people gathering in Washington on Tuesday evening for a 
     ``Rally to Save America.'' Speaker after angry speaker stoked 
     stolen-election conspiracy theories and name-checked sworn 
     enemies: Democrats and weak Republicans, Communists and 
     Satanists.
       Still, the crowd seemed a bit giddy at the prospect of 
     helping President Trump reverse the result of the election--
     though at times the language evoked a call to arms. ``It is 
     time for war,'' one speaker declared.
       As the audience thinned, groups of young men emerged in 
     Kevlar vests and helmets, a number of them holding clubs and 
     knives. Some were aligned with the neofascist Proud Boys; 
     others with the Three Percenters, a far-right militia group.
       ``We're not backing down anymore,'' said a man with fresh 
     stitches on his head. ``This is our country.''
       That night reflected a disconcerting mix of free speech and 
     certain menace; of everyday Americans supporting their 
     president and extremists prepared to commit violence for him. 
     All had assembled in answer to Mr. Trump's repeated appeals 
     to attend a march to the Capitol the next day that he 
     promised would be ``wild.''
       It was. By Wednesday afternoon, a narrow group of Trump 
     supporters--some exuberant, some hellbent--had been storm-
     tossed together into infamy. A mob overran the nation's 
     Capitol, as lawmakers hid in fear. Wholesale vandalism. Tear 
     gas. Gunfire. A woman dead; an officer dead; many injured. 
     Chants of ``U.S.A.! U.S.A.!''
       But the insurrection failed.
       It had been the culmination of a sustained assault by the 
     president and his enablers on fact-based reality, one that 
     began long before the November election but took on a fevered 
     urgency as the certainty of Mr. Trump's defeat solidified. 
     For years, he had demonized political opponents and the media 
     and egged on thuggish behavior at his rallies.
       Since losing to Joseph R. Biden Jr., he had mounted a 
     campaign of lies that the presidency was being stolen from 
     him, and that marching on the Capitol was the last chance to 
     stop it. To many Americans, it looked like one more feel-good 
     rally to salve Mr. Trump's wounded ego, but some of his 
     supporters heard something altogether different--a battle 
     cry.
       Now, dozens of them have been arrested--including an armed 
     Alabama man who had Molotov cocktails in his car and a West 
     Virginia lawmaker charged with illegally entering the 
     Capitol--and the Federal Bureau of Investigation is asking 
     for help in identifying those who ``actively instigated 
     violence.'' Many participants in the march are frantically 
     working to erase digital evidence of their presence for fear 
     of losing a job or being harassed online.
       Mr. Trump, meanwhile, has been broadly condemned and cut 
     off from his social media megaphones, as a new administration 
     prepares to take power.
       Kevin Haag, 67, a retired landscaper from North Carolina 
     who ascended the Capitol steps as the crowd surged forward, 
     said he did not go inside and disapproved of those who did. 
     Even so, he said he would never forget the sense of 
     empowerment as he looked down over thousands of protesters. 
     It felt so good, he said, to show people: ``We are here. See 
     us! Notice us! Pay attention!''
       Now, back home after several days of reflection, Mr. Haag, 
     an evangelical Christian, wonders whether he went too far. 
     ``Should I get down on my knees and ask for forgiveness?'' he 
     said in an interview. ``I am asking myself that question.''
       But the experience seemed to have only hardened the resolve 
     of others. Couy Griffin, 47, a Republican county commissioner 
     from New Mexico, spoke of organizing another Capitol rally 
     soon--one that could result in ``blood running out of that 
     building''--in a video he later posted to the Facebook page 
     of his group, Cowboys for Trump.
       Couy Griffin, a Republican county commissioner from New 
     Mexico and organizer of the group Cowboys for Trump, said a 
     future Capitol rally could have ``blood running out of that 
     building.'' ``You want to say that that was a mob? You want 
     to say that was a violence? No, sir, no, ma'am, no. We could 
     have a Second Amendment rally on those same steps that we had 
     that rally yesterday. You know, and if we do, then it's going 
     to be a sad day, because there's going to be blood running 
     out of that building. But at the end of the day, you mark my 
     word, we will plant our flag on the desk of Nancy Pelosi and 
     Chuck Schumer and Donald J. Trump, if it boils down to it.''
       Couy Griffin, a Republican county commissioner from New 
     Mexico and organizer of the group Cowboys for Trump, said a 
     future Capitol rally could have ``blood running out of that 
     building.'' CreditCredit . . . Cowboys for Trump via YouTube. 
     ``At the end of the day, you mark my word, we will plant our 
     flag on the desk of Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer,'' he 
     said. He paused before adding, ``And Donald J. Trump if it 
     boils down to it.''
       Plans take shape online: `Pack a crowbar'. The advance 
     publicity for the ``March for America'' had been robust. 
     Beyond the repeated promotions in tweets by the president and 
     his allies, the upcoming event was cheered on social media, 
     including Twitter, Facebook and Instagram.
       But woven through many of the messages to stand up for Mr. 
     Trump--and, if possible, block the congressional 
     certification of the election he claimed he had won--was 
     language that flirted with aggression, even violence.
       For example, the term ``Storm the Capitol'' was mentioned 
     100,000 times in the 30 days preceding Jan. 6, according to 
     Zignal Labs, a media insights company. Many of these mentions 
     appeared in viral tweet threads that discussed the possible 
     storming of the Capitol and included details on how to enter 
     the building.
       To followers of QAnon, the convoluted collection of 
     conspiracy theories that falsely claims the country is 
     dominated by deep-state bureaucrats and Democrats who worship 
     Satan, the word ``storm'' had particular resonance. Adherents 
     have often referred to a coming storm, after which Mr. Trump 
     would preside over a new government order.
       In online discussions, some QAnon followers and militia 
     groups explored which weapons and tools to bring. ``Pack a 
     crowbar,'' read one message posted on Gab, a social media 
     refuge for the far right. In another discussion, someone 
     asked, ``Does anyone know if the windows on the second floor 
     are reinforced?''
       Still, the many waves of communication did not appear to 
     result in a broadly organized plan to take action. It is also 
     unclear if any big money or coordinated fund-raising was 
     behind the mobilization, though some Trump supporters appear 
     to have found funds through opaque online networks to help 
     pay for transportation to the rally.
       ``Patriots, if you need financial help getting to DC to 
     support President Trump on January 6th, please go to my 
     website,'' a QAnon adherent who identified himself as Thad 
     Williams, of Tampa, Fla., posted on Twitter three days before 
     the event. He said he had raised more than $27,000. (After 
     the Capitol assault, the money transfer companies PayPal and 
     Stripe shut down his accounts. Mr. Williams did not return a 
     phone message, but the website for his organization, Joy In 
     Liberty, said it had given out $30,000 to fund transportation 
     for ``deserving patriots.'')
       Other rally goers set up fund-raising accounts through the 
     online service GoFundMe; Buzzfeed News cited at least a 
     dozen, and GoFundMe has since closed them.
       One of the most conspicuous figures in the Capitol 
     assault--a bare-chested man with a painted face, flag-draped 
     spear and fur hat with horns--was linked to the online fund-
     raising. A familiar presence at pro-Trump rallies in Phoenix, 
     Jacob Anthony Chansley, a 33-year-old voiceover actor, is 
     known as the Q Shaman. He started a GoFundMe account in 
     December to help pay for transportation to another Trump 
     demonstration in Washington, but the effort reportedly netted 
     him just $10. Mr. Chansley retweeted Mr. Williams's funding 
     offer on Jan. 3, but it is unclear whether he benefited from 
     it.
       On Tuesday, the eve of the march, a couple thousand people 
     gathered at Freedom Plaza in Washington for ``The Rally to 
     Save America'' event, permitted as ``The Rally to Revival.'' 
     The disparate interests of those attending were reflected by 
     the speakers: well-known evangelists, alt-right celebrities 
     (Alex Jones of Infowars) and Trump loyalists, including his 
     former national security

[[Page H162]]

     adviser Michael Flynn and the self-described Republican dirty 
     trickster Roger Stone, both of whom he had pardoned.
       The speakers repeatedly encouraged the attendees to see 
     themselves as foot soldiers fighting to save the country. 
     Americans, Mr. Flynn said, were ready to ``bleed'' for 
     freedom.
       ``The members of the House of Representatives, the members 
     of the United States Senate, those of you who are feeling 
     weak tonight, those of you that don't have the moral fiber in 
     your body, get some tonight,'' he said. ``Because tomorrow, 
     we the people are going to be here and we want you to know we 
     will not stand for a lie.''
       Inside the Capitol descends into chaos. It was President 
     Trump's turn. At about noon on Wednesday, he emerged from a 
     viewing party in a tent, strode onto a stage set up in a park 
     just south of the White House and, for more than an hour, 
     delivered a stream of inflammatory words.
       He exhorted the crowd of more than 8,000 to march to the 
     Capitol to pressure lawmakers: ``Because you'll never take 
     back our country with weakness. You have to show strength and 
     you have to be strong.''
       Even before he had finished speaking, people started moving 
     east toward the Capitol. The crowd included supporters who 
     had come by caravan from across the country, Trump flags 
     rippling in the wind, as well as people so moved by the 
     president's appeal for support that they had jumped into 
     their cars and driven for hours.
       They traveled from various corners of resentment in 21st-
     century America. Whether motivated by a sense of economic 
     disenfranchisement or distrust of government, by bigotry, or 
     conspiracy or a belief that Mr. Trump is God's way of 
     preparing for the Rapture, they shared a fealty to the 
     president.
       Now the moment had come, a moment that twinned the 
     thrilling with the ominous.
       ``I'm happy, sad, afraid, excited,'' said Scott 
     Cyganiewicz, 56, a floor installer from Gardner, Mass., as he 
     watched the throngs of Trump loyalists streaming through the 
     streets. ``It's an emotional roller coaster.''
       American flags and Trump paraphernalia mingled in the 
     crowd. Credit . . . Pete Marovich for The New York Times. Mr. 
     Cyganiewicz said he was on his way out of town. He did not 
     want to be around if violence broke out. Only a portion of 
     the broader crowd continued onto the Capitol grounds.
       Soon word spread that Vice President Mike Pence--who would 
     oversee the pro forma count by Congress of the electoral 
     votes for certification--had announced he would not be 
     complicit in the president's efforts to overturn the 
     election.
       ``You can imagine the emotion that ran through people when 
     we get that word,'' said Mr. Griffin, the county commissioner 
     from New Mexico, in a video he posted on social media. ``And 
     then we get down to the Capitol and they have all the 
     inauguration set up for Joe Biden.''
       He added, ``What do you think was going to happen?''
       Many in the crowd spoke portentously of violence--or even 
     of another Civil War. A man named Jeff, who said he was an 
     off-duty police officer from York County, Pa., said he didn't 
     know what would happen after he and his wife Amy reached the 
     Capitol. But he felt ready to participate if something were 
     to erupt.
       ``There's a lot of people here willing to take orders,'' he 
     said. ``If the orders are given, the people will rise up.''
       By the time the bulk of the crowd reached the building, its 
     leading edge had metastasized into an angry mob. A man barked 
     into a megaphone: ``Keep moving forward! Fight for Trump, 
     fight for Trump!''
       ``Military Tribunals! Hang them!'' shouted someone wearing 
     a cowboy hat.
       Arrest Congress!'' screamed a woman in a flag scarf.
       People surged past a few Capitol Police officers to bang on 
     the windows and doors. Many eyewitness accounts and videos 
     have since emerged that convey the pandemonium as hundreds of 
     people overwhelmed the inadequate law-enforcement presence. 
     In several instances of role reversal, for example, rioters 
     are seen firing what appeared to be pepper spray at police 
     officers trying to prevent mobs from getting closer to the 
     Capitol Building.
       After a few minutes, the crowd broke through and began 
     streaming into an empty office. Glass shards crunched under 
     people's feet, as the scene descended into chaos.
       Some stood in awe, while others took action. As one group 
     prepared to break through an entryway, a Trump supporter 
     raised a wine bottle and shouted, ``Whose way?'' To which the 
     crowd responded, ``Our way!''
       Confusion reigned. ``Hey what's the Senate side?'' said a 
     tall man in camouflage and sunglasses.
       ``Where's the Senate? Can somebody Google it?''
       All the while, members of The Oath Keepers, a self-
     proclaimed citizens' militia, seemed to be standing guard--or 
     the transgressors. They wore olive-drab shirts, helmets and 
     patches on their upper-left sleeves that said, ``Guardians of 
     the Republic'' and ``Not on Our Watch.''
       American flags flapped beside ``Trump 2020'' flags, and 
     people wearing ``Make America Great Again'' regalia moved 
     beside people wearing anti-Semitic slogans. Chants of ``Hell 
     No, Never Joe'' and ``Stop the Steal'' broke out, as did 
     strains of ``God Bless America'' and ``The Star-Spangled 
     Banner.''
       Derrick Evans of West Virginia, who just two months before 
     had been elected as a Republican state delegate, wandered the 
     halls of the Capitol Building, filming himself and joining in 
     the occasional chant. At one point he shouted, ``Derrick 
     Evans is in the Capitol!''
       Outside the building, Mr. Griffin, who was once 
     photographed wearing a 10-gallon hat and sitting across from 
     President Trump in the Oval Office, was now gleefully 
     addressing the camera from atop one of the crowded terraces, 
     declaring it ``a great day for America.'' Asserting that ``we 
     came peacefully,'' he was interrupted by a man wearing a 
     jacket with a hand-grenade logo, who said, ``Believe me, we 
     are well armed if we need to be.''
       Amid the cheers and whoops of excitement were questions of 
     what to do next. Some can be heard hunting for specific 
     members of congress, including House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, 
     whose office was broken into by several people. She and other 
     lawmakers were hiding for fear of their safety.
       One image showed a trim man moving through the Senate 
     chamber in full paramilitary regalia: camouflage uniform, 
     Kevlar vest, a mask and baseball cap obscuring his face. He 
     carried a stack of flex cuff--the plastic restraints used by 
     police. The image raised a question yet to be answered: Why 
     carry restraints if not to use them?
       Several rioters wielded fire extinguishers. One stood on a 
     balcony on the Capitol building's west side, spraying down on 
     police officers trying to fend off the crowd. Others carried 
     them into the building itself, one into Statuary Hall and 
     another onto the steps outside the Senate Chamber, spraying 
     in the direction of journalists and police officers.
       Our president wants us here,'' a man can be heard saying 
     during a livestream video that showed him standing within the 
     Capitol building. ``We wait and take orders from our 
     president.''
       Despite his followers' hopes and expectations, President 
     Trump was missing in action as rioters rampaged through the 
     halls of Congress. It would be hours before he eventually 
     surfaced in a somewhat subdued videotaped appeal for them to 
     leave.
       ``We have to have peace,'' he said. ``So go home, we love 
     you, you're very special.''
       Some of Mr. Trump's supporters expressed frustration, even 
     disbelief, that the president seemed to have given up after 
     they had put themselves on the line for him.
       Mr. Haag, the retired landscaper, was among the 
     disappointed. Still, he said, the movement will continue even 
     without Mr. Trump.
       We are representing the 74 million people who got 
     disenfranchised,'' he said. ``We are still out here. We are a 
     force to be reckoned with. We are not going away.''
       One man wandered away from the Capitol in the evening 
     gloom, yelling angrily through a megaphone that Mr. Pence was 
     a coward and, now, Mr. Trump had told everyone ``to just go 
     home.''
       Well, he can go home to his Mar-a-Lago estate,'' the man 
     shouted, adding, ``We gotta go back to our businesses that 
     are closed!''
       As some rioters face fallout, others mull a repeat. In the 
     aftermath of what Mitch McConnell, the Senate majority 
     leader, called a ``failed insurrection,'' scores of those who 
     responded to the incendiary words of the president now face a 
     reckoning.
       A chief target of investigators will be whoever struck 
     Brian Sicknick of the Capitol Police with a fire 
     extinguisher; the 42-year-old officer died Thursday after 
     being injured in the riot. At the same time, authorities are 
     investigating the fatal police shooting of Ashli Babbitt, 35, 
     an Air Force veteran who had joined those breaching the 
     Capitol.
       Among those charged so far with federal crimes are Mr. 
     Chansley, the so-called Q Shaman; Mr. Evans, the West 
     Virginia lawmaker--who resigned on Saturday; and Richard 
     Barnett, an Arkansas man who was depicted in a widely 
     circulated photograph sitting with his foot on a desk in Ms. 
     Pelosi's office.
       Meanwhile, Mr. Griffin, the commissioner from New Mexico 
     who runs Cowboys for Trump, saw his group's Twitter account 
     suspended and calls for his resignation.
       The anger, resentment and conspiracy-laced distrust that 
     led to Wednesday's mayhem did not dissipate with Thursday's 
     dawn. Along with the smashed furniture in the Capitol 
     Building, there were smashed expectations of a continued 
     Trump presidency, of lawmakers held to account, of holy 
     prophecies fulfilled.
       Signs of potential violence have already surfaced. Twitter, 
     which terminated Mr. Trump's account on Friday, noted that 
     ``plans for future armed protests have already begun 
     proliferating'' online, including ``a proposed secondary 
     attack on the U.S. Capitol and state capitol buildings on 
     January 17.''
       The urge for more civil unrest is being discussed in the 
     usual squalid corners of the internet. Private chat groups on 
     Gab and Parler are peppered with talk of a possible ``Million 
     Militia March'' on Jan. 20 that would disrupt the 
     presidential inauguration of Mr. Biden.
       There is chatter about ride shares, where to find lodging 
     in the Washington area--and what to bring. Baseball bats, 
     perhaps, or assault rifles.
       ``We took the building once,'' one commenter posted, ``we 
     can take it again.''

  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Correa).
  Mr. CORREA. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.

[[Page H163]]

  Mr. Speaker, last week, Congress was under siege by a mob motivated 
and directed by the President of the United States. Our Vice President 
was a target of that mob. Members of Congress, both Democrats and 
Republicans, were targets of this mob. And I witnessed, for the first 
time in my life, Americans fighting Americans, all at the behest of our 
own President of the United States. As Americans, we can do better.
  I will vote for impeachment today for our Nation, for our children, 
and for our grandchildren. I will be voting for impeachment so that 
America will once again be the shining city upon the hill whose beacon 
light guides freedom-loving people everywhere.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me and vote for 
impeachment.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, may I ask the gentleman how many more 
speakers he may have?
  Mr. COLE. Whenever the gentleman is prepared to close, we will close. 
We were hopeful that one of our speakers would arrive, but they are 
having a difficult time getting here.
  Mr. McGOVERN. We have exhausted all of our speakers.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank you for presiding over these difficult 
proceedings today. I thank my good friend, the distinguished chairman 
of the Rules Committee. And I thank everybody who came to the floor and 
had something to say at an important moment.
  I think the debate, while spirited, reflected the civility and 
decency of the institution that we are all privileged to be part of. I 
am very proud to have been part of it. I am very proud of all the 
Members and the manner in which they participated.
  I want, again, to thank the staff and thank those who kept us safe in 
the process, particularly the Capitol Police.
  Mr. Speaker, I oppose this rule, and I oppose the majority's actions 
today. After the traumatic events of last week, the majority should be 
taking steps to unite us. Instead, they are only dividing us further.
  They are rushing to judgment, in my opinion, and bringing up 
impeachment after failing to follow any meaningful process whatsoever. 
No hearings have been held, no witnesses heard, no process or 
opportunity to respond was provided to the President. No Members had an 
opportunity to review or amend this article before it came to the 
floor. This is hardly the way the House should undertake such a serious 
act.

                              {time}  1030

  Mr. Speaker, there is still a way to unite the country. Let us look 
forward, not backward. Let us come together, not apart. Let us 
celebrate the peaceful transition of power to a new President rather 
than impeaching an old President. And let us affirm and reaffirm with 
one united voice that the House does not rush to judgment on the most 
consequential action we can take. Mr. Speaker, we deserve better than 
that and the American people deserve better than that.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues, as they reflect on this minute and 
we move into our next stage of debate, to remember that we are all 
privileged to represent a great and a good people. We have gone through 
a horrifying and tragic time, and we owe them the opportunity to 
reflect and we owe them our best efforts to bring everyone together.
  I know people on this floor feel very passionately about this subject 
with different points of view. I honor each one of those points of view 
and I honor the people that voice them. Let's remember when we are 
through this that we are one people and that we have one purpose, that 
we are free through the grace of God and millions of brave Americans 
over centuries of time and we will remain that way, and we will move 
forward together once we settle this debate.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the previous 
question, ``no'' on the rule, ``no'' on the underlying measure, and I 
yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  I thank my friend, the ranking member of the Rules Committee, Mr. 
Cole, for his friendship and for the way he conducts himself in this 
Chamber. I know he has great respect for this institution.
  Mr. Speaker, it is impossible for me to fully capture the reverence 
that I have for the United States Capitol. I worked on these grounds 
starting back when I was a college intern working for Senator George 
McGovern back in 1977. No relation. Great last name.
  Since that time, I have done everything from working as a staffer for 
Congressman Joe Moakley of Massachusetts to being elected to the United 
States House of Representatives myself.
  But that internship will always be a high point of my life: Coming 
here for the first time, walking these hallowed Halls, and seeing the 
glory of American democracy up close.
  The idea that someone would incite an out-of-control mob of homegrown 
fascists and domestic terrorists to desecrate the people's House fills 
me with a deep sadness for our country. The contempt that these people 
had for our democracy and our freedom fills me with horror.
  What Donald Trump did, encouraging them, fills me with rage not just 
on behalf of all of those serving here, but all of those who work in 
these Halls. And I am talking about the reporters, the cafeteria 
workers, the custodians, the Clerks, the Parliamentarians--I can go on 
and on and on--and the staff, the Democratic staff, the Republican 
staff, the nonpartisan support staff, who were terrorized, some hiding 
under their desks and barricading in their offices.
  I was in the Speaker's chair the day this unfolded, and many of the 
people who are sitting up there now were present at that time. What a 
horrifying thing for anybody to have to experience.
  Now, some of my Republican friends have been trying to lecture us 
about unity here today after they voted to overturn a free and fair 
election of the United States of America, but also preaching unity and 
not acknowledging that, for 4 years, many of them gave oxygen to Donald 
Trump's conspiracy theories, to the big lies. They have turned the 
other way in the face of racism and bigotry and how he embraced some of 
the most intolerant voices in this country. They just let it go.
  I will remind everybody here that words have consequences, and 
ignoring words that are wrong also have consequences. What happened 
would never have happened if everybody stood up in unity and called out 
the President when he was not telling the American people the truth, 
when he was pushing a big lie. We will never have unity without truth 
and also without accountability.
  This week in Congress, we saw the best of us and the worst of us. 
Some of my colleagues have shown that they will defend this President 
no matter what he does. There is nothing that he could do that would 
dissuade them from all-out support. But some are standing up and doing 
the right thing under tremendous pressure, and I am proud of that and I 
honor them for their courage.
  This impeachment resolution outlines the truth of what Trump did. It 
is time that this Congress now holds him accountable for his words and 
for their devastating impact.
  Last week, we took an oath to protect this Nation. As history calls 
on us today, I pray that we all have the moral clarity to uphold it 
here today.
  The material previously referred to by Mr. Cole is as follows:

                    Amendment to House Resolution 41

       At the end of the resolution, add the following:
       Sec. 5. Immediately upon adoption of this resolution, the 
     House shall proceed to the consideration in the House of the 
     bill (H.R. 275) to establish the National Commission on the 
     Domestic Terrorist Attack Upon the United States Capitol. All 
     points of order against consideration of the bill are waived. 
     The bill shall be considered as read. All points of order 
     against provisions in the bill are waived. The previous 
     question shall be considered as ordered on the bill and on 
     any amendment thereto to final passage without intervening 
     motion except: (1) one hour of debate equally divided and 
     controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the 
     Committee on Homeland Security; and (2) one motion to 
     recommit.
       Sec. 6. Clause 1(c) of rule XIX shall not apply to the 
     consideration of H.R. 275.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I 
move the previous question on the resolution.

[[Page H164]]

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on ordering the previous 
question.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution 
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 221, 
nays 205, not voting 6, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 15]

                               YEAS--221

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Delgado
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Fudge
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Golden
     Gomez
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Haaland
     Harder (CA)
     Hastings
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Richmond
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Underwood
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Vela
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                               NAYS--205

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Bost
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carl
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Crawford
     Curtis
     Davidson
     Davis, Rodney
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Donalds
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fitzpatrick
     Fleischmann
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Gonzales, Tony
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Greene (GA)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Hagedorn
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hinson
     Hollingsworth
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Jacobs (NY)
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Katko
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kinzinger
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mace
     Malliotakis
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Nunes
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Posey
     Reed
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Roy
     Rutherford
     Salazar
     Scalise
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Stivers
     Taylor
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Turner
     Upton
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Wright
     Young
     Zeldin

                             NOT VOTING--6

     Crenshaw
     Granger
     Harris
     Murphy (NC)
     Steel
     Webster (FL)

                              {time}  1129

  So the previous question was ordered.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.


    MEMBERS RECORDED PURSUANT TO HOUSE RESOLUTION 8, 117TH CONGRESS

     Adams (Brown)
     Axne (Stevens)
     Baird (Bucshon)
     Bergman (Walberg)
     Bilirakis (Fortenberry)
     Blumenauer (Beyer)
     Bonamici (Clark (MA))
     Boyle, Brendan F. (Jeffries)
     Buchanan (Cammack)
     Cardenas (Gallego)
     Carson (Underwood)
     Costa (Correa)
     DeSaulnier (Matsui)
     DesJarlais (Kustoff)
     Deutch (Rice (NY))
     Dingell (Stevens)
     Doyle, Michael F. (Cartwright)
     Dunn (Cammack)
     Fleischmann (Kustoff)
     Fletcher (Allred)
     Frankel, Lois (Clark (MA))
     Hastings (Wasserman Schultz)
     Jayapal (Raskin)
     Johnson (TX) (Jeffries)
     Kaptur (Stevens)
     Kirkpatrick (Gallego)
     Kuster (Pingree)
     Lamborn (Walberg)
     LaTurner (Mann)
     Lawson (FL) (Evans)
     Lee (NV) (Stevens)
     Lieu (Beyer)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     McEachin (Wexton)
     McNerney (Huffman)
     Napolitano (Correa)
     Ocasio-Cortez (Tlaib)
     Pascrell (Pallone)
     Payne (Wasserman Schultz)
     Peters (Beyer)
     Porter (Wexton)
     Pressley (Garcia (IL))
     Schneider (Sherrill)
     Sires (Pallone)
     Smith (WA) (Courtney)
     Strickland (Kilmer)
     Titus (Connolly)
     Tonko (Pallone)
     Trone (Beyer)
     Vela (Gomez)
     Walorski (Banks)
     Watson Coleman (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL) (Hayes)
     Young (Malliotakis)
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. Clarke of New York). The question is on 
the resolution.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution 
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 221, 
nays 203, not voting 8, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 16]

                               YEAS--221

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Allred
     Auchincloss
     Axne
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bourdeaux
     Bowman
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brown
     Brownley
     Bush
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Chu
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Craig
     Crist
     Crow
     Cuellar
     Davids (KS)
     Davis, Danny K.
     Dean
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Delgado
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Escobar
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Evans
     Fletcher
     Foster
     Frankel, Lois
     Fudge
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Garcia (IL)
     Garcia (TX)
     Golden
     Gomez
     Gonzalez, Vicente
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al (TX)
     Grijalva
     Haaland
     Harder (CA)
     Hastings
     Hayes
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Horsford
     Houlahan
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jacobs (CA)
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson (TX)
     Jones
     Kahele
     Kaptur
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Khanna
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kim (NJ)
     Kind
     Kirkpatrick
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster
     Lamb
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee (CA)
     Lee (NV)
     Leger Fernandez
     Levin (CA)
     Levin (MI)
     Lieu
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Luria
     Lynch
     Malinowski
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Manning
     Matsui
     McBath
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Mfume
     Moore (WI)
     Morelle
     Moulton
     Mrvan
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Neguse
     Newman
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     Ocasio-Cortez
     Omar
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pappas
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Phillips
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Porter
     Pressley
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Richmond
     Ross
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan
     Sanchez
     Sarbanes
     Scanlon
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Schrier
     Scott (VA)

[[Page H165]]


     Scott, David
     Sewell
     Sherman
     Sherrill
     Sires
     Slotkin
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Spanberger
     Speier
     Stanton
     Stevens
     Strickland
     Suozzi
     Swalwell
     Takano
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tlaib
     Tonko
     Torres (CA)
     Torres (NY)
     Trahan
     Trone
     Underwood
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Vela
     Velazquez
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Wexton
     Wild
     Williams (GA)
     Wilson (FL)
     Yarmuth

                               NAYS--203

     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Bentz
     Bergman
     Bice (OK)
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (NC)
     Boebert
     Bost
     Brady
     Brooks
     Buchanan
     Buck
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burchett
     Burgess
     Calvert
     Cammack
     Carl
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cawthorn
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyde
     Cole
     Comer
     Crawford
     Curtis
     Davidson
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Donalds
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Emmer
     Estes
     Fallon
     Feenstra
     Ferguson
     Fischbach
     Fitzgerald
     Fitzpatrick
     Fleischmann
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franklin, C. Scott
     Fulcher
     Gaetz
     Gallagher
     Garbarino
     Garcia (CA)
     Gibbs
     Gimenez
     Gohmert
     Gonzales, Tony
     Gonzalez (OH)
     Good (VA)
     Gooden (TX)
     Gosar
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Green (TN)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guest
     Guthrie
     Hagedorn
     Harshbarger
     Hartzler
     Hern
     Herrell
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice (GA)
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Hinson
     Hollingsworth
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Issa
     Jackson
     Jacobs (NY)
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Johnson (SD)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Joyce (PA)
     Katko
     Keller
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     Kim (CA)
     Kinzinger
     Kustoff
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     LaTurner
     Lesko
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Mace
     Malliotakis
     Mann
     Massie
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClain
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     Meijer
     Meuser
     Miller (IL)
     Miller (WV)
     Miller-Meeks
     Moolenaar
     Mooney
     Moore (AL)
     Moore (UT)
     Mullin
     Nehls
     Newhouse
     Norman
     Nunes
     Obernolte
     Owens
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Pence
     Perry
     Pfluger
     Posey
     Reed
     Reschenthaler
     Rice (SC)
     Rodgers (WA)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rose
     Rosendale
     Rouzer
     Roy
     Rutherford
     Salazar
     Scalise
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sessions
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (NE)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smucker
     Spartz
     Stauber
     Stefanik
     Steil
     Steube
     Stewart
     Stivers
     Taylor
     Thompson (PA)
     Tiffany
     Timmons
     Turner
     Upton
     Valadao
     Van Drew
     Van Duyne
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walorski
     Waltz
     Weber (TX)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams (TX)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Wright
     Young
     Zeldin

                             NOT VOTING--8

     Crenshaw
     Davis, Rodney
     Granger
     Greene (GA)
     Harris
     Murphy (NC)
     Steel
     Webster (FL)

                              {time}  1221

  So the resolution was agreed to.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.


    MEMBERS RECORDED PURSUANT TO HOUSE RESOLUTION 8, 117TH CONGRESS

     Adams (Brown)
     Axne (Stevens)
     Baird (Bucshon)
     Bergman (Walberg)
     Bilirakis (Fortenberry)
     Blumenauer (Beyer)
     Bonamici (Clark (MA))
     Boyle, Brendan F. (Jeffries)
     Buchanan (Cammack)
     Cardenas (Gallego)
     Carson (Underwood)
     Costa (Correa)
     DeSaulnier (Matsui)
     DesJarlais (Kustoff)
     Deutch (Rice (NY))
     Dingell (Stevens)
     Doyle, Michael F. (Cartwright)
     Dunn (Cammack)
     Fleischmann (Kustoff)
     Fletcher (Allred)
     Frankel, Lois (Clark (MA))
     Hastings (Wasserman Schultz)
     Jayapal (Raskin)
     Johnson (TX) (Jeffries)
     Kaptur (Stevens)
     Kirkpatrick (Gallego)
     Kuster (Pingree)
     Lamborn (Walberg)
     LaTurner (Mann)
     Lawson (FL) (Evans)
     Lee (NV) (Stevens)
     Lieu (Beyer)
     Lowenthal (Beyer)
     McEachin (Wexton)
     McNerney (Huffman)
     Napolitano (Correa)
     Ocasio-Cortez (Tlaib)
     Pascrell (Pallone)
     Payne (Wasserman Schultz)
     Peters (Beyer)
     Porter (Wexton)
     Pressley (Garcia (IL))
     Schneider (Sherrill)
     Sires (Pallone)
     Smith (WA) (Courtney)
     Strickland (Kilmer)
     Titus (Connolly)
     Tonko (Pallone)
     Trone (Beyer)
     Vela (Gomez)
     Walorski (Banks)
     Watson Coleman (Pallone)
     Wilson (FL) (Hayes)
     Young (Malliotakis)


 =========================== NOTE =========================== 

  
  January 13, 2021, on page H165, the following appeared: Lamborn 
(Walberg) Langevin (Lynch) LaTurner (Mann)
  
  The online version has been corrected to read: Lamborn (Walberg) 
LaTurner (Mann)


 ========================= END NOTE ========================= 




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