Congressional Record, Volume 167 Issue 8 (Wednesday, January 13, 2021)

[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 8 (Wednesday, January 13, 2021)]
[House]
[Pages H151-H165]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H. RES. 24, IMPEACHING DONALD JOHN
TRUMP, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, FOR HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANORS

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I
call up House Resolution 41 and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:

H. Res. 41

Resolved, That upon adoption of this resolution it shall be
in order without intervention of any point of order to
consider in the House the resolution (H. Res. 24) impeaching
Donald John Trump, President of the United States, for high
crimes and misdemeanors. The previous question shall be
considered as ordered on the resolution and on any amendment
thereto to adoption without intervening motion or demand for
division of the question except two hours of debate equally
divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority
member of the Committee on the Judiciary or their respective
designees.
Sec. 2. Until completion of proceedings enabled by the
first section of this resolution--
(a) the Chair may decline to entertain any intervening
motion, resolution, question, or notice; and
(b) the Chair may decline to entertain the question of
consideration.
Sec. 3. Upon adoption of House Resolution 24--
(a) House Resolution 40 is hereby adopted; and
(b) no other resolution incidental to impeachment relating
to House Resolution 24

[[Page H152]]

shall be privileged during the remainder of the One Hundred
Seventeenth Congress.
Sec. 4. Section 5 of House Resolution 8, agreed to January
4, 2021, is amended by striking ``January 28'' each place
that it appears and inserting ``February 11''.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Massachusetts is
recognized for 1 hour.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield
the customary 30 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Oklahoma
(Mr. Cole), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume.
During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the
purpose of debate only.

General Leave

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
be given 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Massachusetts?
There was no objection.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, yesterday, the Rules Committee met and
reported a closed rule, House Resolution 41, providing for
consideration of H. Res. 24, impeaching Donald John Trump, President of
the United States, for high crimes and misdemeanors.
The rule provides 2 hours of debate equally divided and controlled by
the chair and ranking member of the Committee on the Judiciary. The
rule also provides that upon adoption of H. Res. 24, H. Res. 40 is
hereby adopted.
Finally, the rule extends recess instructions, suspension authority,
and same-day authority through February 11, 2021.
Mr. Speaker, we are debating this historic measure at an actual crime
scene, and we wouldn't be here if it weren't for the President of the
United States.
On Wednesday, January 6, Congress gathered here to fulfill our
constitutional duty, tallying the electoral college victory of
President-elect Biden and Vice-President-elect Harris after a free and
fair election.
This is largely a ceremonial role for the Congress, one that sends
the message to the world that democracy in the United States persists.
But at a rally just a mile and a half down Pennsylvania Avenue, Donald
Trump and his allies were stoking the anger of a violent mob.
A Member of this very body proclaimed on that stage: ``Today is the
day American patriots start taking down names and kicking ass.''
Trump's personal attorney, Rudy Giuliani, called for a ``trial by
combat.''
Then Donald Trump told the crowd: ``We are going to have to fight
much harder . . . you will never take back our country with weakness.''
Even though, according to his own administration that this election
was the most secure in our history, Donald Trump repeated his big lie
that this election was an egregious assault on democracy.
He said Vice President Pence ``was going to have to come through for
us.''
Trump then told this mob to ``walk down to the Capitol.''
The signal was unmistakable: These thugs should stage a coup so
Donald Trump can hang on to power. The people's will be damned.
This beacon of democracy became the site of a vicious attack. Rioters
chanted, ``Hang Mike Pence,'' as noose and gallows were built a stone's
throw from the Capitol steps. Capitol police officers were beaten and
sprayed with pepper spray. Attackers hunted down lawmakers to hold them
hostage or worse. Staff barricaded doors. People sent text messages to
their families to tell them they loved them. They thought they were
saying good-bye, Mr. Speaker.
This was not a protest. This was an insurrection. This was a well-
organized attack on our country that was incited by Donald Trump.
Domestic terrorists broke into the United States Capitol that day and
it is a miracle more people didn't die. As my colleagues and I were
being evacuated to safety, I never ever will forget what I saw when I
looked into the eyes of those attackers right in the Speaker's lobby
there. I saw evil, Mr. Speaker. Our country came under attack not from
a foreign nation, but from within.
These were not protesters. These were not patriots. These were
traitors. These were domestic terrorists, Mr. Speaker, and they were
acting under the orders of Donald Trump.
Some of my colleagues on the other side have suggested that we just
move on from this horror. But to gloss over it would be an abdication
of our duty. Others on the Republican side have talked about unity. But
we can't have unity without truth and without accountability. And I am
not about to be lectured by people who just voted to overturn the
results of a free and fair election.
America was attacked and we must respond, even when the cause of this
violence resides at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.
Each of us took an oath last week. It wasn't to a party and it wasn't
to a person. We vowed to defend the Constitution. The actions of Donald
Trump have called each of us to fulfill that oath today. I pray that we
rise to this responsibility because every moment Donald Trump is in the
White House, our Nation and our freedom is in danger. He must be held
to account for the attack on our Capitol that he organized and he
incited.
I solemnly urge my colleagues to support this rule and the underlying
article. The damage this building sustained can be repaired, Mr.
Speaker; but if we don't hold Donald Trump accountable, the damage done
to our Nation could be irreversible.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, before I begin my formal remarks, I want to ask for
God's blessing and protection on you; on my friend, Mr. McGovern; for
all who come to this Chamber today to speak and to vote; for our
wonderful staff that make this possible; and most especially for the
men and women of the Capitol Police and the other affiliated law
enforcement agencies that are here to protect everybody and to make
sure that this proceeding can go forward.
With that, Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from
Massachusetts, my very good friend, the distinguished chairman of the
Rules Committee, Mr. McGovern, for yielding me the customary 30
minutes.

Mr. Speaker, today is a sad day for all of us, for me personally, for
the Rules Committee, for the entire House of Representatives, and most
certainly for the American people.
For the second time in 13 months, we are meeting to discuss the
impeachment of the President of the United States. Our meeting today
does not arise in a vacuum and comes at what I hope and pray is the end
of a tumultuous period for our country.
Less than 1 week ago, Congress met to certify the results of the 2020
Presidential election. What started out as peaceful protests, turned
into a riot as an untold number of individuals stormed the Capitol
Building. Six people died as a result of this mob. It is only by the
grace of God and the brave acts of the U.S. Capitol Police; the
Washington, D.C. Metropolitan Police; the FBI; the ATF; and other
responding agencies that there was not more bloodshed.
Violent acts such as these have no place in our Republic. These
shocking and sobering events rest high on our minds today, as well they
should. Certainly, January 6, 2021, will live in my memory as the
darkest day during my time in service as a Member of this House.
After these grave events, we, as a nation and as an institution, have
an opportunity to come together. President Trump has conceded the 2020
election. Congress has certified the results of the election, and next
Wednesday, President-elect Biden will be sworn in as the President of
the United States.
Congress and the Nation can move forward knowing that the political
process was completed as designed and that the constitutional framework
that has governed our Republic since 1789 held firm. But instead of
moving forward as a unifying force, majority in the House is choosing
to divide us further.
With only 1 week to go in his term, the majority is asking us to
consider a resolution impeaching President Trump, and they do so
knowing full well that even if the House passes this resolution, the
Senate will not be able to begin considering these charges until after
President Trump's term ends.

[[Page H153]]

Mr. Speaker, I can think of no action the House can take that is more
likely to further divide the American people than the action we are
contemplating today. Emotions are clearly running high and political
divisions have never been more apparent in my lifetime.
We desperately need to seek a path forward, healing for the American
people. So it is unfortunate that a path to support healing is not the
path the majority has chosen today. Instead, the House is moving
forward erratically with a truncated process that does not comport with
the modern practice and that will give Members no time to contemplate
the serious course of action before us.
In every modern impeachment inquiry, an investigation and committee
action has preceded bringing an impeachment resolution to the floor. In
part, this is to ensure that members have the full facts, the
opportunity to engage expert witnesses, and have a chance to be heard.
It also provides due process to the President of the United States.
Again, in every modern impeachment inquiry, the President has been
given an opportunity to be heard in some form or another.
This is necessary in order to ensure that the American people have
confidence in the procedures the House is following. It is also
necessary, not because of the President's inappropriate and reckless
words are deserving of defense, but because the Presidency itself
demands due process in the impeachment proceedings.
Unfortunately, the majority has chosen to race to the floor with a
new Article of Impeachment, forgoing any investigation, any committee
process or any chance for Members to fully contemplate this course of
action before proceeding.
Professor Jonathan Turley is correct when he called this ``a
dangerous snap impeachment--an impeachment that effectively would go to
a vote without the deliberation or inquiries of a traditional
hearing.''
Professor Turley also noted that ``the damage caused by the rioters
this week was enormous. However, it will pale in comparison to the
damage from a new precedent of a snap impeachment. . . .''
Mr. Speaker, if the majority is seeking consensus, this is hardly the
way to create it.

{time} 0930

The majority is failing to provide the House with an opportunity to
review all the facts--which are still coming to light--to discuss all
the evidence, to listen to scholars, to examine the witnesses, and to
consider precedence. This is not the type of robust process we have
followed for every modern impeachment, and the failure to do so does a
great disservice to this institution and to this country.
Mr. Speaker, I could think of nothing that will cause further
division more than the path the majority is now taking. Rather than
looking ahead to a new administration, the majority is again seeking to
settle scores against the old one. Rather than seeking to heal America,
they are seeking to divide us more deeply, and rather than following
the appropriate processes the House has used in every modern
impeachment, the majority is rushing to the floor, tripping all over
themselves in their rush to impeach the President a second time.
What is worse, though, is the majority seems to believe this course
of action is self-evident, and that is simply not the case. I have to
tell them: it is not. Members have reviewed the same conduct and have
come to dramatically different conclusions. Legal scholars like
Professor Turley and Professor Alan Dershowitz, both of whom condemn
the President's statements, believe that his statements are not
impeachable. I know other scholars have different points of view.
Given this difference of opinion, shouldn't we have a better process
than this?
Shouldn't we have a chance to examine witnesses, discuss the matter
with legal scholars, and consider this in committee?
On a matter as grave and consequential as impeachment, shouldn't we
follow the same process we have used in every modern impeachment rather
than rushing to the floor?
On behalf of generations of Americans to come, we need to think more
clearly about the consequences of our actions today. The fact of the
matter is, Mr. Speaker, there is no reason to rush forward like this,
other than the very obvious fact that there are only 7 days left until
the new President takes office. But what is worse, as Professor
Dershowitz has pointed out, because of the Senate's rules, the case
cannot come to trial in the Senate until 1 p.m. on January 20, 1 hour
after President Trump leaves office.
This is an ill-advised course, in my opinion, Mr. Speaker. Even
Senator Joe Manchin, a Democrat, agrees. Senator Manchin is quoted this
week as having said, ``I think this is so ill-advised for Joe Biden to
be coming in, trying to heal the country, trying to be the President of
all the people when we are going to be so divided and fighting again.
Let the judicial system do its job.''
So what, then, is the point of the rush to impeach?
We are coming off a horrific event that resulted in six deaths. We
have an opportunity to move forward, but we cannot if the majority
insists on bringing the country through the trauma of another
impeachment. It will carry forward into the next President's term
ensuring that he will struggle to organize his administration. What is
worse, it will continue to generate the bitterness so many of us have
opposed.
Why put us through that when we can't actually resolve this before
the end of the President's term?
Mr. Speaker, I think my colleagues in the majority need to think
about this more soberly. We need to recognize we are following a flawed
process. We need to recognize that people of goodwill can differ. We
need to recognize that, while the House may be done with this matter
after today's vote, it will not be done for the country. It will not be
done for the Senate, and it will not be done for the incoming Biden
administration. The House's action today will only extend the division
longer than necessary.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, I would note that there are other remedies that
can be pursued. The President is expected to face litigation over his
role in last Wednesday's events. There will be criminal proceedings
against the perpetrators, and I hope all of those who stormed the
Capitol will be brought to justice. And some Members have proposed an
alternative procedure--censuring the President--which could garner
significant bipartisan support in the House.
I do not think impeachment is a wise course, Mr. Speaker. I would
urge my friends in the majority to reconsider. There is still time to
choose a different path, one that leads to reconciliation and hope for
better and brighter days.
Mr. Speaker, I urge opposition to the rule, and I reserve the balance
of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record the powerful statement by
Congresswoman Liz Cheney, who is the chair of the House Republican
Conference, titled ``I will vote to impeach the President.''

Cheney: I Will Vote To Impeach the President

January 12, 2021.
Washington--Wyoming Congresswoman and House Republican
Conference Chair Liz Cheney (R-WY) released the following
statement ahead of votes in the House this week:
``On January 6, 2021 a violent mob attacked the United
States Capitol to obstruct the process of our democracy and
stop the counting of presidential electoral votes. This
insurrection caused injury, death and destruction in the most
sacred space in our Republic.
``Much more will become clear in coming days and weeks, but
what we know now is enough. The President of the United
States summoned this mob, assembled the mob, and lit the
flame of this attack. Everything that followed was his doing.
None of this would have happened without the President. The
President could have immediately and forcefully intervened to
stop the violence. He did not. There has never been a greater
betrayal by a President of the United States of his office
and his oath to the Constitution.
``I will vote to impeach the President.''

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I want to be clear about just one thing:
If we vote to impeach the President today and we send it over to the
Senate, there is nothing to prevent the Senate from taking it up
immediately if Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell decides that he
wants to proceed, number one.
Number two, we all want to talk about unity. I can't think of
anything

[[Page H154]]

that would unify this country more than if there was a big bipartisan
vote in favor of impeachment. Every second that this President remains
in office is a danger to this country and to the world. We have no idea
what he is capable of doing, whether he will pardon these terrorists or
whether he will go to war.
So I urge all my colleagues on both sides to support this rule and
the impeachment resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms.
Chu).
Ms. CHU. Mr. Speaker, last week, I hid in an office for hours,
terrified to open the door because I did not know if a rioter was on
the other side ready to attack, kidnap, or murder me. But my
experiences were just the tip of the iceberg. The U.S. Capitol was
targeted, besieged, and ransacked on January 6 by a murderous mob
holding a noose for Vice President Pence and targeting Speaker Pelosi.
Their rampage resulted in destruction and five people dead.
We were attacked by terrorists, but this time the terrorists were
radicalized right here in the United States. Worse, they were
radicalized by the President, who intentionally lied to his supporters
that the election was stolen and then told them when to come to D.C.,
where to protest, and whom to direct their anger at.
The need to remove this President could not be more urgent. He is too
dangerous to remain in office. Donald Trump must be held accountable.
He must be impeached.
Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, I will offer an
amendment to the rule to immediately bring up a resolution establishing
a bipartisan national commission on the domestic terrorist attack on
the United States Capitol. This proposed bipartisan commission will be
tasked with examining and reporting upon the terror attack upon our
Capitol that occurred last Wednesday. The commission will be bipartisan
in nature, modeled after the 9/11 Commission, and will fully be
empowered to undertake a full investigation and make recommendations to
the President and to Congress.
I can think of no more appropriate path for Congress to follow than
by ensuring a bipartisan commission reviews all evidence and reports
back to us on this horrific event.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of my
amendment in the Record, along with extraneous material, immediately
prior to the vote on the previous question.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Oklahoma?
There was no objection.
Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``no'' vote on the previous question.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr.
Rodney Davis), who is the ranking Republican member on the House
Administration Committee, for a further explanation of this amendment.
Mr. RODNEY DAVIS of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I first want to thank the
U.S. Police and the Sergeant at Arms employees who were here on the
front lines protecting this Capitol last week during the unprecedented
attack. It is imperative that we focus on ensuring a safe Inauguration
Day, protecting Members and staff during this time of increased
threats, and making sure that our Capitol Police officers have the
support that they need. We need to ensure that what we saw happen a
week ago today never happens again.
Yesterday, I introduced, along with Representatives Katko and Comer,
a bill that would create a national commission on the domestic
terrorist attack upon the United States Capitol. The bipartisan
commission would consist of 10 Members--5 Republicans, 5 Democrats--
appointed by the next President and by House and Senate leadership.
This commission would be tasked with investigating the domestic
terrorist attack that occurred in this building just a week ago, and it
will provide us recommendations to prevent similar attacks from
happening in the future.
What we saw last week scared all of us who were here. But it also
showed adversaries what it takes to take out a branch of government.
When this commission is done with its investigation, it will submit a
report to the President and the Congress detailing its findings and
recommendations to ensure that no foreign or domestic adversary could
accomplish what was done on January 6. We need to ensure that we fully
understand what took place last week and any and all issues that
occurred during our response.
Republicans and Democrats need to work together. We must unite to
prevent any attacks like this from happening in the future, and we must
protect this institution, not just for us but for the American people.
That is why we should defeat the previous question so that we can
establish this bipartisan commission to equip us with the information
that we need to support our Capitol Police and the men and women who
work in these buildings.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman of the Rules Committee
for yielding. I congratulate him for his efforts down at the Rules
Committee in acting and acting swiftly.
I appreciate the remarks of Mr. Cole, for whom I have great respect,
but I disagree with his sense of a lack of urgency in action. I do
agree with him of the consequences of our action. There are
consequences to actions, and the actions of the President of the United
States demand urgent and clear action by the Congress of the United
States.
The chairman of the committee introduced the remarks and put them in
the Record, but I want to reference the remarks of the chair of the
Republican Conference, which is the analog to the Democratic Caucus. It
is all the Republicans elected to the Congress of the United States in
the House of Representatives. And they elected Liz Cheney, the daughter
of the Vice President of the United States, the former whip of this
House, Dick Cheney, with whom I served in the eighties.

Representative Cheney, from Wyoming, a conservative Republican, said
this: ``The President of the United States summoned this mob, assembled
the mob, and lit the flame of this attack.''
That is not some irresponsible new Member of the Congress of the
United States. This is the daughter of the former Republican whip and
former Vice President of the United States of America. She knows of
what she speaks.
She said this as well: ``There has never been a greater betrayal by a
President of the United States of his office and his oath to the
Constitution.''
This is not, as Liz Cheney says, just some action. She characterized
it as the biggest betrayal of any President of the United States in our
history.
Mr. John Katko--not a backbench Republican who just got here and
doesn't know what is going on--Mr. John Katko, who is the ranking
Republican on the Homeland Security Committee, says this: ``To allow
the President of the United States to incite this attack without
consequence is a direct threat to the future of our democracy.''
This is not some backbencher on their side of the aisle, Mr. Speaker.
It reflects the sense of outrage and the sense of historic
dissimilarity from the actions of any previous President.
Then Mr. Adam Kinzinger, a member of the Energy and Commerce
Committee and a senior Member from Illinois--so we have a Member from
Wyoming, a Member from Illinois, and a Member from New York. There will
be others on this vote who will join them. Mr. Kinzinger said this:
``If these actions''--he hasn't had any hearings; he doesn't need any
long, drawn-out consideration--``If these actions are not worthy of
impeachment, then what is an impeachable offense?''
There is no doubt in my mind that the President of the United States
broke his oath and incited this insurrection.
I tell my friend, Mr. Speaker, a gentleman for whom I have great
respect--he is my friend, and I say that honestly, not just as rhetoric
that we say on this floor, because there are some that I don't consider
friends, whose values I do not share. That is not Mr. Cole. We have a
difference. Liz Cheney, John Katko, Adam Kinzinger, and other
Republicans whom I have talked to within the last 24 hours believe this
action is required.

[[Page H155]]

{time} 0945

Mr. Speaker, I see the gentleman from Ohio is on the floor. He likes
to say that we Democrats were elected and the first thing we wanted to
do was impeach this President. He is shaking his head in agreement
because, like the President of the United States, he denies the facts.
Trump-like. Fake news.
Mr. Speaker, December 6, 2017, Mr. Green, who I am going to refer to,
offered a motion because he saw the danger that confronted our country,
and he filed a resolution of impeachment. On December 6, 2017, we had a
vote on that, and the majority of Democrats voted ``no''--actually,
they voted ``yes'' to table--so that we did not proceed in 2017.
The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Green) thought, however, the next year
that there was still a danger to our country. Some of us shared that
view, but we were not confident that the case could be made or that the
transactions that preceded would lead to conviction. So, on January 19
of 2018, we had a motion to table Mr. Green's resolution, and the
majority of Democrats voted to table that resolution.
What a rush to judgment.
And then, on July 17, 2019, 9 days before the call to Ukraine to get
the Ukrainian leader to act on the political behalf of the President of
the United States and where he withheld money to defend the Ukrainian
people from Russian involvement and offered that as a bribe, on July
17, the majority of Democrats voted to table that resolution.
Mr. Speaker, there was no rush to judgment.
Then that call to which I just referred was on July 26, 9 days later.
I call that the ``a-ha moment.'' Yes, I knew what I thought, but that
was proof.
Some gentlemen have lamented that we didn't know the whistleblower,
because, after all, if we knew the whistleblower, we could intimidate
everybody else from coming forward. This President has done everything
he can to intimidate whistleblowers, people who came forward and told
the truth. And we had witness after witness after witness who confirmed
what the whistleblower brought to our attention.
So, Mr. Speaker, the reason I rise today--and I am going to speak on
the resolution itself at some later time--is to recognize the
contributions that Al Green from Texas has made to getting us to this
place.
I am not going to read all of the resolution, but I want to read some
excerpts from the resolution he has introduced. We won't be considering
his resolution. We will be considering Mr. Cicilline's resolution which
over 200 others have signed on to.
Mr. Green had a resolution be introduced: ``Resolved, that Donald
Trump, President of the United States'' . . . `'is impeached for high
misdemeanors, and that the following Articles of Impeachment be
exhibited to the Senate.''
Article I says, ``In his capacity as President of the United States,
unmindful of the high duties of his high office and the dignity and
proprieties thereof, and of the harmony and courtesies necessary for
stability''--to which my friend spoke, the gentleman from Oklahoma--
Donald John Trump, in violation of his constitutional oath to
faithfully execute the Office of President ``has harmed the society of
the United States, brought shame and dishonor to the Office of
President of the United States, sowing discord among the people of the
United States'' by weaponizing hate for political gain.
He went on to say, ``On January 6, 2021, in a speech at the National
Mall, President Donald Trump weaponized the hate that resulted in
violence, the deaths of multiple people, an assault on democracy, and
an insurrection against the Capitol of the United States of America by
inciting a mob''--who said that? Liz Cheney said it, and Al Green said
it--infected with white supremacists carrying a rebel flag, erecting a
gallows structure with a noose, wearing shirts and hateful messages
such as ``Camp Auschwitz: Work Brings Freedom'' and ``MAGA Civil War,
January 6, 2021.'' ``MAGA Civil War.''
They had the hats on of the army of MAGA, which I refer to as ``Make
America Grieve Again.'' We grieved at Fort Sumter; we grieved on
December 7, 1941; and we grieved on 9/11. And, yes, we grieved on
January 6 of this year.
He goes on to say what the President told this mob that Liz Cheney
said was recruited by the President of the United States. This is the
President talking to this mob:
``All of us here today do not want to see our election victory stolen
by bold and radical left Democrats''--like the Secretary of State in
Georgia and the Governor of Georgia--``which is what they are doing,
and stolen by the fake news media.''
Inciting, riling up, creating anger with the fake news and lies that
the President of the United States said to these folks.
``That is what they have done and what they are doing,'' the
President continued. ``We will never give up. We will never concede. It
doesn't happen. You don't concede when there is theft involved.''
And so what did they do? Incited by this President, as Liz Cheney
said, as John Katko said, as Adam Kinzinger said, and, frankly, what
Secretary Chao acted upon and what the Secretary of Homeland Security
acted upon and what so many others in the administration have acted
upon--disgusted, dismayed, and disheartened by what their President had
done, they got out. They quit.
The President further emboldened them, saying--this is the Green
resolution. We are not considering it, but it is the Green resolution.
The President further emboldened them, saying, ``You will never take
back our country with weakness.''
We had a display of non-weakness, criminal insurrection-like conduct,
recruited by and deployed by the President of the United States to come
to this Capitol and ``stop the steal.''
The ``steal,'' of course, was: We assembled, accepting what all the
courts that considered it said was a fair and accurate election of Joe
Biden and Kamala Harris as President and Vice President of the United
States.
After his National Mall speech, a mob of his supporters proceeded to
the Capitol complex. We know that.
And so Mr. Green's resolution ends with, ``Wherefore, to prevent
national harm to our society, Donald John Trump, by such conduct,
warrants an immediate impeachment trial and removal from office and
disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or
profit under the United States Constitution and the 14th Amendment.''
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Green is going to speak after me, but, in
conclusion, let me tell my friend Mr. Cole: I have been here some time;
he has as well. I served with Ronald Reagan, with George H.W. Bush, and
George Bush. I had respect for all of those Presidents. They cared
about our country, they honored our Constitution, and they executed the
duties of their office consistent with the Constitution and laws of our
country.
That is not true of this President, and, therefore, he ought to be
removed. We have that opportunity to do so. Is there little time left?
Yes. But it is never too late to do the right thing.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Green), my good friend.
Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I had tears well in my eyes as I
heard Mr. Hoyer, and I know that hearts are hurting. This is a very sad
time in the history of our country. No one is celebrating. No one wants
to see this occur.
Mr. Speaker, I was at the Committee on Rules by way of Zoom. I was
there for the entire hearing. Those Members on the other side, this is
something that they understand and they take seriously. Regardless as
to what is said, I could sense that they are hurting too.
I just want to thank everyone for all that has happened and the
appreciation that has been shown.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the
gentleman from Texas.
Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman.
Mr. Speaker, the healing that we talk about that has to begin, the
healing has to start with some of these people who were there
initially, who helped to lay this foundation, 110 people.
I want to recognize Congresswoman Maxine Waters. A lot of them were
threatened. Their lives were disrupted.
Mr. Speaker, I include their names in the Record.

[[Page H156]]

Members Who Voted for Impeachment

Total Number: 110

KEY
1 = H. Res. 646--First 58--Wednesday, December 6, 2017.
2 = H. Res. 705--Historic 66--Friday, January 19, 2018.
3 = H. Res. 498--Noble 95--Wednesday, July 17, 2019.
Member last name, first name, district, and which article:
Adams, Alma, NC-12, 1,2,3.
Barragan, Nanette, CA-44, 1,2,3.
Bass, Karen, CA-37, 1,2,3.
Beatty, Joyce, OH-03, 1,2,3.
Blumenauer, Earl, OR-03, 3.
Bonamici, Suzanne, OR-01, 3.
Boyle, Brendan, PA-02, 3.
Brady, Robert, PA-01, 1,2.
Brown, Anthony, MD-04, 3.
Butterfield, G.K., NC-01, 2,3.
Capuano, Mike, MA-7, 1,2.
Cardenas, Tony, CA-29, 3.
Carson, Andre, IN-07, 2,3.
Castro, Joaquin, TX-20, 3.
Cicilline, David, RI-01, 3.
Clark, Katherine, MA-05, 1,2,3.
Clarke, Yvette, NY-09, 1,2,3.
Clay, Wm. Lacy, MO-01, 1,2,3.
Clyburn, James, SC-6, 1.
Cohen, Steve, TN-09, 1,2,3.
Davis, Danny, IL-07, 1,3.
Dean, Madeleine, PA-04, 3.
DeGette, Diana, CO-01, 3.
DeSaulnier, Mark, CA-11, 1,2,3.
Dingell, Debbie, MI-12, 3.
Doggett, Lloyd, TX-35, 1,2,3.
Doyle, Michael, PA-18, 3.
Ellison, Keith, MN-05, 1,2.
Engel, Eliot, NY-16, 1,2,3.
Escobar, Veronica, TX-16, 3.
Espaillat, Adriano, NY-13, 1,2,3.
Evans, Dwight, PA-03, 1,2,3.
Frankel, Lois, FL-21, 1,2.
Fudge, Marcia, OH-11, 1,3.
Garamendi, John, CA-03, 2.
Garcia, Jesus G. ``Chuy'', IL-04, 3.
Garcia, Sylvia, TX-29, 3.
Gomez, Jimmy, CA-34, 1,2,3.
Green, Al, TX-09, 1,2,3.
Grijalva, Raul, AZ-03, 1,2,3.
Gutierrez, Luis, IL-04, 2.
Hastings, Alcee, FL-20, 1,2.
Higgins, Brian, NY-26, 1,2,3.
Huffman, Jared, CA-02, 1,2,3.
Jackson Lee, Sheila, TX-18, 1,2,3.
Jayapal, Pramila, WA-07, 1,2,3.
Jeffries, Hakeem, NY-08, 2.
Johnson, Eddie Bernice, TX-30, 2,3.
Kelly, Robin, IL-02, 1,3.
Kennedy III, Joseph, MA-04, 3.
Kildee, Daniel, MI-05, 3.
Kirkpatrick, Ann, AZ-02, 3.
Larsen, Rick, WA-02, 3.
Lawrence, Brenda, MI-14, 1,2,3.
Lee, Barbara, CA-13, 1,2,3.
Levin, Mike, CA-49, 3.
Levin, Andy, MI-09, 3.
Lewis, John, GA-05, 1,2.
Lieu, Ted, CA-33, 1,2,3.
Lofgren, Zoe, CA-19, 3.
Lowenthal, Alan, CA-47, 2,3.
Lowey, Nita, NY-17, 3.
Maloney, Carolyn, NY-12, 3.
Matsui, Doris, CA-06, 3.
McCollum, Betty, MN-04, 1,2,3.
McGovern, James, MA-02, 1,2,3.
McNerney, Jerry, CA-09, 1,2,3.
Meng, Grace, NY-06, 3.
Moore, Gwen, WI-04, 1,2,3.
Moulton, Seth, MA-06, 1,2,3.
Nadler, Jerrold, NY-10, 3.
Napolitano, Grace, CA-32, 1,2,3.
Neguse, Joe, CO-02, 3.
Norcross, Donald, NJ-01, 1,2,3.
Ocasio-Cortez, Alexandria, NY-14, 3.
Omar, Ilhan, MN-05, 3.
Pallone, Frank, NJ-06, 1,2,3.
Pascrell, Bill, NJ-09, 1,2,3.
Payne, Donald, NJ-10, 2,3.
Pingree, Chellie, ME-01, 1,2,3.
Pocan, Mark, WI-02, 2,3.
Polis, Jared, CO-02, 1,2.
Pressley, Ayanna, MA-07, 3.
Raskin, Jamie, MD-08, 1,2,3.
Richmond, Cedric, LA-02, 1,2,3.
Roybal-Allard, Lucille, CA-40, 3.
Rush, Bobby, IL-01, 1,2.
Scanlon, Mary, PA-05, 3.
Schakowsky, Janice, IL-08, 1,2,3.
Scott, David, GA-13, 2,3.
Serrano, Jose, NY-15, 2.
Sherman, Brad, CA-30, 1,2,3.
Slaughter, Louise, NY-25, 1.
Speier, Jackie, CA-14, 3.
Swalwell, Eric, CA-15, 3.
Thompson, Mike, CA-05, 3.
Thompson, Bennie, MS-02, 1,2,3.
Titus, Dina, NV-01, 1,2,3.
Tlaib, Rashida, MI-13, 3.
Tonko, Paul, NY-20, 3.
Torres, Norma, CA-35, 3.
Trahan, Lori, MA-03, 3.
Vargas, Juan, CA-51, 1,2,3.
Vela, Filemon, TX-34, 1,2,3.
Velazquez. Nydia, NY-07, 2,3.
Walz, Tim, MN-01, 1,2.
Waters, Maxine, CA-43, 1,2,3.
Watson Coleman, Bonnie, NJ-12, 1,2,3.
Welch, Peter, VT-At Large, 3.
Wilson, Frederica, FL-24, 1,2,3.

Members Who Voted for Impeachment

H. Res. 646--First 58--Wednesday, December 6, 2017

Member last name, first name, district:
Adams, Alma, NC-12.
Barragan, Nanette, CA-44.
Bass, Karen, CA-37.
Beatty, Joyce, OH-03.
Brady, Robert, PA-01.
Capuano, Mike, MA-7.
Clark, Katherine, MA-05.
Clarke, Yvette, NY-09.
Clay, Wm. Lacy, MO-01.
Clyburn, James, SC-6.
Cohen, Steve, TN-09.
Davis, Danny, IL-07.
DeSaulnier, Mark, CA-11.
Doggett, Lloyd, TX-35.
Ellison, Keith, MN-05.
Engel, Eliot, NY-16.
Espaillat, Adriano, NY-13.
Evans, Dwight, PA-03.
Frankel, Lois, FL-21.
Fudge, Marcia, OH-11.
Gomez, Jimmy, CA-34.
Green, Al, TX-09.
Grijalva, Raul, AZ-03.
Hastings, Alcee, FL-20.
Higgins, Brian, NY-26.
Huffman, Jared, CA-02.
Jackson Lee, Sheila, TX-18.
Jayapal, Pramila, WA-07.
Kelly, Robin, IL-02.
Lawrence, Brenda, MI-14.
Lee, Barbara, CA-13.
Lewis, John, GA-05.
Lieu, Ted, CA-33.
McCollum, Betty, MN-04.
McGovern, James, MA-02.
McNerney, Jerry, CA-09.
Moore, Gwen, WI-04.
Moulton, Seth, MA-06.
Napolitano, Grace, CA-32.
Norcross, Donald, NJ-01.
Pallone, Frank, NJ-06.
Pascrell, Bill, NJ-09.
Pingree, Chellie, ME-01.
Polis, Jared, CO-02.
Raskin, Jamie, MD-08.
Richmond, Cedric, LA-02.
Rush, Bobby, IL-01.
Schakowsky, Janice, IL-08.
Sherman, Brad, CA-30.
Slaughter, Louise, NY-25.
Thompson, Bennie, MS-02.
Titus, Dina, NV-01.
Vargas, Juan, CA-51.
Vela, Filemon, TX-34.
Walz, Tim, MN-01.
Waters, Maxine, CA-43.
Watson Coleman, Bonnie, NJ-12.
Wilson, Frederica, FL-24.

Members Who Voted For Impeachment

H. Res. 705--Historic 66--Friday, January 19, 2018

Member last name first name, district:
Adams, Alma, NC-12.
Barragan, Nanette, CA-44.
Bass, Karen, CA-37.
Beatty, Joyce, OH-03.
Brady, Robert, PA-01.
Butterfield, G.K., NC-01.
Capuano, Mike, MA-7.
Carson, Andre, IN-07.
Clark, Katherine, MA-05.
Clarke, Yvette, NY-09.
Clay, Wm. Lacy, MO-01.
Cohen, Steve, TN-09.
Davis, Danny, IL-07.
DeSaulnier, Mark, CA-11.
Doggett, Lloyd, TX-35.
Ellison, Keith, MN-05.
Engel, Eliot, NY-16.
Espaillat, Adriano, NY-13.
Evans, Dwight, PA-03.
Frankel, Lois, FL-21.
Garamendi, John, CA-03.
Gomez, Jimmy, CA-34.
Green, Al, TX-09.
Grijalva, Raul, AZ-03.
Gutierrez, Luis, IL-04.
Hastings, Alcee, FL-20.
Higgins, Brian, NY-26.
Huffman, Jared, CA-02.
Jackson Lee, Sheila, TX-18.
Jayapal, Pramila, WA-07.
Jeffries, Hakeem, NY-08.
Johnson, Eddie Bernice, TX-30.
Lawrence, Brenda, MI-14.
Lee, Barbara, CA-13.
Lewis, John. GA-05.
Lieu, Ted, CA-33.
Lowenthal, Alan, CA-47.
McCollum, Betty, MN-04.
McGovern, James, MA-02.
McNerney, Jerry, CA-09.
Moore, Gwen, WI-04.
Moulton, Seth, MA-06.
Napolitano, Grace, CA-32.
Norcross, Donald, NJ-01.
Pallone, Frank, NJ-06.
Pascrell, Bill, NJ-09.
Payne, Donald, NJ-10.
Pingree, Chellie, ME-01.
Pocan, Mark, WI-02.
Polis, Jared, CO-02.
Raskin, Jamie, MD-08.
Richmond, Cedric, LA-02.
Rush, Bobby, IL-01.
Schakowsky, Janice, IL-08.
Scott, David, GA-13.
Serrano, Jose, NY-15.
Sherman, Brad, CA-30.
Thompson, Bennie, MS-02.
Titus, Dina, NV-01.
Vargas, Juan, CA-51.
Vela, Filemon, TX-34.
Velazquez, Nydia, NY-07.
Walz, Tim, MN-01.
Waters, Maxine, CA-43.
Watson Coleman, Bonnie, NJ-12.
Wilson, Frederica, FL-24.

Members Who Voted for Impeachment

H. Res. 498--Noble 95--Wednesday, July 17, 2019

Member last name, first name, district:
Adams, Alma, NC-12.
Barragan, Nanette, CA-44.
Bass, Karen, CA-37.
Beatty, Joyce, OH-03.

[[Page H157]]

Blumenauer, Earl, OR-03.
Bonamici, Suzanne, OR-01.
Boyle, Brendan, PA-02.
Brown, Anthony, MD-04.
Butterfield, G.K., NC-01.
Cardenas, Tony, CA-29.
Carson, Andre, IN-07.
Castro, Joaquin, TX-20.
Cicilline, David, RI-01.
Clark, Katherine, MA-05.
Clarke, Yvette, NY-09.
Clay, Wm. Lacy, MO-01.
Cohen, Steve, TN-09.
Davis, Danny, IL-07.
Dean, Madeleine, PA-04.
DeGette, Diana, CO-01.
DeSaulnier, Mark, CA-11.
Dingell, Debbie, MI-12.
Doggett, Lloyd, TX-35.
Doyle, Michael, PA-18.
Engel, Eliot, NY-16.
Escobar, Veronica, TX-16.
Espaillat, Adriano, NY-13.
Evans, Dwight, PA-03.
Fudge, Marcia, OH-11.
Garcia, Jesus G. ``Chuy'', IL-04.
Garcia, Sylvia, TX-29.
Gomez, Jimmy, CA-34.
Green, Al, TX-09.
Grijalva, Raul, AZ-03.
Higgins, Brian, NY-26.
Huffman, Jared, CA-02.
Jackson Lee, Sheila, TX-18.
Jayapal, Pramila, WA-07.
Johnson, Eddie Bernice, TX-30.
Kelly, Robin, IL-02.
Kennedy III, Joseph, MA-04.
Kildee, Daniel, MI-05.
Kirkpatrick, Ann, AZ-02.
Larsen, Rick, WA-02.
Lawrence, Brenda, MI-14.
Lee, Barbara, CA-13.
Levin, Mike, CA-49.
Levin, Andy, MI-09.
Lieu, Ted, CA-33.
Lofgren, Zoe, CA-19.
Lowenthal, Alan, CA-47.
Lowey, Nita, NY-17.
Maloney, Carolyn, NY-12.
Matsui, Doris, CA-06.
McCollum, Betty, MN-04.
McGovern, James, MA-02.
McNerney, Jerry, CA-09.
Meng, Grace, NY-06.
Moore, Gwen, WI-04.
Moulton, Seth, MA-06.
Nadler, Jerrold, NY-10.
Napolitano, Grace, CA-32.
Neguse, Joe, CO-02.
Norcross, Donald, NJ-01.
Ocasio-Cortez, Alexandria, NY-14.
Omar, Ilhan, MN-05.
Pallone, Frank, NJ-06.
Pascrell, Bill, NJ-09.
Payne, Donald, NJ-10.
Pingree, Chellie, ME-01.
Pocan, Mark, WI-02.
Pressley, Ayanna, MA-07.
Raskin, Jamie, MD-08.
Richmond, Cedric, LA-02.
Roybal-Allard, Lucille, CA-40.
Scanlon, Mary, PA-05.
Schakowsky, Janice, IL-08.
Scott, David, GA-13.
Sherman, Brad, CA-30.
Speier, Jackie, CA-14.
Swalwell, Eric, CA-15.
Thompson, Mike, CA-05.
Thompson, Bennie, MS-02.
Titus, Dina, NV-01.
Tlaib, Rashida, MI-13.
Tonko, Paul, NY-20.
Torres, Norma, CA-35.
Trahan, Lori, MA-03.
Vargas, Juan, CA-51.
Vela, Filemon, TX-34.
Velazquez, Nydia, NY-07.
Waters, Maxine, CA-43.
Watson Coleman, Bonnie, NJ-12.
Welch, Peter, VT-At Large.
Wilson, Frederica, FL-24.

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, may God bless our country as we go
forward.
MR. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Missouri (Mr. Smith), my good friend, distinguished Republican Member,
our leader of the Budget Committee.
Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, if we defeat the previous
question, we will amend the rule to immediately bring up the bill
establishing a bipartisan national commission on the domestic terror
attack of the United States Capitol.
This has been a devastating week for our Nation. Just last week, we
stood right here in this very Chamber while a violent mob laid siege to
the seat of American democracy. It is vital we get the facts on what
went wrong last week, why the security apparatus failed, and how we can
ensure it never--it never--happens again.
Mr. Speaker, less than 50 feet from where we stand in this room, a
young lady lost her life through those doors--through those doors. I
was in this Chamber when those gunshots rang. That is real stuff. That
should never happen in the people's House.
For the first time, can the House Democrats and the Speaker of the
House put the people before politics?
Please put the people before politics. At a time when our Nation is
more divided than ever before, let's put people before politics.
President Trump will be leaving in 7 days. Let's try to heal this
Nation. Let's listen to the American people. This is the people's
House. Let's operate for the people.
This country is hurting. The people are hurting. Our colleagues are
hurting.
This is a reckless impeachment. This will only bring up the hate and
fire more than ever before.
Have a conscience. Put the people before politics. Unify this
country.

{time} 1000

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, let me remind all of my colleagues that
what happened on Wednesday would not have happened if it weren't for
the occupant in the White House. If we want to put the people first, we
all ought to vote to impeach him and remove him from office as soon as
possible.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms.
Brownley).
Ms. BROWNLEY. Mr. Speaker, today is a defining moment in our history.
Congress was attacked by a mob directed by the President of the
United States. It was a horrible, terrifying situation. But we all
know, deep in our hearts, that it could have been much, much worse.
We simply cannot let it stand. We cannot let it stand for the very
soul of our democracy. We cannot let the President of the United States
leave office without acting.
We are the oldest constitutional republic in the world, and our
Capitol is a sacred symbol of our great democracy.
To my colleagues across the aisle, I appeal to your sense of service
and duty to our Nation and to the oath we all swore to uphold. Before
we are Democrats and Republicans, we are Americans. Let us come
together to fulfill our oath by voting for the resolution before us and
by defending, preserving, and honoring our democracy.
Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
South Carolina (Ms. Mace), one of our new Members, and note this is her
first speech on the House floor.
Ms. MACE. Mr. Speaker, this is not the reason I wanted to give my
first speech in our Chamber, in our hallowed Halls. This is not what I
wanted to do in my first week in office. But after the violent events
of last week, watching and witnessing how heartbreaking this was, thank
God I sent my kids home on Monday morning because I was worried about
the rhetoric leading up to the events and to the rally on January 6,
the violence that could transpire.
Not only were our lives in danger but if my kids were here, their
lives would have been in danger, too, the two most precious people in
my life.
Mr. Speaker, the U.S. House of Representatives has every right to
impeach the President of the United States. What we are doing today,
rushing this impeachment in an hour- or 2-hour-long debate on the floor
in this Chamber, bypassing Judiciary, poses great questions about the
constitutionality of this process.
I believe we need to hold the President accountable. I hold him
accountable for the events that transpired, for the attack on our
Capitol last Wednesday. I also believe we need to hold accountable
every single person, even Members of Congress, if they contributed to
the violence that transpired here.
But, today, I am asking my colleagues to remember the words of the
legendary, great leader in this country, Dr. Martin Luther King, who
once said the time is always right to do what is right.
If we are serious about healing the division in this country,
Republicans and Democrats need to acknowledge this is not the first day
of violence we have seen. We have seen violence across our country for
the last 9 months. We need to recognize, number one, that our words
have consequences, that there is violence on both sides of the aisle.
We have contributed to it. We need to take responsibility for our words
and our actions. We need to acknowledge there is a problem, take
responsibility for it, and stop being part of the problem and start
being part of the solution.
God bless every Member in the Chamber today, and God bless the United
States of America.

[[Page H158]]

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I am happy to yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Welch).
Mr. WELCH. Mr. Speaker, our government is founded on the principle of
all power flows from the people.
Donald Trump challenged this principle in two ways: Deceit and
violence. The deceit is repeated in baseless assertions of an electoral
fraud. The violence, the attack on the United States Capitol on January
6, the mob was assembled by Donald Trump, incited by Donald Trump, and
in service of Donald Trump's effort to overturn, through violence, what
he lost at the voting booth.
The violent mob reached the Capitol; killed and injured Capitol
Police; destroyed property; threatened the Vice President, Members of
Congress, and staff, all to obstruct the peaceful transfer of power.
If we want unity, we must have accountability. So the question before
this Congress: Will Congress condone through acquiescence or condemn
through impeachment Donald Trump's violent acts to overturn the
election?
Congress must impeach.
Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio
(Mr. Jordan), the distinguished Republican leader of the Judiciary
Committee.
Mr. JORDAN. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, in his opening remarks, the Democrat chair of the Rules
Committee said that Republicans last week voted to overturn the results
of an election.
Guess who the first objector was on January 6, 2017, the first
objector? The Democrat chair of the Rules Committee. And guess which
State he objected to? Alabama. The very first State called, Alabama.
President Trump, I think, won Alabama with 80 points. Actually, he won
it by 30 points.
They can object. They can object to Alabama in 2017 but tell us we
can't object to Pennsylvania in 2021, Pennsylvania where the State
supreme court just unilaterally extended the election to Friday;
Pennsylvania where the secretary of state unilaterally changed the
rules, went around the legislature in an unconstitutional fashion;
Pennsylvania where county clerks in some counties, and you can imagine
which counties they were, let people fix their ballots against the law,
cure their ballots, their mail-in ballots, a direct violation of law.
And they tell us we tried to overturn the election?

Guess who the second objector was in 2017? The individual managing
the impeachment for the Democrats.
Americans are tired of the double standard. They are so tired of it.
Democrats objected to more States in 2017 than Republicans did last
week, but somehow we are wrong.
Democrats can raise bail for rioters and looters this summer, but
somehow when Republicans condemn all the violence, the violence this
summer, the violence last week, somehow we are wrong. Democrats can
investigate the President of the United States, as Mr. Hoyer went
through, tried to impeach him, investigate him for 4 years, but will
not look at an election that 80 million Americans, half the electorate,
80 million, Republicans and Democrats, have their doubts about.
I said this last night. I do not know where all this goes, and this
is frightening for the country. We should defeat this rule, and we
should defeat the impeachment resolution when it comes up later this
afternoon.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, some of us objected 4 years ago as a
protest vote to raise concerns about what all of our intelligence
agencies had stated clearly, which was that Russia had interfered in
our election.
What the gentleman fails to acknowledge is that we all acknowledged
that Donald Trump was the President the day after the election. Hillary
Clinton conceded the day after the election.
And none of us push conspiracy theories like some of my friends on
the other side of the aisle have been doing, and this President, that
somehow the President won in a landslide. Give me a break.
Yesterday, in the Rules Committee, I asked the gentleman from Ohio if
he would just say five simple words. Mr. Speaker, I will tell you that
he was talking about healing. The five simple words that one could say
that would help heal this Nation are that: ``The election was not
stolen.'' That is it, five simple words. He refused. He said he never
said the election was stolen. Well, the evidence shows otherwise. Let
me reference this Dana Milbank piece titled ``Five pesky little words
keep stumping Jim Jordan.''
Mr. Speaker, the bottom line is this. This Capitol was stormed.
People died because of the big lies that were being told by this
President and by too many people on the other side of the aisle.
Enough. People should be outraged as to what happened. It was
unforgivable, unconscionable. Coming up on this floor and talking about
whataboutism and trying to make these false equivalencies, give me a
break.
The President of the United States instigated an attempted coup in
this country. People died. Everybody should be outraged, whether you
are a Democrat or a Republican. If this is not an impeachable offense,
I don't know what the hell is.
This President is not fit to remain in office.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr.
DeFazio).
Mr. DeFAZIO. Mr. Speaker, this was not a one-off. It was a long time
coming. It was a part of a plan to perpetuate Trump in office.
Trump's campaign strategy was: The election, the only way we can we
lose is if it is stolen. It is stolen; it is fake. ``It is stolen,''
repeated by many of his fellow travelers on that side, more than 150
times by Trump over the summer.
Then, they litigated to disqualify voters. That didn't work.
Then, they litigated to throw out ballots. Well, that didn't work.
Then, they attempted to delay the count with State legislatures.
Well, that didn't work.
Last ditch, the President called down to Georgia and said: Can't you
find me more votes?
And then, one last desperate plea: Stop the January 6 certification.
And the President talked about that on September 26. He said: You know,
if it goes to Congress, there is one vote per State, and we have an
advantage.
So, I think this was part of a plan to disrupt the electoral college
of the United States.
Giuliani: ``Trial by combat.''
Trump: ``You will never take back our country with weakness.''
Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Reschenthaler), a new member of the Rules Committee.
Mr. RESCHENTHALER. Mr. Speaker, I am deeply troubled by last week's
attack on our Capitol, and I pray for the families of Officer Sicknick
and Officer Liebengood.
As I have been saying all summer long, violence and rioting has no
place in America. The criminals responsible for last week's rioting
must be brought to justice. At a time when our Nation is still healing,
we must seek out issues to work on that unite us rather than issues
that further divide us.
I was greatly encouraged to see our country unite in condemnation of
last week's lawlessness and the rioting. I am further encouraged that,
despite my Democrat colleagues' claims to the contrary, President Trump
is committed to a peaceful and uninterrupted transfer of power.
But that is not good enough for my colleagues across the aisle. With
just 7 days left in President Trump's term, they are fast-tracking
impeachment proceedings, a move which will no doubt further divide an
already fractured Nation.

Even House Democrats' last impeachment effort, which was rushed
through in record time, at the very least, that had expert input,
depositions, hearings, and deliberation. This latest attempt at
impeachment ignores all precedent. It ignores all due process. It
cannot be voted on in the Senate before Joe Biden is sworn into office.
I am also very concerned by the charge against the President of
``incitement of insurrection.'' At his rally, President Trump urged
attendees to ``peacefully and patriotically make your voices heard.''
There was no mention of violence, let alone calls to action.
Look, I prosecuted terrorists in the Navy. I was a defense attorney
in the Navy JAG Corps. I was a district judge. Pull up the criminal
statute. Look at the criminal code. President Trump's

[[Page H159]]

words would not even meet the definition of incitement under criminal
statutes.
The measure before us today sets a dangerous precedent whereby
political parties can justify impeachment simply because they do not
agree with the President. I would, therefore, urge my colleagues across
the aisle to just take a step back, let cooler heads prevail, and
consider how the actions we are taking here today will alter the course
of history, will lower an already low bar of impeachment for all future
Presidencies.

{time} 1015

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, when my friends talk about the President
being committed to a peaceful transition, I just point to what happened
on Wednesday when his words launched a violent attack against this
Capitol where five people lost their lives and many more were injured.
So give me a break.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms.
Jackson Lee).
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Contrary to my good friend's words, the President of the United
States is an insurrectionist. He led an insurrection against the United
States of America.
Prior to the January 6 attack by violent domestic terrorists, the
President spoke to the crowd for 1 hour, and these were his words.
These were his words, which is that we cannot take the Nation back. We
have to take the Nation back with strength, and you must go and do
that. Those were the paraphrase of his words.
The President provoked these domestic terrorists with words, with
actions and conduct that betray a contempt and hostility to the
national value of equal justice under the law, telling domestic
terrorists, nearly all of them white supremacists, many of them, who
support him politically, who stormed the Capitol to derail Congress
from completing its constitutionally required duty of counting and
verifying the vote.
Mr. Speaker, as a senior member of the Committees on the Judiciary
and on Homeland Security, I rise in strong support of the rule
governing debate on H. Res. 24, a resolution impeaching the current
President of the United States for High Crimes and Misdemeanors,
warranting his conviction and removal from office and, in accordance
with Article I, Section 3, clause 7, disqualification from ever again
holding and enjoying an Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the
United States.''
I strongly support the rule and the underlying resolution calling for
impeachment and removal of this President because after the horrifying
events of Wednesday last, January 6, 2021, another day that will live
in infamy, the continuance in office of this President for even one
moment longer represents a clear and present threat to the security of
the United States, its people, institutions, and democratic form of
government.
To put it in the words of the Framers, the current President's
conduct reflects and reveals a person ``whose character is thus marked
by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a
free people.''
To put it in contemporary terms, the current President can rightly be
said to be perhaps the leading cause of state-sponsored domestic
terrorism.
Every minute this President remains in office represents a minute of
maximum peril to the American people and the American Experiment.
Unrepentant after his perfidious and treacherous conduct of Wednesday
last, the President just yesterday went to Alamo, Texas, without giving
any advance notice or consultation to the leaders of that community.
Does anyone really doubt that the President's true purpose in going
to Alamo was to signal to his band of disloyalists his desire that they
make a last stand and fight to the death in his name?
I do not, and neither does the majority of the American people, and I
suspect that in their heart of hearts, neither do our colleagues on the
Republican side.
Mr. Speaker, three facts demonstrate why immediate action to remove
the President is essential.
First, the abject failure and refusal of the President to take care
that the laws be faithfully executed puts lives at risk.
When the U.S. Capitol was besieged last week by domestic terrorists,
the President obstructed and denied the request of the Mayor of the
District of Columbia to call out the National Guard to protect life and
property; it took the Vice-President, working with Speaker Pelosi and
incoming Senate Majority Leader Schumer to prevail upon the Department
of Defense to come to the defense of the Capitol and the people trapped
inside.
Instead of acting in accordance with his sacred oath to preserve,
protect, and defend the Constitution and to take care that the people
and property of the United States are protected against all enemies,
foreign or domestic, the President did nothing but watch the mayhem on
television, ebullient at the enthusiastic display of support from his
lawless loyalists.
Second, the current President's conduct stands in stark and marked
contrast to his conduct earlier this year when protests were sweeping
the country in response to the murder of George Floyd, when the
President dispatched law enforcement authorities to put down peaceful
protests led by moms and veterans in Portland, Oregon and social
justice activists in Washington, D.C.
Back then, the President mobilized a heavy police presence, many on
horseback and others using tear gas, to clear Lafayette Square of
peaceful protesters so he could walk across the street to have himself
photographed clutching a bible upside down in front of a church.
Third, the President's words, actions, and conduct betray a contempt
and hostility to the national value of equal justice under law, telling
the domestic terrorists, many of whom were white supremacists who
support him politically, who stormed the Capitol to derail Congress
from completing its constitutionally required duty of counting and
verifying the votes of presidential electors, that ``we love you.
You're very special,'' while referring to African Americans and other
persons of color protesting social injustice and inequalities in the
criminal justice system as ``animals,'' ``thugs,'' and ``anarchists.''
Mr. Speaker, the President's actions inciting insurrection against
the United States was the proximate cause of the horrifying siege of
the U.S. Capitol, the destruction and desecration of the Citadel of
Democracy, and the deaths of at least six persons, one of whom was a
uniformed officer to the United States Capitol Police, whom was
bludgeoned to death by the incited mob.
Abusing the powers and resources of his high office, Donald John
Trump has actively and continuously endeavored to undermine the
essential institutions and foundations of a democratic system of
government in the United States, engaging in a long train of abuses and
usurptions, pursuing invariably the same object, evincing a design to
make himself an authoritarian ruler unaccountable to, and independent
of, the people of the United States.
The utter unfitness of the President for the office he holds and his
contempt for the sacred oath he took before the nation with God as his
witness, was vividly on display on January 6, 2021.
But signs of his calumny were on display in plain sight, reflected by
his misbehavior and malfeasance from the earliest days of his
administration.
Abusing the powers and resources of his high office, this President
has actively and continuously endeavored to undermine the essential
institutions and foundations of a democratic system of government in
the United States, engaging in a long train of abuses and usurpations,
pursuing invariably the same object, evincing a design to make himself
an authoritarian ruler unaccountable to, and independent of, the people
of the United States by:
(1) Soliciting and welcoming the assistance of a hostile foreign
power to aid him in securing election in 2016 as President of the
United States;
(2) Refusing to acknowledge Russian interference in the internal
affairs of the United States, and then opposing responses by Congress
and the Executive Branch to protect the national security and interests
of the United States against future Russian interference and
aggression;
(3) Publicly conveying his interest and willingness to accept the
assistance of foreign powers in his attempt win reelection as President
of the United States;
(4) Refusing continuously to acknowledge to the American people that
he would accept and be bound by the verdict rendered in the 2020
Presidential election, instead claiming that any outcome in which he
was not declared the winner was fraudulent, rigged, and illegitimate;
(5) Taking active measures to impede and undermine the ability of
American citizens to convey their disapproval of his continuance in
office by exercising their rights as voters, including misusing the
United States Postal Service to prevent the timely delivery of mail-in
ballots;
(6) Instituting frivolous lawsuits to overturn the results of the
2020 Presidential election, falsely alleging wide-spread voting fraud
but producing no evidence in support of his spurious allegations;
(7) Exhorting and inciting his supporters to believe falsely that
victory in the 2020 Presidential election had been stolen from him and

[[Page H160]]

that constitutionally required Joint Meeting of Congress for the
purpose of counting the votes of electors and announcement of the
result by the President of the Senate was illegitimate and intended to
complete the theft of his victory; and
(8) Failing to take action to protect and defend Federal officers and
personnel, property, buildings, and institutions on January 6, 2021, at
the U.S. Capitol that was besieged by supporters of Donald John Trump,
resulting in extensive damage to the property of the United States and
the deaths of at least four persons.
This is why multiple Members of Congress, introduced resolutions of
articles of impeachment; joined by dozens of original cosponsors, I
introduced H. Res. 26, impeaching the President for the High Crimes and
Misdemeanors of (1) Abuse of Power and (2) Willful Refusal And Failure
To Protect And Defend The Constitution Of The United States.
Mr. Speaker, Donald John Trump has acted in a manner contrary to his
trust as President and subversive of constitutional government, to the
great prejudice of the cause of law and justice, and to the manifest
injury of the people of the United States.
He must be impeached, convicted, removed from office, and
disqualified from ever again holding and enjoying an Office of honor,
Trust or Profit under the United States.
My love and reverence for the Constitution compels me to vote to
impeach this President and I urge all my colleagues who revere the
Constitution and our democracy, which has endured for more than 240
years, to join me in voting for the rule for H. Res. 24, so we can vote
to impeach Donald John Trump for High Crimes and Misdemeanors against
the United States.
Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Carter), my very good friend.
Mr. CARTER of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to
this effort to move forward with impeachment proceedings.
What happened on Wednesday, January 6, was nothing short of pure
anarchy. Those individuals who broke the law should be held accountable
for their actions. They should be prosecuted to the highest extent of
the law, and they should be put in jail.
This was one of the saddest days of my life, last Wednesday, Mr.
Speaker. Our thoughts and our prayers are with the police officers and
other law enforcement who carried out their duties on that tragic day,
including Officers Sicknick and Liebengood.
Right now, our focus should be on healing, healing our Nation. With
so many upset and dismayed at the actions of last week, it is our
responsibility to chart a path forward, to subdue the growing
animosity, and to find ways to heal our country.
Unfortunately, I don't believe this resolution will achieve those
goals, especially 7 days ahead of the inauguration. This is a very
serious and concerning effort during such a tense and fragile time in
our country.

I urge my colleagues to consider how this would further entrench
people during such a tense time. I cannot support this.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. All Members are reminded to wear face
coverings while on the floor. All Members and staff should be wearing
face coverings while on the floor.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman
from Texas (Mr. Doggett).
Mr. DOGGETT. Mr. Speaker, for years Donald Trump has honored thugs
worldwide who suppress democracy. For months, with a daily diet of
lies, he has made clear his refusal to accept any election in which he
was not the winner.
After failing completely in his repeated attempts to intimidate both
Republican election officials into committing fraud and Republican-
appointed judges into ignoring our Constitution, he made a desperate
attempt last week to block the final election count and prevent the
peaceful transition of power essential to democracy. Trump basically
attempted to overthrow the government, to violently overthrow the first
branch of government, this Congress.
Like his deadly reaction to the pandemic, he totally bungled the
deadly attack. Both his frenzied riotous mob and his congressional
enablers were defeated. America, we did ``stop the steal.'' We stopped
Donald Trump from stealing our democracy and imposing himself as a
tyrant.
Today, we not only demand accountability for his gross misconduct,
but more importantly, we declare to the next Trump-like aspiring
tyrant, not in America, we love our democracy too much. Our Capitol is
scarred, but our democracy survives. Violating his sworn duty to
protect and defend our Constitution by seeking to violently overthrow
the government by inciting violence, lighting the flames of a deadly
insurrection. If this is not impeachable, nothing is.
Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I advise the Chair that I have additional
speakers on the way, but they are having a difficult time. I reserve
the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro).
Ms. DeLAURO. On November 3, the American people voted overwhelmingly
for Joe Biden and Kamala Harris to serve as President and Vice
President of the United States.
The country was about to enter a new era, with great hope for change.
Yet, with a decisive mandate and majority, the President used
untruthful claims to end the completion of a constitutional process of
collecting the electoral votes making Joe Biden President of the United
States.
Not accepting the will of the American people, the President
unleashed the most horrific violence that overwhelmed the security
forces at this Capitol, which was overrun for the first time since
1812, putting the lives of so many at risk--indeed, a day of infamy.
This impeachment will be viewed as a transcendent vote, where all
will be judged. Vote to impeach the President of the United States,
Donald J. Trump.
Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
Florida (Ms. Castor).
Ms. CASTOR of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for
yielding me the time.
I rise today to urge the impeachment of Donald Trump because the
attack on the Capitol and the Congress was the single most depraved
betrayal of the U.S. Constitution ever committed by a President. The
traitorous incitement of an insurrection demands not just impeachment
but removal from office immediately.
Violence during the transfer of power, Confederate flags, anti-
Semitic paraphernalia desecrated this Capitol. Accountability must come
swiftly. We must act with the same resoluteness we showed in the early
morning hours after the insurrection, where we ensured the will of the
voters was effectuated.
Donald Trump's defilement of this Capitol will not stand. It demands
impeachment now.
Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute the distinguished gentleman
from North Carolina (Mr. Bishop), who is my very good friend.
Mr. BISHOP of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for
yielding me the time.
These articles charge incitement. Once before, the House impeached a
President of the United States within a week of the alleged offense.
That was President Andrew Johnson days after he removed Secretary of
War Edwin Stanton in 1868. Over 50 years later, the Supreme Court
declared unconstitutional the Tenure of Office Act that President
Johnson had refused to obey.
In other words, the House was not only hasty, it was wrong, punishing
noncompliance with the unconstitutional law. At least when that
occurred, the constitutionality of the law in question was unsettled.
Here, however, an angry House majority races to impeachment in direct
violation of settled constitutional law.
Again, the articles before the House charge incitement to
insurrection. They do not specify inciting language. The law is well
settled: ``What is required, to forfeit constitutional protection, is
incitement speech that `specifically advocates' for listeners to take
unlawful action.''
The violence last Wednesday was abhorrent. Perpetrators should be
prosecuted. Those responsible for security decisions held accountable.
Congress can disapprove, revile, condemn, even censure. But Congress
cannot, consistent with the rule of law, punish that which the
Constitution's First Amendment declares protected. If my colleagues do
it, the violators of the duty to this Constitution, however angry, will
be those who vote for this Article of Impeachment. It is not Mr.

[[Page H161]]

Green's Article of Impeachment. It is incitement, and the Constitution
is settled on that point.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the
gentlewoman from Minnesota (Ms. Omar).
Ms. OMAR. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me the
time.
Let us not mince words about what happened last week. It was a
violent attempt to interrupt our democratic process. It was a targeted
blow at the most essential process that makes us a democracy. It was
directly and specifically incited by the President of the United
States.
For years, we have been asked to turn a blind eye to the criminality,
corruption, and blatant disregard to the rule of law by the tyrant
President we have in the White House. We, as a nation, can no longer
look away.
The President not only incited an insurrection against our government
but has, in word and deed, led a rebellion.
We cannot simply move past this or turn the page. For us to be able
to survive as a functioning democracy, there has to be accountability.
We must impeach and remove this President from office immediately so
that he cannot be a threat to our democracy.
I stand ready to fulfill my oath of office. I challenge my colleagues
on the other side of the aisle to do the same.
Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record a New York Times
article published January 9 titled `` `Our President Wants Us Here':
The Mob That Stormed the Capitol.'' It is another example of why our
country cannot risk even one more day of Donald Trump.

[From the New York Times, Jan. 9, 2021]

Our President Wants Us Here: The Mob That Stormed the Capitol

(By Dan Barry, Mike McIntire and Matthew Rosenberg)

It was the table setter for what would come, with nearly
2,000 people gathering in Washington on Tuesday evening for a
``Rally to Save America.'' Speaker after angry speaker stoked
stolen-election conspiracy theories and name-checked sworn
enemies: Democrats and weak Republicans, Communists and
Satanists.
Still, the crowd seemed a bit giddy at the prospect of
helping President Trump reverse the result of the election--
though at times the language evoked a call to arms. ``It is
time for war,'' one speaker declared.
As the audience thinned, groups of young men emerged in
Kevlar vests and helmets, a number of them holding clubs and
knives. Some were aligned with the neofascist Proud Boys;
others with the Three Percenters, a far-right militia group.
``We're not backing down anymore,'' said a man with fresh
stitches on his head. ``This is our country.''
That night reflected a disconcerting mix of free speech and
certain menace; of everyday Americans supporting their
president and extremists prepared to commit violence for him.
All had assembled in answer to Mr. Trump's repeated appeals
to attend a march to the Capitol the next day that he
promised would be ``wild.''
It was. By Wednesday afternoon, a narrow group of Trump
supporters--some exuberant, some hellbent--had been storm-
tossed together into infamy. A mob overran the nation's
Capitol, as lawmakers hid in fear. Wholesale vandalism. Tear
gas. Gunfire. A woman dead; an officer dead; many injured.
Chants of ``U.S.A.! U.S.A.!''
But the insurrection failed.
It had been the culmination of a sustained assault by the
president and his enablers on fact-based reality, one that
began long before the November election but took on a fevered
urgency as the certainty of Mr. Trump's defeat solidified.
For years, he had demonized political opponents and the media
and egged on thuggish behavior at his rallies.
Since losing to Joseph R. Biden Jr., he had mounted a
campaign of lies that the presidency was being stolen from
him, and that marching on the Capitol was the last chance to
stop it. To many Americans, it looked like one more feel-good
rally to salve Mr. Trump's wounded ego, but some of his
supporters heard something altogether different--a battle
cry.
Now, dozens of them have been arrested--including an armed
Alabama man who had Molotov cocktails in his car and a West
Virginia lawmaker charged with illegally entering the
Capitol--and the Federal Bureau of Investigation is asking
for help in identifying those who ``actively instigated
violence.'' Many participants in the march are frantically
working to erase digital evidence of their presence for fear
of losing a job or being harassed online.
Mr. Trump, meanwhile, has been broadly condemned and cut
off from his social media megaphones, as a new administration
prepares to take power.
Kevin Haag, 67, a retired landscaper from North Carolina
who ascended the Capitol steps as the crowd surged forward,
said he did not go inside and disapproved of those who did.
Even so, he said he would never forget the sense of
empowerment as he looked down over thousands of protesters.
It felt so good, he said, to show people: ``We are here. See
us! Notice us! Pay attention!''
Now, back home after several days of reflection, Mr. Haag,
an evangelical Christian, wonders whether he went too far.
``Should I get down on my knees and ask for forgiveness?'' he
said in an interview. ``I am asking myself that question.''
But the experience seemed to have only hardened the resolve
of others. Couy Griffin, 47, a Republican county commissioner
from New Mexico, spoke of organizing another Capitol rally
soon--one that could result in ``blood running out of that
building''--in a video he later posted to the Facebook page
of his group, Cowboys for Trump.
Couy Griffin, a Republican county commissioner from New
Mexico and organizer of the group Cowboys for Trump, said a
future Capitol rally could have ``blood running out of that
building.'' ``You want to say that that was a mob? You want
to say that was a violence? No, sir, no, ma'am, no. We could
have a Second Amendment rally on those same steps that we had
that rally yesterday. You know, and if we do, then it's going
to be a sad day, because there's going to be blood running
out of that building. But at the end of the day, you mark my
word, we will plant our flag on the desk of Nancy Pelosi and
Chuck Schumer and Donald J. Trump, if it boils down to it.''
Couy Griffin, a Republican county commissioner from New
Mexico and organizer of the group Cowboys for Trump, said a
future Capitol rally could have ``blood running out of that
building.'' CreditCredit . . . Cowboys for Trump via YouTube.
``At the end of the day, you mark my word, we will plant our
flag on the desk of Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer,'' he
said. He paused before adding, ``And Donald J. Trump if it
boils down to it.''
Plans take shape online: `Pack a crowbar'. The advance
publicity for the ``March for America'' had been robust.
Beyond the repeated promotions in tweets by the president and
his allies, the upcoming event was cheered on social media,
including Twitter, Facebook and Instagram.
But woven through many of the messages to stand up for Mr.
Trump--and, if possible, block the congressional
certification of the election he claimed he had won--was
language that flirted with aggression, even violence.
For example, the term ``Storm the Capitol'' was mentioned
100,000 times in the 30 days preceding Jan. 6, according to
Zignal Labs, a media insights company. Many of these mentions
appeared in viral tweet threads that discussed the possible
storming of the Capitol and included details on how to enter
the building.
To followers of QAnon, the convoluted collection of
conspiracy theories that falsely claims the country is
dominated by deep-state bureaucrats and Democrats who worship
Satan, the word ``storm'' had particular resonance. Adherents
have often referred to a coming storm, after which Mr. Trump
would preside over a new government order.
In online discussions, some QAnon followers and militia
groups explored which weapons and tools to bring. ``Pack a
crowbar,'' read one message posted on Gab, a social media
refuge for the far right. In another discussion, someone
asked, ``Does anyone know if the windows on the second floor
are reinforced?''
Still, the many waves of communication did not appear to
result in a broadly organized plan to take action. It is also
unclear if any big money or coordinated fund-raising was
behind the mobilization, though some Trump supporters appear
to have found funds through opaque online networks to help
pay for transportation to the rally.
``Patriots, if you need financial help getting to DC to
support President Trump on January 6th, please go to my
website,'' a QAnon adherent who identified himself as Thad
Williams, of Tampa, Fla., posted on Twitter three days before
the event. He said he had raised more than $27,000. (After
the Capitol assault, the money transfer companies PayPal and
Stripe shut down his accounts. Mr. Williams did not return a
phone message, but the website for his organization, Joy In
Liberty, said it had given out $30,000 to fund transportation
for ``deserving patriots.'')
Other rally goers set up fund-raising accounts through the
online service GoFundMe; Buzzfeed News cited at least a
dozen, and GoFundMe has since closed them.
One of the most conspicuous figures in the Capitol
assault--a bare-chested man with a painted face, flag-draped
spear and fur hat with horns--was linked to the online fund-
raising. A familiar presence at pro-Trump rallies in Phoenix,
Jacob Anthony Chansley, a 33-year-old voiceover actor, is
known as the Q Shaman. He started a GoFundMe account in
December to help pay for transportation to another Trump
demonstration in Washington, but the effort reportedly netted
him just $10. Mr. Chansley retweeted Mr. Williams's funding
offer on Jan. 3, but it is unclear whether he benefited from
it.
On Tuesday, the eve of the march, a couple thousand people
gathered at Freedom Plaza in Washington for ``The Rally to
Save America'' event, permitted as ``The Rally to Revival.''
The disparate interests of those attending were reflected by
the speakers: well-known evangelists, alt-right celebrities
(Alex Jones of Infowars) and Trump loyalists, including his
former national security

[[Page H162]]

adviser Michael Flynn and the self-described Republican dirty
trickster Roger Stone, both of whom he had pardoned.
The speakers repeatedly encouraged the attendees to see
themselves as foot soldiers fighting to save the country.
Americans, Mr. Flynn said, were ready to ``bleed'' for
freedom.
``The members of the House of Representatives, the members
of the United States Senate, those of you who are feeling
weak tonight, those of you that don't have the moral fiber in
your body, get some tonight,'' he said. ``Because tomorrow,
we the people are going to be here and we want you to know we
will not stand for a lie.''
Inside the Capitol descends into chaos. It was President
Trump's turn. At about noon on Wednesday, he emerged from a
viewing party in a tent, strode onto a stage set up in a park
just south of the White House and, for more than an hour,
delivered a stream of inflammatory words.
He exhorted the crowd of more than 8,000 to march to the
Capitol to pressure lawmakers: ``Because you'll never take
back our country with weakness. You have to show strength and
you have to be strong.''
Even before he had finished speaking, people started moving
east toward the Capitol. The crowd included supporters who
had come by caravan from across the country, Trump flags
rippling in the wind, as well as people so moved by the
president's appeal for support that they had jumped into
their cars and driven for hours.
They traveled from various corners of resentment in 21st-
century America. Whether motivated by a sense of economic
disenfranchisement or distrust of government, by bigotry, or
conspiracy or a belief that Mr. Trump is God's way of
preparing for the Rapture, they shared a fealty to the
president.
Now the moment had come, a moment that twinned the
thrilling with the ominous.
``I'm happy, sad, afraid, excited,'' said Scott
Cyganiewicz, 56, a floor installer from Gardner, Mass., as he
watched the throngs of Trump loyalists streaming through the
streets. ``It's an emotional roller coaster.''
American flags and Trump paraphernalia mingled in the
crowd. Credit . . . Pete Marovich for The New York Times. Mr.
Cyganiewicz said he was on his way out of town. He did not
want to be around if violence broke out. Only a portion of
the broader crowd continued onto the Capitol grounds.
Soon word spread that Vice President Mike Pence--who would
oversee the pro forma count by Congress of the electoral
votes for certification--had announced he would not be
complicit in the president's efforts to overturn the
election.
``You can imagine the emotion that ran through people when
we get that word,'' said Mr. Griffin, the county commissioner
from New Mexico, in a video he posted on social media. ``And
then we get down to the Capitol and they have all the
inauguration set up for Joe Biden.''
He added, ``What do you think was going to happen?''
Many in the crowd spoke portentously of violence--or even
of another Civil War. A man named Jeff, who said he was an
off-duty police officer from York County, Pa., said he didn't
know what would happen after he and his wife Amy reached the
Capitol. But he felt ready to participate if something were
to erupt.
``There's a lot of people here willing to take orders,'' he
said. ``If the orders are given, the people will rise up.''
By the time the bulk of the crowd reached the building, its
leading edge had metastasized into an angry mob. A man barked
into a megaphone: ``Keep moving forward! Fight for Trump,
fight for Trump!''
``Military Tribunals! Hang them!'' shouted someone wearing
a cowboy hat.
Arrest Congress!'' screamed a woman in a flag scarf.
People surged past a few Capitol Police officers to bang on
the windows and doors. Many eyewitness accounts and videos
have since emerged that convey the pandemonium as hundreds of
people overwhelmed the inadequate law-enforcement presence.
In several instances of role reversal, for example, rioters
are seen firing what appeared to be pepper spray at police
officers trying to prevent mobs from getting closer to the
Capitol Building.
After a few minutes, the crowd broke through and began
streaming into an empty office. Glass shards crunched under
people's feet, as the scene descended into chaos.
Some stood in awe, while others took action. As one group
prepared to break through an entryway, a Trump supporter
raised a wine bottle and shouted, ``Whose way?'' To which the
crowd responded, ``Our way!''
Confusion reigned. ``Hey what's the Senate side?'' said a
tall man in camouflage and sunglasses.
``Where's the Senate? Can somebody Google it?''
All the while, members of The Oath Keepers, a self-
proclaimed citizens' militia, seemed to be standing guard--or
the transgressors. They wore olive-drab shirts, helmets and
patches on their upper-left sleeves that said, ``Guardians of
the Republic'' and ``Not on Our Watch.''
American flags flapped beside ``Trump 2020'' flags, and
people wearing ``Make America Great Again'' regalia moved
beside people wearing anti-Semitic slogans. Chants of ``Hell
No, Never Joe'' and ``Stop the Steal'' broke out, as did
strains of ``God Bless America'' and ``The Star-Spangled
Banner.''
Derrick Evans of West Virginia, who just two months before
had been elected as a Republican state delegate, wandered the
halls of the Capitol Building, filming himself and joining in
the occasional chant. At one point he shouted, ``Derrick
Evans is in the Capitol!''
Outside the building, Mr. Griffin, who was once
photographed wearing a 10-gallon hat and sitting across from
President Trump in the Oval Office, was now gleefully
addressing the camera from atop one of the crowded terraces,
declaring it ``a great day for America.'' Asserting that ``we
came peacefully,'' he was interrupted by a man wearing a
jacket with a hand-grenade logo, who said, ``Believe me, we
are well armed if we need to be.''
Amid the cheers and whoops of excitement were questions of
what to do next. Some can be heard hunting for specific
members of congress, including House Speaker Nancy Pelosi,
whose office was broken into by several people. She and other
lawmakers were hiding for fear of their safety.
One image showed a trim man moving through the Senate
chamber in full paramilitary regalia: camouflage uniform,
Kevlar vest, a mask and baseball cap obscuring his face. He
carried a stack of flex cuff--the plastic restraints used by
police. The image raised a question yet to be answered: Why
carry restraints if not to use them?
Several rioters wielded fire extinguishers. One stood on a
balcony on the Capitol building's west side, spraying down on
police officers trying to fend off the crowd. Others carried
them into the building itself, one into Statuary Hall and
another onto the steps outside the Senate Chamber, spraying
in the direction of journalists and police officers.
Our president wants us here,'' a man can be heard saying
during a livestream video that showed him standing within the
Capitol building. ``We wait and take orders from our
president.''
Despite his followers' hopes and expectations, President
Trump was missing in action as rioters rampaged through the
halls of Congress. It would be hours before he eventually
surfaced in a somewhat subdued videotaped appeal for them to
leave.
``We have to have peace,'' he said. ``So go home, we love
you, you're very special.''
Some of Mr. Trump's supporters expressed frustration, even
disbelief, that the president seemed to have given up after
they had put themselves on the line for him.
Mr. Haag, the retired landscaper, was among the
disappointed. Still, he said, the movement will continue even
without Mr. Trump.
We are representing the 74 million people who got
disenfranchised,'' he said. ``We are still out here. We are a
force to be reckoned with. We are not going away.''
One man wandered away from the Capitol in the evening
gloom, yelling angrily through a megaphone that Mr. Pence was
a coward and, now, Mr. Trump had told everyone ``to just go
home.''
Well, he can go home to his Mar-a-Lago estate,'' the man
shouted, adding, ``We gotta go back to our businesses that
are closed!''
As some rioters face fallout, others mull a repeat. In the
aftermath of what Mitch McConnell, the Senate majority
leader, called a ``failed insurrection,'' scores of those who
responded to the incendiary words of the president now face a
reckoning.
A chief target of investigators will be whoever struck
Brian Sicknick of the Capitol Police with a fire
extinguisher; the 42-year-old officer died Thursday after
being injured in the riot. At the same time, authorities are
investigating the fatal police shooting of Ashli Babbitt, 35,
an Air Force veteran who had joined those breaching the
Capitol.
Among those charged so far with federal crimes are Mr.
Chansley, the so-called Q Shaman; Mr. Evans, the West
Virginia lawmaker--who resigned on Saturday; and Richard
Barnett, an Arkansas man who was depicted in a widely
circulated photograph sitting with his foot on a desk in Ms.
Pelosi's office.
Meanwhile, Mr. Griffin, the commissioner from New Mexico
who runs Cowboys for Trump, saw his group's Twitter account
suspended and calls for his resignation.
The anger, resentment and conspiracy-laced distrust that
led to Wednesday's mayhem did not dissipate with Thursday's
dawn. Along with the smashed furniture in the Capitol
Building, there were smashed expectations of a continued
Trump presidency, of lawmakers held to account, of holy
prophecies fulfilled.
Signs of potential violence have already surfaced. Twitter,
which terminated Mr. Trump's account on Friday, noted that
``plans for future armed protests have already begun
proliferating'' online, including ``a proposed secondary
attack on the U.S. Capitol and state capitol buildings on
January 17.''
The urge for more civil unrest is being discussed in the
usual squalid corners of the internet. Private chat groups on
Gab and Parler are peppered with talk of a possible ``Million
Militia March'' on Jan. 20 that would disrupt the
presidential inauguration of Mr. Biden.
There is chatter about ride shares, where to find lodging
in the Washington area--and what to bring. Baseball bats,
perhaps, or assault rifles.
``We took the building once,'' one commenter posted, ``we
can take it again.''

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Correa).
Mr. CORREA. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.

[[Page H163]]

Mr. Speaker, last week, Congress was under siege by a mob motivated
and directed by the President of the United States. Our Vice President
was a target of that mob. Members of Congress, both Democrats and
Republicans, were targets of this mob. And I witnessed, for the first
time in my life, Americans fighting Americans, all at the behest of our
own President of the United States. As Americans, we can do better.
I will vote for impeachment today for our Nation, for our children,
and for our grandchildren. I will be voting for impeachment so that
America will once again be the shining city upon the hill whose beacon
light guides freedom-loving people everywhere.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me and vote for
impeachment.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, may I ask the gentleman how many more
speakers he may have?
Mr. COLE. Whenever the gentleman is prepared to close, we will close.
We were hopeful that one of our speakers would arrive, but they are
having a difficult time getting here.
Mr. McGOVERN. We have exhausted all of our speakers.
Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I thank you for presiding over these difficult
proceedings today. I thank my good friend, the distinguished chairman
of the Rules Committee. And I thank everybody who came to the floor and
had something to say at an important moment.
I think the debate, while spirited, reflected the civility and
decency of the institution that we are all privileged to be part of. I
am very proud to have been part of it. I am very proud of all the
Members and the manner in which they participated.
I want, again, to thank the staff and thank those who kept us safe in
the process, particularly the Capitol Police.
Mr. Speaker, I oppose this rule, and I oppose the majority's actions
today. After the traumatic events of last week, the majority should be
taking steps to unite us. Instead, they are only dividing us further.
They are rushing to judgment, in my opinion, and bringing up
impeachment after failing to follow any meaningful process whatsoever.
No hearings have been held, no witnesses heard, no process or
opportunity to respond was provided to the President. No Members had an
opportunity to review or amend this article before it came to the
floor. This is hardly the way the House should undertake such a serious
act.

{time} 1030

Mr. Speaker, there is still a way to unite the country. Let us look
forward, not backward. Let us come together, not apart. Let us
celebrate the peaceful transition of power to a new President rather
than impeaching an old President. And let us affirm and reaffirm with
one united voice that the House does not rush to judgment on the most
consequential action we can take. Mr. Speaker, we deserve better than
that and the American people deserve better than that.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues, as they reflect on this minute and
we move into our next stage of debate, to remember that we are all
privileged to represent a great and a good people. We have gone through
a horrifying and tragic time, and we owe them the opportunity to
reflect and we owe them our best efforts to bring everyone together.
I know people on this floor feel very passionately about this subject
with different points of view. I honor each one of those points of view
and I honor the people that voice them. Let's remember when we are
through this that we are one people and that we have one purpose, that
we are free through the grace of God and millions of brave Americans
over centuries of time and we will remain that way, and we will move
forward together once we settle this debate.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the previous
question, ``no'' on the rule, ``no'' on the underlying measure, and I
yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
I thank my friend, the ranking member of the Rules Committee, Mr.
Cole, for his friendship and for the way he conducts himself in this
Chamber. I know he has great respect for this institution.
Mr. Speaker, it is impossible for me to fully capture the reverence
that I have for the United States Capitol. I worked on these grounds
starting back when I was a college intern working for Senator George
McGovern back in 1977. No relation. Great last name.
Since that time, I have done everything from working as a staffer for
Congressman Joe Moakley of Massachusetts to being elected to the United
States House of Representatives myself.
But that internship will always be a high point of my life: Coming
here for the first time, walking these hallowed Halls, and seeing the
glory of American democracy up close.
The idea that someone would incite an out-of-control mob of homegrown
fascists and domestic terrorists to desecrate the people's House fills
me with a deep sadness for our country. The contempt that these people
had for our democracy and our freedom fills me with horror.
What Donald Trump did, encouraging them, fills me with rage not just
on behalf of all of those serving here, but all of those who work in
these Halls. And I am talking about the reporters, the cafeteria
workers, the custodians, the Clerks, the Parliamentarians--I can go on
and on and on--and the staff, the Democratic staff, the Republican
staff, the nonpartisan support staff, who were terrorized, some hiding
under their desks and barricading in their offices.
I was in the Speaker's chair the day this unfolded, and many of the
people who are sitting up there now were present at that time. What a
horrifying thing for anybody to have to experience.
Now, some of my Republican friends have been trying to lecture us
about unity here today after they voted to overturn a free and fair
election of the United States of America, but also preaching unity and
not acknowledging that, for 4 years, many of them gave oxygen to Donald
Trump's conspiracy theories, to the big lies. They have turned the
other way in the face of racism and bigotry and how he embraced some of
the most intolerant voices in this country. They just let it go.
I will remind everybody here that words have consequences, and
ignoring words that are wrong also have consequences. What happened
would never have happened if everybody stood up in unity and called out
the President when he was not telling the American people the truth,
when he was pushing a big lie. We will never have unity without truth
and also without accountability.
This week in Congress, we saw the best of us and the worst of us.
Some of my colleagues have shown that they will defend this President
no matter what he does. There is nothing that he could do that would
dissuade them from all-out support. But some are standing up and doing
the right thing under tremendous pressure, and I am proud of that and I
honor them for their courage.
This impeachment resolution outlines the truth of what Trump did. It
is time that this Congress now holds him accountable for his words and
for their devastating impact.
Last week, we took an oath to protect this Nation. As history calls
on us today, I pray that we all have the moral clarity to uphold it
here today.
The material previously referred to by Mr. Cole is as follows:

Amendment to House Resolution 41

At the end of the resolution, add the following:
Sec. 5. Immediately upon adoption of this resolution, the
House shall proceed to the consideration in the House of the
bill (H.R. 275) to establish the National Commission on the
Domestic Terrorist Attack Upon the United States Capitol. All
points of order against consideration of the bill are waived.
The bill shall be considered as read. All points of order
against provisions in the bill are waived. The previous
question shall be considered as ordered on the bill and on
any amendment thereto to final passage without intervening
motion except: (1) one hour of debate equally divided and
controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the
Committee on Homeland Security; and (2) one motion to
recommit.
Sec. 6. Clause 1(c) of rule XIX shall not apply to the
consideration of H.R. 275.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I
move the previous question on the resolution.

[[Page H164]]

The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on ordering the previous
question.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 221,
nays 205, not voting 6, as follows:

[Roll No. 15]

YEAS--221

Adams
Aguilar
Allred
Auchincloss
Axne
Barragan
Bass
Beatty
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Bourdeaux
Bowman
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brown
Brownley
Bush
Bustos
Butterfield
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carson
Cartwright
Case
Casten
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Craig
Crist
Crow
Cuellar
Davids (KS)
Davis, Danny K.
Dean
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Delgado
Demings
DeSaulnier
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Escobar
Eshoo
Espaillat
Evans
Fletcher
Foster
Frankel, Lois
Fudge
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Golden
Gomez
Gonzalez, Vicente
Gottheimer
Green, Al (TX)
Grijalva
Haaland
Harder (CA)
Hastings
Hayes
Higgins (NY)
Himes
Horsford
Houlahan
Hoyer
Huffman
Jackson Lee
Jacobs (CA)
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (TX)
Jones
Kahele
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Khanna
Kildee
Kilmer
Kim (NJ)
Kind
Kirkpatrick
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster
Lamb
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee (CA)
Lee (NV)
Leger Fernandez
Levin (CA)
Levin (MI)
Lieu
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Luria
Lynch
Malinowski
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Manning
Matsui
McBath
McCollum
McEachin
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Mfume
Moore (WI)
Morelle
Moulton
Mrvan
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Neguse
Newman
Norcross
O'Halleran
Ocasio-Cortez
Omar
Pallone
Panetta
Pappas
Pascrell
Payne
Perlmutter
Peters
Phillips
Pingree
Pocan
Porter
Pressley
Price (NC)
Quigley
Raskin
Rice (NY)
Richmond
Ross
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan
Sanchez
Sarbanes
Scanlon
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schrier
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sewell
Sherman
Sherrill
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (WA)
Soto
Spanberger
Speier
Stanton
Stevens
Strickland
Suozzi
Swalwell
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres (NY)
Trahan
Trone
Underwood
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wexton
Wild
Williams (GA)
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth

NAYS--205

Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Bentz
Bergman
Bice (OK)
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (NC)
Boebert
Bost
Brady
Brooks
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burchett
Burgess
Calvert
Cammack
Carl
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Cawthorn
Chabot
Cheney
Cline
Cloud
Clyde
Cole
Comer
Crawford
Curtis
Davidson
Davis, Rodney
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Donalds
Duncan
Dunn
Emmer
Estes
Fallon
Feenstra
Ferguson
Fischbach
Fitzgerald
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franklin, C. Scott
Fulcher
Gaetz
Gallagher
Garbarino
Garcia (CA)
Gibbs
Gimenez
Gohmert
Gonzales, Tony
Gonzalez (OH)
Good (VA)
Gooden (TX)
Gosar
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Greene (GA)
Griffith
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Hagedorn
Harshbarger
Hartzler
Hern
Herrell
Herrera Beutler
Hice (GA)
Higgins (LA)
Hill
Hinson
Hollingsworth
Hudson
Huizenga
Issa
Jackson
Jacobs (NY)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson (SD)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Katko
Keller
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
Kim (CA)
Kinzinger
Kustoff
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Latta
LaTurner
Lesko
Long
Loudermilk
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Mace
Malliotakis
Mann
Massie
Mast
McCarthy
McCaul
McClain
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
Meijer
Meuser
Miller (IL)
Miller (WV)
Miller-Meeks
Moolenaar
Mooney
Moore (AL)
Moore (UT)
Mullin
Nehls
Newhouse
Norman
Nunes
Obernolte
Owens
Palazzo
Palmer
Pence
Perry
Pfluger
Posey
Reed
Reschenthaler
Rice (SC)
Rodgers (WA)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rose
Rosendale
Rouzer
Roy
Rutherford
Salazar
Scalise
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sessions
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smucker
Spartz
Stauber
Stefanik
Steil
Steube
Stewart
Stivers
Taylor
Thompson (PA)
Tiffany
Timmons
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Van Drew
Van Duyne
Wagner
Walberg
Walorski
Waltz
Weber (TX)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Williams (TX)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Wright
Young
Zeldin

NOT VOTING--6

Crenshaw
Granger
Harris
Murphy (NC)
Steel
Webster (FL)

{time} 1129

So the previous question was ordered.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.

MEMBERS RECORDED PURSUANT TO HOUSE RESOLUTION 8, 117TH CONGRESS

Adams (Brown)
Axne (Stevens)
Baird (Bucshon)
Bergman (Walberg)
Bilirakis (Fortenberry)
Blumenauer (Beyer)
Bonamici (Clark (MA))
Boyle, Brendan F. (Jeffries)
Buchanan (Cammack)
Cardenas (Gallego)
Carson (Underwood)
Costa (Correa)
DeSaulnier (Matsui)
DesJarlais (Kustoff)
Deutch (Rice (NY))
Dingell (Stevens)
Doyle, Michael F. (Cartwright)
Dunn (Cammack)
Fleischmann (Kustoff)
Fletcher (Allred)
Frankel, Lois (Clark (MA))
Hastings (Wasserman Schultz)
Jayapal (Raskin)
Johnson (TX) (Jeffries)
Kaptur (Stevens)
Kirkpatrick (Gallego)
Kuster (Pingree)
Lamborn (Walberg)
LaTurner (Mann)
Lawson (FL) (Evans)
Lee (NV) (Stevens)
Lieu (Beyer)
Lowenthal (Beyer)
McEachin (Wexton)
McNerney (Huffman)
Napolitano (Correa)
Ocasio-Cortez (Tlaib)
Pascrell (Pallone)
Payne (Wasserman Schultz)
Peters (Beyer)
Porter (Wexton)
Pressley (Garcia (IL))
Schneider (Sherrill)
Sires (Pallone)
Smith (WA) (Courtney)
Strickland (Kilmer)
Titus (Connolly)
Tonko (Pallone)
Trone (Beyer)
Vela (Gomez)
Walorski (Banks)
Watson Coleman (Pallone)
Wilson (FL) (Hayes)
Young (Malliotakis)
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. Clarke of New York). The question is on
the resolution.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution
8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 221,
nays 203, not voting 8, as follows:

[Roll No. 16]

YEAS--221

[[Page H165]]

Scott, David
Sewell
Sherman
Sherrill
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (WA)
Soto
Spanberger
Speier
Stanton
Stevens
Strickland
Suozzi
Swalwell
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres (NY)
Trahan
Trone
Underwood
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wexton
Wild
Williams (GA)
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth

NAYS--203

Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Bentz
Bergman
Bice (OK)
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (NC)
Boebert
Bost
Brady
Brooks
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burchett
Burgess
Calvert
Cammack
Carl
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Cawthorn
Chabot
Cheney
Cline
Cloud
Clyde
Cole
Comer
Crawford
Curtis
Davidson
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Donalds
Duncan
Dunn
Emmer
Estes
Fallon
Feenstra
Ferguson
Fischbach
Fitzgerald
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franklin, C. Scott
Fulcher
Gaetz
Gallagher
Garbarino
Garcia (CA)
Gibbs
Gimenez
Gohmert
Gonzales, Tony
Gonzalez (OH)
Good (VA)
Gooden (TX)
Gosar
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Griffith
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Hagedorn
Harshbarger
Hartzler
Hern
Herrell
Herrera Beutler
Hice (GA)
Higgins (LA)
Hill
Hinson
Hollingsworth
Hudson
Huizenga
Issa
Jackson
Jacobs (NY)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson (SD)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Katko
Keller
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
Kim (CA)
Kinzinger
Kustoff
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Latta
LaTurner
Lesko
Long
Loudermilk
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Mace
Malliotakis
Mann
Massie
Mast
McCarthy
McCaul
McClain
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
Meijer
Meuser
Miller (IL)
Miller (WV)
Miller-Meeks
Moolenaar
Mooney
Moore (AL)
Moore (UT)
Mullin
Nehls
Newhouse
Norman
Nunes
Obernolte
Owens
Palazzo
Palmer
Pence
Perry
Pfluger
Posey
Reed
Reschenthaler
Rice (SC)
Rodgers (WA)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rose
Rosendale
Rouzer
Roy
Rutherford
Salazar
Scalise
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sessions
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smucker
Spartz
Stauber
Stefanik
Steil
Steube
Stewart
Stivers
Taylor
Thompson (PA)
Tiffany
Timmons
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Van Drew
Van Duyne
Wagner
Walberg
Walorski
Waltz
Weber (TX)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Williams (TX)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Wright
Young
Zeldin

NOT VOTING--8

Crenshaw
Davis, Rodney
Granger
Greene (GA)
Harris
Murphy (NC)
Steel
Webster (FL)

{time} 1221

So the resolution was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

MEMBERS RECORDED PURSUANT TO HOUSE RESOLUTION 8, 117TH CONGRESS

=========================== NOTE ===========================

January 13, 2021, on page H165, the following appeared: Lamborn
(Walberg) Langevin (Lynch) LaTurner (Mann)

The online version has been corrected to read: Lamborn (Walberg)
LaTurner (Mann)

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