[Congressional Record Volume 167, Number 2 (Monday, January 4, 2021)]
[House]
[Pages H13-H36]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
ADOPTING THE RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES FOR THE 117TH
CONGRESS
Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, I send to the desk a privileged resolution.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 8
Resolved,
SECTION 1. ADOPTION OF THE RULES OF THE ONE HUNDRED SIXTEENTH
CONGRESS.
The Rules of the House of Representatives of the One
Hundred Sixteenth Congress, including applicable provisions
of law or concurrent resolution that constituted rules of the
House at the end of the One Hundred Sixteenth Congress, are
adopted as the Rules of the House of Representatives of the
One Hundred Seventeenth Congress, with amendments to the
standing rules as provided in section 2, and with other
orders as provided in this resolution.
SEC. 2. CHANGES TO THE STANDING RULES.
(a) Conforming Change.--In clause 2(i) of rule II--
(1) strike the designation of subparagraph (1); and
(2) strike subparagraph (2).
(b) Office of Diversity and Inclusion and Office of the
Whistleblower Ombuds.--
(1) Establishment.--In rule II, add at the end the
following new clauses:
``Office of Diversity and Inclusion
``9.(a) There is established an Office of Diversity and
Inclusion. The Speaker, in consultation with the Minority
Leader, shall appoint a Director of the Office from
recommendations provided by the chair of the Committee on
House Administration in consultation with the ranking
minority member of such committee.
``(b) Subject to the policy direction and oversight of the
Committee on House Administration, the Office of Diversity
and Inclusion shall--
``(1) direct and guide House employing offices to recruit,
hire, train, develop, advance, promote, and retain a diverse
workforce;
``(2) survey and evaluate diversity in House employing
offices;
[[Page H14]]
``(3) through the Director of the Office at the end of each
session of Congress, submit a House of Representatives
diversity report to the Speaker, the Majority Leader, the
Minority Leader, the chair and ranking minority member of the
Committee on House Administration, and the chair and ranking
minority member of the Subcommittee on the Legislative Branch
of the Committee on Appropriations; and
``(4) provide consultation and guidance in furtherance of
increasing diversity and inclusion in the House.
``Office of the Whistleblower Ombuds
``10.(a) There is established an Office of the
Whistleblower Ombuds. The Speaker, in consultation with the
chairs and ranking minority members of the Committee on House
Administration and the Committee on Oversight and Reform,
shall appoint a Director of the Office.
``(b) Subject to the policy direction and oversight of the
Committee on House Administration, and in consultation with
any other committee (at the request of the chair or ranking
minority member of such other committee), the Office of the
Whistleblower Ombuds shall--
``(1) promulgate best practices for whistleblower intake
for offices of the House; and
``(2) provide training for offices of the House on
whistleblower intake, including establishing an effective
reporting system for whistleblowers, maintaining
whistleblower confidentiality, advising staff of relevant
laws and policies, and protecting information provided by
whistleblowers.''.
(2) Conforming amendment.--In clause 4(d)(1)(A) of rule X--
(A) strike ``and the Inspector General'' and insert ``, the
Inspector General, the Office of Diversity and Inclusion, and
the Office of the Whistleblower Ombuds''; and
(B) strike ``and Inspector General'' and insert ``Inspector
General, Office of Diversity and Inclusion, and Office of the
Whistleblower Ombuds''.
(c) Continuing Authority to Act in Litigation Matters.--In
clause 8(c) of rule II, strike ``appropriate'' and insert
``appropriate, including, but not limited to, the issuance of
subpoenas,''.
(d) Admittance to the Hall of the House.--
(1) In clause 2(a)(14) of rule IV, insert ``and the Mayor
of the District of Columbia'' after ``Territories''.
(2) In clause 4(a) of rule IV--
(A) in subparagraph (2) strike ``committee; or'' and insert
``committee;'';
(B) in subparagraph (3) strike the period and insert ``;
or''; and
(C) add at the end the following new subparagraph:
``(4) has been convicted by a court of record for the
commission of a crime in relation to that individual's
election to, or service to, the House.''.
(e) Gender-inclusive Language.--
(1) In clause 1(c)(9) of rule X, strike ``seamen'' and
insert ``seafarers''.
(2) In clause 4(a)(1)(B) of rule X, strike ``Chairman'' and
insert ``Chair''.
(3) In clause 8(c)(3) of rule XXIII, strike ``father,
mother, son, daughter, brother, sister, uncle, aunt, first
cousin, nephew, niece, husband, wife, father-in-law, mother-
in-law, son-in-law, daughter-in-law, brother-in-law, sister-
in-law, stepfather, stepmother, stepson, stepdaughter,
stepbrother, stepsister, half brother, half sister, grandson,
or granddaughter'' and insert ``parent, child, sibling,
parent's sibling, first cousin, sibling's child, spouse,
parent-in-law, child-in-law, sibling-in-law, stepparent,
stepchild, stepsibling, half-sibling, or grandchild''.
(4) In clause 10(b) of rule XXIII--
(A) strike ``submit his or her resignation'' and insert
``resign'';
(B) strike ``he or she serves'' and insert ``such Member,
Delegate, or Resident Commissioner serves''; and
(C) strike ``he or she holds'' and insert ``such Member,
Delegate, or Resident Commissioner holds''.
(5) In clause 15(d)(2) of rule XXIII, strike ``father,
mother, son, daughter, brother, sister, husband, wife,
father-in-law, or mother-in-law'' and insert ``parent, child,
sibling, spouse, or parent-in-law''.
(6) In clause 4 of rule XXVII, strike ``himself or
herself'' and insert ``themself''.
(7) In rule XXIX, clause 2 is amended to read as follows:
``2. (Reserved.)''.
(f) Committee on Armed Services.--In clause 1(c) of rule
X--
(1) in subparagraph (1) strike ``and Air Force'' and insert
``Marine Corps, Air Force, and Space Force''; and
(2) in subparagraph (13), strike ``and Air Force'' and
insert ``Air Force, and Space Force''.
(g) Committee Oversight Plans.--In clause 2(d)(2) of rule
X--
(1) in subdivision (D), strike ``and'';
(2) in subdivision (E), strike the period and insert ``;
and''; and
(3) add at the end the following new subdivision:
``(F) give priority consideration to including in the plan
a discussion of how the committee's work will address issues
of inequities on the basis of race, color, ethnicity,
religion, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity,
disability, age, or national origin.''.
(h) Printing and Availability Requirements.--
(1) In clause 6 of rule X, strike ``printed'' each place
that it appears.
(2) In clause 8(b)(1)(A) of rule XXII, insert ``or pursuant
to clause 3 of rule XXIX'' after ``Congressional Record''.
(i) Committee Vote Availability.--In clause 2(e)(1)(B) of
rule XI--
(1) in item (i), strike ``made available by the committee
for inspection by the public at reasonable times in its
offices and also'';
(2) in item (i), strike ``subdivision (B)(ii)'' and insert
``item (ii)''; and
(3) in item (ii), strike ``available for inspection by the
public'' and insert ``publicly available''.
(j) Amendment Availability.--In clause 2(e)(6) of rule XI,
insert ``, or 48 hours after the disposition or withdrawal of
any other amendment,'' after ``any amendment''.
(k) Truth-in-testimony Reform.--In clause 2(g)(5) of rule
XI--
(1) amend subdivision (B) to read as follows:
``(B) In the case of a witness appearing in a non-
governmental capacity, a written statement of proposed
testimony shall include--
``(i) a curriculum vitae;
``(ii) a disclosure of any Federal grants or contracts, or
contracts, grants, or payments originating with a foreign
government, received during the past 36 months by the witness
or by an entity represented by the witness and related to the
subject matter of the hearing; and
``(iii) a disclosure of whether the witness is a fiduciary
(including, but not limited to, a director, officer, advisor,
or resident agent) of any organization or entity that has an
interest in the subject matter of the hearing.'';
(2) in subdivision (C), strike ``subdivision (B)'' and
insert ``subdivision (B)(ii)''; and
(3) in subdivision (D), insert ``24 hours before the
witness appears to the extent practicable, but'' before ``not
later''.
(l) Electronic Filing of Reports and Electronic
Signatures.--
(1) In clause 2(l) of rule XI, insert ``(including in
electronic form)'' after ``signed views''.
(2) In clause 2(a) of rule XIII--
(A) in subparagraph (1), strike ``subparagraph (2)'' and
insert ``subparagraphs (2) and (3)''; and
(B) add the following new subparagraph:
``(3) All reports of committees may be delivered to the
Clerk in electronic form.''.
(3) In clause 5(b) of rule XIII, insert ``, pursuant to
clause 2(a)(3), or pursuant to clause 2(c),'' after ``from
the floor''.
(4) In clause 5 of rule XXV, insert ``(including in
electronic form)'' after ``signed'' each place that it
appears.
(5) In clause 1 of rule XXVII, insert ``(including in
electronic form)'' after ``signed''.
(m) Subpoena Authority.--In clause 2(m)(3) of rule XI, add
the following new subdivision:
``(D) Subpoenas for documents or testimony may be issued to
any person or entity, whether governmental, public, or
private, within the United States, including, but not limited
to, the President, and the Vice President, whether current or
former, in a personal or official capacity, as well as the
White House, the Office of the President, the Executive
Office of the President, and any individual currently or
formerly employed in the White House, Office of the
President, or Executive Office of the President.''.
(n) Committee on Ethics.--
(1) In clause 5(a)(3)(C) of rule X, insert ``or fifth''
after ``fourth''.
(2) In clause 3 of rule XI--
(A) in paragraph (b)(8)(A), insert ``, Delegate, Resident
Commissioner'' after ``Member'' each place it appears;
(B) in paragraph (b)(8)(B)(iii), insert ``, Delegate,
Resident Commissioner'' after ``Member'';
(C) in paragraph (k)(1)(A), insert ``, Delegate, Resident
Commissioner'' after ``Member'';
(D) in paragraph (m)(1)(A), insert ``, Delegates, or the
Resident Commissioner'' after ``Members'';
(E) in paragraph (n), insert ``, Delegate, Resident
Commissioner'' after ``Member''; and
(F) in paragraph (r), insert ``, Delegate, Resident
Commissioner'' after ``Member''.
(o) Audio and Video Recordings.--In clause 4(b) of rule XI,
strike ``radio and television tapes and television film'' and
insert ``audio and video recordings''.
(p) Cosponsorship Withdrawal.--In clause 7(b)(2) of rule
XII, strike the first two sentences and insert the following:
``The name of a cosponsor of a bill or resolution may be
deleted only by a demand from the floor made by the Member,
Delegate, or Resident Commissioner whose name is to be
deleted, or by a unanimous-consent request from the sponsor.
The Speaker may only entertain such a demand or request until
the last committee authorized to consider and report the bill
or resolution reports it to the House or is discharged from
its consideration.''.
(q) Comparative Prints.--In rule XXI, strike clause 12.
(r) Requiring Committee Hearing and Markup on Bills and
Joint Resolutions.--
(1) In clause 3(c) of rule XIII, add the following new
subparagraph:
``(6)(A) On a bill or joint resolution to be considered
pursuant to a special order of business reported by the
Committee on Rules--
``(i) a list of related committee and subcommittee
hearings; and
``(ii) a designation of at least one committee or
subcommittee hearing that was used to develop or consider
such bill or joint resolution.
``(B) Subdivision (A) shall not apply to a bill or joint
resolution--
[[Page H15]]
``(i) continuing appropriations for a fiscal year; or
``(ii) containing an emergency designation under section
251(b)(2) or section 252(e) of the Balanced Budget and
Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.''.
(2) In rule XXI, add at the end the following new clause:
``12.(a) It shall not be in order to consider a bill or
joint resolution pursuant to a special order of business
reported by the Committee on Rules that has not been reported
by a committee.
``(b) Paragraph (a) shall not apply to a bill or joint
resolution--
``(1) continuing appropriations for a fiscal year;
``(2) containing an emergency designation under section
251(b)(2) or section 252(e) of the Balanced Budget and
Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985;
``(3) designated pursuant to clause 7(a) of rule XV; or
``(4) not referred to committee.
``(c) Paragraph (a) does not apply before March 1 of an
odd-numbered year.''.
(s) Motion to Recommit.--
(1) In clause 6(c) of rule XIII, strike ``, including a
motion to recommit with instructions to report back an
amendment otherwise in order''.
(2) In clause 2 of rule XIX--
(A) in paragraph (a), strike ``with or'';
(B) amend paragraph (b) to read as follows:
``(b) The previous question shall be considered as ordered
on any motion to recommit (or commit, as the case may be).'';
and
(C) strike paragraph (c).
(3) In clause 7(d) of rule XXII, strike ``or in a motion to
recommit to conference''.
(t) District of Columbia Business.--In rule XV--
(1) clause 4 is amended to read as follows:
``4. (Reserved.)''.
(2) in clause 4, strike the caption.
(u) Title Amendments.--In clause 6 of rule XVI, insert ``,
shall be in order only if offered by the Majority Leader or a
designee,'' after ``adoption''.
(v) Reconciliation Directives.--Clause 7 of rule XXI is
amended to read as follows:
``7. (Reserved.)''.
(w) Availability of Measures.--In clause 11 of rule XXI,
insert ``the text of'' before ``such measure''.
(x) Prohibited Service.--Clause 19(c) of rule XXIII is
amended to read as follows: ``A Member, Delegate, Resident
Commissioner, officer, or employee of the House shall comply
with regulations issued and revised, as necessary, by the
Committee on Ethics regarding types of prohibited service or
positions that could lead to conflicts of interest.''.
(y) Code of Official Conduct.--In rule XXIII--
(1) redesignate clause 20 as clause 22; and
(2) insert after clause 19 the following new clauses:
``20. A Member, Delegate, Resident Commissioner, officer,
or employee of the House may not, directly or indirectly,
take any actions to prevent any individual from or retaliate
against any individual for providing truthful information to
the Committee on Ethics, the Office of Congressional Ethics,
the Office of Congressional Workplace Rights, or any law
enforcement official, provided that the disclosure of such
information is not otherwise prohibited by law or House
rules.
``21.(a) Except as provided in paragraphs (b) and (c), a
Member, Delegate, Resident Commissioner, officer, or employee
of the House shall not knowingly and willfully disclose
publicly the identity of, or personally identifiable
information about, any individual who has reported
allegations of possible wrongdoing, including retaliation,
under processes and protections provided by the Civil Service
Reform Act of 1978, the Whistleblower Protection Act of 1989,
the Intelligence Community Whistleblower Protection Act of
1998, or any other Federal law that establishes the right for
individuals to make protected disclosures to Congress.
``(b) The limitation in paragraph (a) shall not apply to
any disclosure of an individual's identity or personally
identifiable information if--
``(1) the individual has provided express written consent
prior to such disclosure;
``(2) the individual has already voluntarily and publicly
disclosed their identity; or
``(3) the disclosure is by the chair of a committee after
an affirmative vote by two-thirds of the members of the
committee that such disclosure is in the public interest.
``(c) Nothing in this clause shall prevent--
``(1) an investigation of any allegation of wrongdoing
disclosed by any individual; or
``(2) the public disclosure of substantive information
shared by any individual that is not personally identifiable
to that individual.
``(d) Disclosures made pursuant to paragraph (b)(3) shall
be subject to appropriate safeguards, including that the
individual be provided timely advance notice if possible
before their identity or any personally identifiable
information is disclosed prior to the vote described in
paragraph (b)(3), unless such information would jeopardize
the related investigations. When providing such notice to the
individual the committee chair shall send the individual a
written explanation of the reasons for the disclosure.''.
(z) Communications Standards Commission.--In clause 5 of
rule XXIV, strike ``Commission on Congressional Mailing
Standards'' and insert ``Communications Standards
Commission''.
SEC. 3. SEPARATE ORDERS.
(a) Member Day Hearing Requirement.--During the first
session of the One Hundred Seventeenth Congress, each
standing committee (other than the Committee on Ethics) or
each subcommittee thereof (other than a subcommittee on
oversight) shall hold a hearing at which it receives
testimony from Members, Delegates, and the Resident
Commissioner on proposed legislation within its jurisdiction,
except that the Committee on Rules may hold such hearing
during the second session of the One Hundred Seventeenth
Congress.
(b) Deposition Authority.--
(1) During the One Hundred Seventeenth Congress, the chair
of a standing committee (other than the Committee on Rules),
and the chair of the Permanent Select Committee on
Intelligence, upon consultation with the ranking minority
member of such committee, may order the taking of
depositions, including pursuant to subpoena, by a member or
counsel of such committee.
(2) Depositions taken under the authority prescribed in
this subsection shall be subject to regulations issued by the
chair of the Committee on Rules and printed in the
Congressional Record.
(c) War Powers Resolution.--During the One Hundred
Seventeenth Congress, a motion to discharge a measure
introduced pursuant to section 6 or section 7 of the War
Powers Resolution (50 U.S.C. 1545-46) shall not be subject to
a motion to table.
(d) Exercise Facilities for Former Members.--During the One
Hundred Seventeenth Congress--
(1) The House of Representatives may not provide access to
any exercise facility which is made available exclusively to
Members and former Members, officers and former officers of
the House of Representatives, and their spouses to any former
Member, former officer, or spouse who is a lobbyist
registered under the Lobbying Disclosure Act of 1995 or any
successor statute or who is an agent of a foreign principal
as defined in clause 5 of rule XXV. For purposes of this
subsection, the term ``Member'' includes a Delegate or
Resident Commissioner to the Congress.
(2) The Committee on House Administration shall promulgate
regulations to carry out this subsection.
(e) Empaneling Investigative Subcommittee of the Committee
on Ethics.--The text of House Resolution 451, One Hundred
Tenth Congress, shall apply in the One Hundred Seventeenth
Congress in the same manner as such provision applied in the
One Hundred Tenth Congress, except that references to the
Committee on Standards of Official Conduct shall be construed
as references to the Committee on Ethics.
(f) Non-disclosure Agreements.--Any non-disclosure
agreement imposed by any employing or contracting authority
in the House of Representatives to which a paid or unpaid
employee or contractor is or was required to agree as a term
of employment shall--
(1) provide clear guidance that the employee or contractor
may communicate concerning any matter with the Committee on
Ethics, the Office of Congressional Workplace Rights, or any
other office or entity designated by the Committee on House
Administration without prior, concurrent, or subsequent
notice or approval; and
(2) not be binding and shall have no legal effect to the
extent to which it requires prior, concurrent, or subsequent
notice or approval from anyone on any matter with respect to
communications from an employee or contractor to any of the
committees, offices, or entities described in paragraph (1).
(g) Requiring Members to Pay for Discrimination
Settlements.--
(1) In general.--In the case of a settlement of a complaint
under the Congressional Accountability Act of 1995 in
connection with a claim alleging a violation described in
paragraph (2) which is committed personally by a Member,
Delegate, or Resident Commissioner, if the Member, Delegate,
or Resident Commissioner is not required under law to
reimburse the Treasury for the amount of the settlement, the
chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on House
Administration may not approve the settlement pursuant to
clause 4(d)(2) of rule X unless, under the terms and
conditions of the settlement, the Member, Delegate, or
Resident Commissioner is required to reimburse the Treasury
for the amount of the settlement.
(2) Violations described.--A violation described in this
paragraph is--
(A) a violation of section 201(a) or section 206(a) of the
Congressional Accountability Act of 1995; or
(B) a violation of section 207 of such Act which consists
of intimidating, taking reprisal against, or otherwise
discriminating against any covered employee under such Act
because of a claim alleging a violation described in
subparagraph (A).
(h) Mandatory Anti-harassment and Anti-discrimination
Policies for House Offices.--
(1) Requiring offices to adopt policy.--Each employing
office of the House of Representatives under the
Congressional Accountability Act of 1995 shall adopt an anti-
harassment and anti-discrimination policy for the office's
workplace.
(2) Regulations.--Not later than April 1, 2021, the
Committee on House Administration shall promulgate
regulations to carry out this subsection, and shall ensure
that
[[Page H16]]
such regulations are consistent with the requirements of the
Congressional Accountability Act of 1995, rule XXIII, and
other relevant laws, rules, and regulations.
(i) Displaying Statement of Rights and Protections Provided
to House Employees.--The Committee on House Administration
shall issue regulations to provide that each employing office
of the House of Representatives shall post in a prominent
location in the office (including, in the case of the office
of a Member, Delegate, or the Resident Commissioner, a
prominent location in each district office) a statement of
the rights and protections provided to employees of the House
of Representatives under the Congressional Accountability Act
of 1995, including the procedures available to employees of
the House under such Act for responding to and adjudicating
allegations of violations of such rights and protections.
(j) Broadening Availability and Utility of Legislative
Documents in Machine-readable Formats.--The Committee on
House Administration, the Clerk, and other officers and
officials of the House shall continue efforts to broaden the
availability and utility of legislative documents in machine
readable formats in the One Hundred Seventeenth Congress in
furtherance of the institutional priorities of--
(1) improving public availability and use of legislative
information produced by the House and its committees; and
(2) enabling all House staff to produce comparative prints
showing the differences between versions of legislation, how
proposed legislation will amend existing law, and how an
amendment may change proposed legislation.
(k) Improving the Committee Electronic Document
Repository.--The Clerk, the Committee on House
Administration, and other officers and officials of the House
shall undertake efforts to improve the electronic document
repository operated by the Clerk for use by committees of the
House in the One Hundred Seventeenth Congress, in furtherance
of the institutional priority of increasing public
availability and identification of legislative information
produced and held by House committees, including votes,
amendments, and witness disclosure forms.
(l) Inclusion of Citations for Proposed Repeals and
Amendments.--To the maximum extent practicable and consistent
with established drafting conventions, an instruction in a
bill or joint resolution proposing to repeal or amend any law
or part thereof not contained in a codified title of the
United States Code shall include, in parentheses immediately
following the designation of the matter proposed to be
repealed or amended, the applicable United States Code
citation (which may be a note in the United States Code), or,
if no such citation is available, an appropriate alternative
citation to the applicable law or part.
(m) Providing for Transparency With Respect to Memorials
Submitted Pursuant to Article V of the Constitution of the
United States.--With respect to any memorial presented under
clause 3 of rule XII purporting to be an application of the
legislature of a State calling for a convention for proposing
amendments to the Constitution of the United States pursuant
to Article V, or a rescission of any such prior application--
(1) the chair of the Committee on the Judiciary shall, in
the case of a memorial presented in the One Hundred
Fourteenth Congress or succeeding Congresses, and may, in the
case of such a memorial presented prior to the One Hundred
Fourteenth Congress, designate any such memorial for public
availability by the Clerk; and
(2) the Clerk shall make such memorials as are designated
pursuant to paragraph (1) publicly available in electronic
form, organized by State of origin and year of receipt, and
shall indicate whether the memorial was designated as an
application or a rescission.
(n) Subcommittees.--Notwithstanding clause 5(d) of rule X,
during the One Hundred Seventeenth Congress the Committee on
Agriculture may have not more than six subcommittees.
(o) Congressional Member Organization Transparency
Reform.--
(1) Payment of salaries and expenses through account of
organization.--A Member of the House of Representatives and
an eligible Congressional Member Organization may enter into
an agreement under which--
(A) an employee of the Member's office may carry out
official and representational duties of the Member by
assignment to the Organization; and
(B) to the extent that the employee carries out such duties
under the agreement, the Member shall transfer the portion of
the Members' Representational Allowance (MRA) of the Member
which would otherwise be used for the salary and related
expenses of the employee to a dedicated account in the House
of Representatives which is administered by the Organization,
in accordance with the regulations promulgated by the
Committee on House Administration under paragraph (2).
(2) Regulations.--The Committee on House Administration
(hereafter referred to in this subsection as the
``Committee'') shall promulgate regulations as follows:
(A) Use of mra.--Pursuant to the authority of section
101(d) of the House of Representatives Administrative Reform
Technical Corrections Act (2 U.S.C. 5341(d)), the Committee
shall prescribe regulations to provide that an eligible
Congressional Member Organization may use the amounts
transferred to the Organization's dedicated account under
paragraph (1)(B) for the same purposes for which a Member of
the House of Representatives may use the Members'
Representational Allowance, except that the Organization may
not use such amounts for franked mail, official travel, or
leases of space or vehicles.
(B) Maintenance of limitations on number of shared
employees.--Pursuant to the authority of section 104(d) of
the House of Representatives Administrative Reform Technical
Corrections Act (2 U.S.C. 5321(d)), the Committee shall
prescribe regulations to provide that an employee of the
office of a Member of the House of Representatives who is
covered by an agreement entered into under paragraph (1)
between the Member and an eligible Congressional Member
Organization shall be considered a shared employee of the
Member's office and the Organization for purposes of such
section, and shall include in such regulations appropriate
accounting standards to ensure that a Member of the House of
Representatives who enters into an agreement with such an
Organization under paragraph (1) does not employ more
employees than the Member is authorized to employ under such
section.
(C) Participation in student loan repayment program.--
Pursuant to the authority of section 105(b) of the
Legislative Branch Appropriations Act, 2003 (2 U.S.C.
4536(b)), relating to the student loan repayment program for
employees of the House, the Committee shall promulgate
regulations to provide that, in the case of an employee who
is covered by an agreement entered into under paragraph (1)
between a Member of the House of Representatives and an
eligible Congressional Member Organization and who
participates in such program while carrying out duties under
the agreement--
(i) any funds made available for making payments under the
program with respect to the employee shall be transferred to
the Organization's dedicated account under paragraph (1)(B);
and
(ii) the Organization shall use the funds to repay a
student loan taken out by the employee, under the same terms
and conditions which would apply under the program if the
Organization were the employing office of the employee.
(D) Access to house services.--The Committee shall
prescribe regulations to ensure that an eligible
Congressional Member Organization has appropriate access to
services of the House.
(E) Other regulations.--The Committee shall promulgate such
other regulations as may be appropriate to carry out this
subsection.
(3) Eligible congressional member organization defined.--In
this subsection, the term ``eligible Congressional Member
Organization'' means, with respect to the One Hundred
Seventeenth Congress, an organization meeting each of the
following requirements:
(A) The organization is registered as a Congressional
Member Organization with the Committee on House
Administration.
(B) The organization designates a single Member of the
House of Representatives to be responsible for the
administration of the organization, including the
administration of the account administered under paragraph
(1)(B), and includes the identification of such Member with
the statement of organization that the organization files and
maintains with the Committee on House Administration.
(C) At least 3 employees of the House are assigned to
perform some work for the organization.
(D) During the One Hundred Sixteenth Congress, at least 15
Members of the House of Representatives used a portion of the
Members' Representational Allowance of the Member for the
salary and related expenses of an employee who was a shared
employee of the Member's office and the organization.
(E) The organization files a statement with the Committee
on House Administration and the Chief Administrative Officer
of the House of Representatives certifying that it will
administer an account in accordance with paragraph (1)(B).
(p) Budget Matters.--During the first session of the One
Hundred Seventeenth Congress, pending the adoption of a
concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2021, the
allocations, aggregates, and other appropriate levels as
contained in the statement of the chair of the Committee on
the Budget of the House of Representatives in the
Congressional Record of May 1, 2020, as adjusted in the One
Hundred Sixteenth Congress, shall be considered for all
purposes in the House to be the allocations, aggregates, and
other appropriate levels under titles III and IV of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974.
(q) Reissuance of Subpoenas Prior to Committee
Organization.--(1) The House authorizes the chair of the
Committee on Oversight and Reform (when elected), on behalf
of the Committee on Oversight and Reform and until such
committee has adopted rules pursuant to clause 2(a) of rule
XI, to issue subpoenas related to the investigation into the
accuracy and timing of the 2020 decennial census and related
matters.
(2) The House authorizes the chair of the Select
Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Crisis (when designated), on
behalf of the Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Crisis
and until the Committee on Oversight and Reform has adopted
rules pursuant to clause 2(a) of rule XI, to issue subpoenas
related to the investigation into political interference in
the response to the coronavirus pandemic at the Department of
Health and Human
[[Page H17]]
Services and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and
related matters.
(r) Numbering of Bills.--In the One Hundred Seventeenth
Congress, the first 10 numbers for bills (H.R. 1 through H.R.
10) shall be reserved for assignment by the Speaker and the
second 10 numbers for bills (H.R. 11 through H.R. 20) shall
be reserved for assignment by the Minority Leader.
(s) Remote Voting by Proxy and Remote Committee Activity.--
House Resolution 965, One Hundred Sixteenth Congress, shall
apply in the One Hundred Seventeenth Congress in the same
manner as such resolution applied in the One Hundred
Sixteenth Congress, except that--
(1) the notification and availability requirements of
section 2 do not apply to revocation letters submitted to the
Clerk after an automatic revocation pursuant to section
2(a)(2)(B);
(2) section 4(b) shall not apply; and
(3) the chair of the Committee on House Administration, in
consultation with the ranking minority member, shall identify
and submit to the Speaker and to the chair and ranking
minority member of the Committee on Rules specific operable
and secure technology that may be used to conduct remote
voting in the House and shall provide certification of such
submission to the House as though pursuant to section 5(a).
(t) Witness Diversity.--Not later than July 1, 2021, the
Office of Diversity and Inclusion shall submit a report to
the Committee on House Administration and the Committee on
Rules recommending a method to survey the diversity of
witness panels at committee hearings. Not later than July 31,
2021, the Committee on House Administration and the Committee
on Rules shall take such steps as may be necessary to ensure
the implementation of such method.
(u) Requirements for Committee Hearing and Markup.--During
the One Hundred Seventeenth Congress, notwithstanding clause
12(c) of rule XXI (as added by section 2(r)), clause 12(a) of
rule XXI shall not apply before April 1, 2021.
(v) Exemptions.--The chair of the Committee on the Budget
may adjust an estimate under clause 4 of rule XXIX to--
(1) exempt the budgetary effects of measures to prevent,
prepare for, or respond to economic or public health
consequences resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic; and
(2) exempt the budgetary effects of measures to prevent,
prepare for, or respond to economic, environmental, or public
health consequences resulting from climate change.
(w) Further Expenses for Resolving Contested Elections.--
(1) Amounts for expenses of committee on house
administration.--There shall be paid out of the applicable
accounts of the House of Representatives such sums as may be
necessary for further expenses of the Committee on House
Administration for the One Hundred Seventeenth Congress for
resolving contested elections.
(2) Session limitation.--The amount specified in paragraph
(1) shall be available for expenses incurred during the
period beginning at noon on January 3, 2021, and ending
immediately before noon on January 3, 2022.
(3) Vouchers.--Payments under this subsection shall be made
on vouchers authorized by the Committee on House
Administration, signed by the chair of the Committee, and
approved in the manner directed by the Committee.
(4) Regulations.--Amounts made available under this
subsection shall be expended in accordance with regulations
prescribed by the Committee on House Administration.
(x) Support for Senate Measures.--Not later than February
1, 2021, the Clerk shall submit to the chair of the Committee
on Rules regulations establishing a process for Members to
indicate their support for Senate measures that have been
received by the House. Such process shall include the
maintenance of a publicly available list of Members
supporting each such Senate measure. Upon receipt of such
regulations, the chair of the Committee on Rules shall cause
them to be printed in the Congressional Record, and Members
shall be permitted to indicate their support for Senate
measures accordingly.
(y) Dissemination of Manipulated Media.--The Committee on
Ethics is directed to report to the House, not later than
December 31, 2021, any recommended amendments to the Code of
Official Conduct, as well as any accompanying regulations,
intended to address the circumstances and instances, if any,
for which a Member, Delegate, Resident Commissioner, officer,
or employee of the House may be subject to discipline for the
dissemination by electronic means, including by social media,
of any image, video, or audio file that has been distorted or
manipulated with the intent to mislead the public.
SEC. 4. COMMITTEES, COMMISSIONS, AND HOUSE OFFICES.
(a) House Democracy Partnership.--House Resolution 24, One
Hundred Tenth Congress, shall apply in the One Hundred
Seventeenth Congress in the same manner as such resolution
applied in the One Hundred Tenth Congress, except that the
commission concerned shall be known as the House Democracy
Partnership.
(b) Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission.--Sections 1 through
7 of House Resolution 1451, One Hundred Tenth Congress, shall
apply in the One Hundred Seventeenth Congress in the same
manner as such provisions applied in the One Hundred Tenth
Congress, except that--
(1) the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission may, in addition
to collaborating closely with other professional staff
members of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, collaborate
closely with professional staff members of other relevant
committees;
(2) the resources of the Committee on Foreign Affairs which
the Commission may use shall include all resources which the
Committee is authorized to obtain from other offices of the
House of Representatives; and
(3) any amounts authorized to provide full-time
professional staff and resources to the Tom Lantos Human
Rights Commission shall be in addition to and separate from
the amounts authorized for salaries and expenses of the
Committee on Foreign Affairs as provided by resolution of the
House, shall be administered by the Committee on Foreign
Affairs, and shall be distributed equally between the co-
chairs of the Commission.
(c) Office of Congressional Ethics.--Section 1 of House
Resolution 895, One Hundred Tenth Congress, shall apply in
the One Hundred Seventeenth Congress in the same manner as
such provision applied in the One Hundred Tenth Congress,
except that--
(1) the Office of Congressional Ethics shall be treated as
a standing committee of the House for purposes of section
202(i) of the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946 (2
U.S.C. 4301(i));
(2) references to the Committee on Standards of Official
Conduct shall be construed as references to the Committee on
Ethics;
(3) any requirement for concurrence in section 1(b)(1)
shall be construed as a requirement for consultation;
(4) the second sentence of section 1(b)(6)(A) shall not
apply;
(5) members subject to section 1(b)(6)(B) may be
reappointed for a fourth additional term;
(6) any individual who is the subject of a preliminary
review or second-phase review by the board shall be informed
of the right to be represented by counsel and invoking that
right should not be held negatively against such individual;
and
(7) the Office may not take any action that would deny any
person any right or protection provided under the
Constitution of the United States.
(d) Select Committee on the Climate Crisis.--Section 104(f)
of House Resolution 6, One Hundred Sixteenth Congress, shall
apply in the One Hundred Seventeenth Congress in the same
manner as such section applied in the One Hundred Sixteenth
Congress, except that--
(1) the investigative jurisdiction of the Select Committee
on the Climate Crisis shall consist of policies, strategies,
and innovations to achieve substantial and permanent
reductions in pollution and other activities that contribute
to the climate crisis which will honor our responsibility to
be good stewards of the planet for future generations and
advance environmental justice;
(2) the Select Committee shall coordinate with and advise
standing committees with relevant jurisdiction with respect
to such policies, strategies, and innovations;
(3) any records obtained by a standing committee pursuant
to a subpoena or deposition recommended by the Select
Committee pursuant to section 104(f)(3)(B)(iii) may be
transferred to the Select Committee; and
(4) the Select Committee shall submit all policy
recommendations referenced in section 104(f)(5) by December
31, 2021, and all reports referenced in section 104(f)(5) by
December 31, 2022.
(e) Select Committee on the Modernization of Congress.--
Section 201 of House Resolution 6, One Hundred Sixteenth
Congress, shall apply in the One Hundred Seventeenth Congress
in the same manner as such section applied in the One Hundred
Sixteenth Congress, except that--
(1) the Select Committee shall submit the final report
under section 201(f)(3) not later than December 31, 2022; and
(2) section 201(g)(1) shall not apply.
(f) Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Crisis.--
Sections 1 through 7 of House Resolution 935, One Hundred
Sixteenth Congress, shall apply in the One Hundred
Seventeenth Congress in the same manner as such provisions
applied in the One Hundred Sixteenth Congress.
(g) Select Committee on Economic Disparity and Fairness in
Growth.--
(1) Establishment; composition.--
(A) Establishment.--There is hereby established a Select
Committee on Economic Disparity and Fairness in Growth
(hereafter in this subsection referred to as the ``Select
Committee'').
(B) Composition.--The Select Committee shall be composed of
15 Members, Delegates, or the Resident Commissioner appointed
by the Speaker, of whom 6 shall be appointed on the
recommendation of the Minority Leader. The Speaker shall
designate one member of the Select Committee as its chair. A
vacancy in the membership of the Select Committee shall be
filled in the same manner as the original appointment.
(2) Jurisdiction; functions.--
(A) Legislative jurisdiction.--The Select Committee shall
not have legislative jurisdiction and shall have no authority
to take legislative action on any bill or resolution.
(B) Investigative jurisdiction.--The sole authority of the
Select Committee shall be to investigate, study, make
findings, and develop recommendations on policies,
strategies, and innovations to make our economy work for
everyone, empowering American economic growth while ensuring
that no one is left out or behind in the 21st Century
[[Page H18]]
Economy. The Select Committee shall coordinate with and
advise standing committees with relevant jurisdiction with
respect to policy related to economic fairness, access to
education, and workforce development. The Select Committee
may, at its discretion, hold public hearings in connection
with any aspect of its investigative functions.
(3) Procedure.--(A) Except as specified in subparagraph
(B), the Select Committee shall have the authorities and
responsibilities of, and shall be subject to the same
limitations and restrictions as, a standing committee of the
House, and shall be deemed a committee of the House for all
purposes of law or rule.
(B)(i) Rules X and XI shall apply to the Select Committee
where not inconsistent with this subsection.
(ii) Service on the Select Committee shall not count
against the limitations in clause 5(b)(2) of rule X.
(iii) Clause 2(m)(1)(B) of rule XI, clause 2(m)(3) of rule
XI, and section 3(b) of this resolution shall not apply to
the Select Committee, but the Select Committee may recommend
subpoenas and depositions and submit such recommendations to
the relevant standing committee. Any records obtained by a
standing committee pursuant to a subpoena or deposition
recommended by the Select Committee pursuant to this clause
may be transferred to the Select Committee.
(iv) Clause 2(d) of rule X shall not apply to the Select
Committee.
(4) Amounts for initial expenses.--
(A) Payment of expenses.--There shall be paid out of the
applicable accounts of the House of Representatives not more
than $500,000 for the expenses of the Select Committee, to be
available during the period beginning at noon on January 3,
2021, and ending on March 31, 2021.
(B) Vouchers.--Payments under this paragraph shall be made
on vouchers authorized by the Select Committee, signed by the
chair of the Select Committee, and approved in the manner
directed by the Committee on House Administration.
(C) Regulations.--Amounts made available under this
paragraph shall be expended in accordance with regulations
prescribed by the Committee on House Administration.
(5) Use of staff.--To enable the Select Committee to carry
out the purposes of this subsection, the Select Committee may
use the services of staff of the House.
(6) Reporting.--The Select Committee may report to the
House or any committee of the House from time to time the
results of its investigations and studies, together with such
detailed findings and policy recommendations as it may deem
advisable. All such reports shall be submitted to the House
by December 31, 2022. All such policy recommendations shall
be submitted to the relevant standing committees not later
than December 31, 2021.
(7) Publication.--The Select Committee shall ensure that
reports and proposals prepared in accordance with this
subsection shall, upon completion, be made available to the
general public in widely accessible formats not later than 30
calendar days following the respective dates for completion
set forth in paragraph (6).
SEC. 5. ORDERS OF BUSINESS.
(a)(1) On any legislative day during the period from
January 3, 2021 through January 28, 2021--
(A) the Journal of the proceedings of the previous day
shall be considered as approved; and
(B) the Chair may at any time declare the House adjourned
to meet at a date and time, within the limits of clause 4,
section 5, article I of the Constitution, to be announced by
the Chair in declaring the adjournment.
(2) The Speaker may appoint Members to perform the duties
of the Chair for the duration of the period addressed by
paragraph (1) as though under clause 8(a) of rule I.
(3) Each day during the period addressed by paragraph (1)
shall not constitute a calendar day for purposes of section 7
of the War Powers Resolution (50 U.S.C. 1546).
(4) Each day during the period addressed by paragraph (1)
shall not constitute a legislative day for purposes of clause
7 of rule XIII.
(5) Each day during the period addressed by paragraph (1)
shall not constitute a calendar or legislative day for
purposes of clause 7(c)(1) of rule XXII.
(6) Each day during the period addressed by paragraph (1)
shall not constitute a legislative day for purposes of clause
7 of rule XV.
(b) It shall be in order at any time through the
legislative day of January 28, 2021, for the Speaker to
entertain motions that the House suspend the rules as though
under clause 1 of rule XV. The Speaker or her designee shall
consult with the Minority Leader or his designee on the
designation of any matter for consideration pursuant to this
subsection.
(c) The requirement of clause 6(a) of rule XIII for a two-
thirds vote to consider a report from the Committee on Rules
on the same day it is presented to the House is waived with
respect to any resolution reported through the legislative
day of January 28, 2021.
Mr. HOYER (during the reading). Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous
consent to dispense with the reading.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Maryland?
There was no objection.
Motion to Postpone Consideration
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I really think that my good friends in the
majority need more time to present a fair rules package. So I move to
postpone consideration of H. Res. 8 until January 5, 2021.
Motion to Table
Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, I move that the motion to postpone
consideration be tabled.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion to table.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 214,
nays 204, not voting 11, as follows:
[Roll No. 4]
YEAS--214
Adams
Aguilar
Allred
Auchincloss
Axne
Barragan
Bass
Beatty
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Bourdeaux
Bowman
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brown
Bush
Bustos
Butterfield
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carson
Cartwright
Case
Casten
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clarke (NY)
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Craig
Crist
Crow
Cuellar
Davids (KS)
Davis, Danny K.
Dean
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Delgado
Demings
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Escobar
Eshoo
Espaillat
Evans
Fletcher
Foster
Frankel, Lois
Fudge
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Golden
Gomez
Gonzalez, Vicente
Gottheimer
Green, Al (TX)
Grijalva
Haaland
Harder (CA)
Hayes
Higgins (NY)
Himes
Horsford
Houlahan
Hoyer
Huffman
Jackson Lee
Jacobs (CA)
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (TX)
Jones
Kahele
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Khanna
Kildee
Kilmer
Kim (NJ)
Kind
Kirkpatrick
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster
Lamb
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee (CA)
Lee (NV)
Leger Fernandez
Levin (CA)
Levin (MI)
Lieu
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Luria
Lynch
Malinowski
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Manning
Matsui
McBath
McCollum
McEachin
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Mfume
Moore (WI)
Morelle
Moulton
Mrvan
Murphy (FL)
Napolitano
Neal
Neguse
Newman
Norcross
O'Halleran
Ocasio-Cortez
Omar
Pallone
Panetta
Pappas
Pascrell
Payne
Perlmutter
Peters
Phillips
Pingree
Pocan
Porter
Pressley
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rice (NY)
Richmond
Ross
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan
Sanchez
Sarbanes
Scanlon
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schrier
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sewell
Sherman
Sherrill
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (WA)
Soto
Spanberger
Speier
Stanton
Stevens
Strickland
Suozzi
Swalwell
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres (NY)
Trahan
Trone
Underwood
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wexton
Wild
Williams (GA)
Yarmuth
NAYS--204
Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Bentz
Bergman
Bice (OK)
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (NC)
Boebert
Bost
Brooks
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burchett
Burgess
Calvert
Cammack
Carl
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Cawthorn
Chabot
Cheney
Cline
Cloud
Clyde
Cole
Comer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Curtis
Davidson
Davis, Rodney
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Donalds
Duncan
Dunn
Emmer
Estes
Fallon
Feenstra
Fischbach
Fitzgerald
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franklin, C. Scott
Fulcher
Gaetz
Gallagher
Garbarino
Garcia (CA)
Gibbs
Gimenez
Gohmert
Gonzales, Tony
Gonzalez (OH)
Good (VA)
Gooden (TX)
Gosar
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Greene (GA)
Griffith
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Hagedorn
Harris
Harshbarger
Hartzler
Hern
Herrell
Herrera Beutler
Hice (GA)
Higgins (LA)
Hill
Hinson
Hollingsworth
Hudson
Huizenga
Issa
Jackson
Jacobs (NY)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson (SD)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Katko
Keller
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
Kim (CA)
Kinzinger
Kustoff
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Latta
LaTurner
Lesko
Long
Loudermilk
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Mace
Malliotakis
Mann
Massie
Mast
McCarthy
McCaul
McClain
McClintock
McHenry
[[Page H19]]
McKinley
Meijer
Meuser
Miller (IL)
Miller (WV)
Miller-Meeks
Moolenaar
Mooney
Moore (AL)
Moore (UT)
Mullin
Murphy (NC)
Nehls
Newhouse
Norman
Nunes
Obernolte
Owens
Palazzo
Palmer
Pence
Perry
Pfluger
Posey
Reed
Reschenthaler
Rice (SC)
Rodgers (WA)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rose
Rosendale
Rouzer
Roy
Rutherford
Scalise
Schweikert
Sessions
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smucker
Spartz
Stauber
Steel
Stefanik
Steil
Steube
Stewart
Stivers
Taylor
Thompson (PA)
Tiffany
Timmons
Turner
Upton
Van Drew
Van Duyne
Wagner
Walberg
Walorski
Waltz
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Williams (TX)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Wright
Zeldin
NOT VOTING--11
Brady
Brownley
Clark (MA)
DeSaulnier
Ferguson
Granger
Nadler
Raskin
Scott, Austin
Wilson (FL)
Young
swearing in of members-elect
The SPEAKER (during the vote). The Chair is prepared to swear in a
group of Members-elect currently present in the Chamber.
Will the Representatives-elect please present themselves in the well.
Mr. Womack, Mr. Posey, Ms. Waters, Mr. Smith of Washington, and Mr.
Langevin appeared at the bar of the House and took the oath of office,
as follows:
Do you solemnly swear that you will support and defend the
Constitution of the United States against all enemies,
foreign and domestic; that you will bear true faith and
allegiance to the same; that you take this obligation freely,
without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion; and
that you will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the
office on which you are about to enter, so help you God.
The SPEAKER. Congratulations. You are now Members of the 117th
Congress.
announcement by the speaker
The SPEAKER (during the vote). The Chair would remind Members that
the Chair has the authority and responsibility to preserve order and
decorum in the Chamber, even prior to the adoption of the rules of the
House.
To that end, the Chair reminds all Members that, as a matter of
decorum, they are required to wear masks at all times while in the Hall
of the House, even while under recognition. In addition, Members must
practice proper social distancing and should not linger in the Chamber
after casting their vote.
{time} 1125
Mr. JACOBS of New York changed his vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
Miss RICE of New York, Mr. McEACHIN, Ms. ESHOO, Messrs. VEASEY,
MALINOWSKI, GREEN of Texas, and LYNCH changed their vote from ``nay''
to ``yea.''
So the motion to table was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Stated against:
Ms. GRANGER. Madam Speaker, I missed votes due to circumstances
beyond my control. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay'' on
rollcall No. 4.
Motion to Refer
Mr. RODNEY DAVIS of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I have a motion to refer
at the desk.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. DeGette). The Clerk will report the
motion.
The Clerk read as follows:
Mr. Rodney Davis of Illinois moves to refer the resolution
H. Res. 8 to a select committee composed of the Majority
Leader and the Minority Leader with instructions to report it
forthwith back to the House with the following amendment:
At the end of the resolution, add the following new
section:
SEC. 6. PROMOTING FAIR ADMINISTRATION OF AND VOTER CONFIDENCE
IN FEDERAL ELECTIONS.
Not later than January 31, 2021, the Committee on House
Administration shall report to the House a bill containing
the following provisions:
(1) A statement of findings that, consistent with article
I, section 4 of the Constitution of the United States and the
principles of federalism, Congress recognizes that the
primary authority to conduct elections for Federal office is
reserved to the States, and that Congress's proper role is
secondary, to provide support and minimum baselines for the
conduct of such elections in order to ensure fair
administration of, and voter confidence in, such elections.
(2) Provisions extending existing Federal baseline
standards and providing additional protections to govern the
use of ballots cast by mail in elections for Federal office.
(3) Provisions establishing Federal baseline standards to
govern signature verification on ballots cast in elections
for Federal office.
(4) Provisions to improve voter confidence in the
administration of elections for Federal office and promote
certainty in the results of such elections.
(5) Provisions to provide for conducting oversight of the
use of Federal funds that are provided by the Election
Assistance Commission pursuant to the Help America Vote Act
of 2002 for the administration of elections for Federal
office.
Motion to Table
Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, I have a motion at the desk.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the motion.
The Clerk read as follows:
Mr. Hoyer moves to lay on the table the motion to refer.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion to table.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the noes appeared to have it.
Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 214,
nays 196, not voting 19, as follows:
[Roll No. 5]
YEAS--214
Adams
Aguilar
Allred
Auchincloss
Axne
Barragan
Beatty
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Bourdeaux
Bowman
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brown
Bush
Bustos
Butterfield
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carson
Cartwright
Case
Casten
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clarke (NY)
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Craig
Crist
Crow
Cuellar
Davids (KS)
Davis, Danny K.
Dean
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Delgado
Demings
DeSaulnier
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Escobar
Eshoo
Espaillat
Evans
Fletcher
Foster
Frankel, Lois
Fudge
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Golden
Gomez
Gonzalez, Vicente
Gottheimer
Green, Al (TX)
Grijalva
Haaland
Harder (CA)
Hayes
Higgins (NY)
Himes
Horsford
Houlahan
Hoyer
Huffman
Jackson Lee
Jacobs (CA)
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (TX)
Jones
Kahele
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Khanna
Kildee
Kilmer
Kim (NJ)
Kind
Kirkpatrick
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster
Lamb
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee (CA)
Lee (NV)
Leger Fernandez
Levin (CA)
Levin (MI)
Lieu
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Luria
Lynch
Malinowski
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Manning
Matsui
McBath
McCollum
McEachin
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Mfume
Moore (WI)
Morelle
Moulton
Mrvan
Murphy (FL)
Napolitano
Neal
Neguse
Newman
Norcross
O'Halleran
Ocasio-Cortez
Omar
Pallone
Panetta
Pappas
Pascrell
Payne
Perlmutter
Peters
Phillips
Pingree
Pocan
Porter
Pressley
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rice (NY)
Richmond
Ross
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan
Sanchez
Sarbanes
Scanlon
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schrier
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sewell
Sherman
Sherrill
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (WA)
Soto
Spanberger
Speier
Stanton
Stevens
Strickland
Suozzi
Swalwell
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres (NY)
Trahan
Trone
Underwood
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wexton
Wild
Williams (GA)
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NAYS--196
Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Bentz
Bergman
Bice (OK)
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (NC)
Boebert
Bost
Brooks
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burchett
Burgess
Cammack
Carl
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Cawthorn
Chabot
Cheney
Cline
Cloud
Clyde
Cole
Comer
Crenshaw
Curtis
Davidson
Davis, Rodney
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Donalds
Duncan
Dunn
Emmer
Estes
Fallon
Feenstra
Fischbach
Fitzgerald
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franklin, C. Scott
Fulcher
Gaetz
Gallagher
Garbarino
Garcia (CA)
Gibbs
Gimenez
Gohmert
Gonzales, Tony
Gonzalez (OH)
Good (VA)
Gooden (TX)
Gosar
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Greene (GA)
Griffith
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Hagedorn
Harris
Harshbarger
Hartzler
Hern
Herrell
Herrera Beutler
Hice (GA)
Higgins (LA)
Hill
Hinson
Hollingsworth
Hudson
Huizenga
Issa
Jackson
Jacobs (NY)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
[[Page H20]]
Johnson (SD)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Katko
Keller
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
Kim (CA)
Kinzinger
Kustoff
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Latta
LaTurner
Lesko
Long
Loudermilk
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Mace
Malliotakis
Mann
Massie
Mast
McCaul
McClain
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
Meijer
Meuser
Miller (IL)
Miller (WV)
Miller-Meeks
Moolenaar
Mooney
Moore (AL)
Moore (UT)
Mullin
Murphy (NC)
Nehls
Newhouse
Norman
Obernolte
Owens
Palazzo
Palmer
Pence
Perry
Pfluger
Posey
Reed
Reschenthaler
Rice (SC)
Rodgers (WA)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rose
Rosendale
Rouzer
Roy
Rutherford
Scalise
Schweikert
Sessions
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smucker
Spartz
Stauber
Steel
Steil
Steube
Stivers
Taylor
Thompson (PA)
Tiffany
Timmons
Upton
Van Drew
Van Duyne
Wagner
Walberg
Walorski
Waltz
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Westerman
Williams (TX)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Wright
Zeldin
NOT VOTING--19
Bass
Brady
Brownley
Calvert
Clark (MA)
Crawford
Ferguson
Granger
Maloney, Sean
McCarthy
Nadler
Nunes
Raskin
Scott, Austin
Stefanik
Stewart
Turner
Wenstrup
Young
{time} 1218
Mr. GREEN of Texas changed his vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
So the motion to table was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Stated against:
Ms. GRANGER. Madam Speaker, I missed votes due to circumstances
beyond my control. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay'' on
rollcall No. 5.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer) is
recognized for 1 hour.
Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the time
allocated to me be controlled by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr.
McGovern), the chairman of the Rules Committee.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Maryland?
There was no objection.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield
the customary 30 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Oklahoma
(Mr. Cole), my good friend, pending which I yield myself such time as I
may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded
is for the purpose of debate only.
General Leave
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks
on H. Res. 8.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Massachusetts?
There was no objection.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, a rules package is one of the most
consequential things we will consider in this entire Congress.
As we stand here in the opening days of this Congress, I am proud
that the reforms before us represent a collaborative process that began
many months ago. We asked Members on both sides of the aisle for ideas;
we listened to our many caucuses and coalitions; we spent hours in the
Rules Committee listening to input during our Member Day hearing; and
we spoke with the outside groups that study these issues.
Weeks and weeks of thoughtful discussion got us to this point. That
process made the final product an even stronger one--not for one party
or the other, but for this institution and for all those Americans
counting on us to represent them; not the special interests or the
monied interests, but our workers and those struggling to get ahead.
This is a rules package that encourages us to tackle the most
pressing issues facing our Nation today, like climate change, through
the continued work of the Select Committee on the Climate Crisis.
I want to thank Chairwoman Castor for her leadership, along with
Chairman Pallone and Congresswoman Ocasio-Cortez, who have encouraged
us to think big when confronting the threat of climate change.
We are confronting the pandemic without any waste or fraud. That is
through the ongoing work of the Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus
Crisis, under the stewardship of Chairman Clyburn.
It makes reforms to our budget rules so we can deal with these dual
challenges through an all-hands-on-deck approach, while maintaining
fiscal responsibility.
I want to recognize the many Members, especially the Blue Dogs, the
Progressives, and the New Democrats, who worked together to make this
compromise happen.
We are also focusing on those who have traditionally been left behind
through the creation of a new Select Committee on Economic Disparity
and Fairness in Growth.
I want to thank Speaker Pelosi for her commitment to making sure that
our policies lift up every single American.
This new select committee will sharpen our focus on the income and
wealth disparity crisis that plagues our Nation today.
This package honors all gender identities by changing pronouns in the
House rules so they are gender neutral.
Look, we made this change for the sake of inclusion, not exclusion.
But I have got to be honest with you. I heard the distinguished
minority leader say that this rules package was canceling Mother's Day.
I mean, are you kidding me?
He also claimed that these rules make it so Members can no longer say
``father,'' ``mother,'' ``son,'' or ``daughter.'' Madam Speaker, has he
even read these rules? That is just not accurate. That is not how this
works.
And, by the way, our Founding Fathers are still our Founding Fathers.
Madam Speaker, maybe this is meant as a distraction. Maybe if we can
create a controversy, then we are not talking about the ongoing
pandemic, from which over 350,000 people have already died due to
mismanagement and incompetence, or maybe we are not talking about the
attempted coup being planned down at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. But the
bottom line is what has been said is just not accurate.
I love this. Someone just handed me this. A Member on the other side
from, I think, Arizona, for instance, tweeted:
If I stand up and I say that I am a proud husband of my
wife of almost 40 years now, then they would say that I
violated the rules because you can no longer use any version
of husband or father or gender reference between man and
woman.
I don't know what the hell he is talking about, Madam Speaker. Oh, my
God; that is my response to this.
I mean, Madam Speaker, this is why people really are frustrated with
Congress and with Washington. I think we, in this Chamber, need to hold
ourselves to a higher standard when it comes to facts and reality.
Unlike the White House, this should not be a fact-free zone; we ought
to focus on facts.
If my Republican friends want to disagree on policy, we can disagree
on policy. There are lots of issues that separate us, and we should
debate those issues. That shouldn't be a radical idea. But people
shouldn't make things up just to create a controversy. Accuracy
matters, and it should come before saying whatever helps you get
another hit on FOX News.
Anyway, Madam Speaker, for those who insist on trying to disparage
what we have done in the written rules, I want you to bring the bill to
the floor and show me where it says, in writing, that we are canceling
Mother's Day or that you can't refer to yourself as a husband or father
or mother or grandmother.
Give me a break. Enough is enough. We have to stop this. We have to
focus in on solving the problems that face the American people.
This rules package also requires that oversight plans from committees
include how they intend to combat race, gender, and other inequities.
It makes the Office of Diversity and Inclusion permanent. This will
commit our institution to creating a diverse workforce for many years
to come.
As we tackle these issues, Madam Speaker, this rules package creates
a more transparent process for ideas to be considered. It makes
permanent the requirement that all bills that come before the Rules
Committee get a hearing and a markup first. It preserves the motion to
recommit, while making reforms so that it can no longer be used to
hijack the legislative process for political gamesmanship.
[[Page H21]]
We are also continuing temporary rules changes that have ensured we
completed the people's work as safely as possible during this
coronavirus pandemic. I am impressed with how this Congress was able to
adapt and find a way to function in the midst of this worldwide health
emergency. During the pandemic in 1918, Congress was not able to adapt,
but we did.
I would just say to my colleagues on both sides of the aisle that we
need to listen to the Speaker's recommendation that we all continue to
follow the best and most current health and medical guidance.
Madam Speaker, we acted. While we can and we should do much more for
Americans struggling today, I am proud of what we were able to
accomplish in the last year. It is no small part due to the
implementation of remote voting by proxy and the development of virtual
committee proceedings.
Admittedly, Congress isn't always known for being on the cutting edge
of the digital world. This rules package, however, seeks to change that
even further. It contains many reforms designed to help us better
embrace technology so that we can get our work done as efficiently and
as transparently as possible.
Congresswoman Eshoo and the Select Committee on the Modernization of
Congress, under the leadership of Chairman Kilmer, were instrumental in
these new changes.
Madam Speaker, now, I just want to speak candidly for a moment.
As important as these reforms are and as proud of them as I am, I
know there is something even more important, and that is the foundation
that they are built upon.
Ethical leadership must be the bedrock principle of this and every
Congress. If the American people do not begin to trust their
fundamental institutions again, then division, conspiracies, and
mistruths will continue to fester.
{time} 1230
This body, each of us, must do our part. No matter what side of the
aisle you are on or who you vote for, we must hold ourselves to the
highest standard of leadership. People can and should question our
positions on the issues, but we should never act in a way that invites
anyone to question our motivation. That is why this rules package
doesn't just tinker at the edges, it breaks new ground through
transformative reforms.
It removes floor privileges for formers Members convicted of crimes
related to their House service or election. This will ensure that we
can do our work here without the undue influence of law breakers. We
task the Ethics Committee to come up with a bipartisan plan to handle
``deepfakes,'' because we need to stop the spread, intentional or
unintentional, of manipulated media that is created to mislead the
public.
I will note that we initially plan to go even further, amending our
Code of Conduct with this rules package, but we heard some of our
colleagues' concerns. We agreed to take a little bit more time to get
the language just right, and we will do that through our bipartisan
Ethics Committee.
Thanks to the leadership of Congresswoman Porter of California, we
strengthen Truth in Testimony disclosures for witnesses that testify
before Congress. Now the public and all Members will have more
information about those who appear before congressional committees.
Our rules will further protect whistleblowers. This package prevents
retaliation. It also makes permanent an office dedicated to ensuring
congressional offices know how to handle whistleblower complaints in a
responsible and secure way.
I want to recognize the tremendous work of many people, from Majority
Leader Hoyer and Congresswoman Speier to members of the Progressive
Caucus that made these reforms a reality. In short, we are holding
ourselves to a higher standard, Madam Speaker, not by changes developed
in a vacuum just among ourselves. We also spoke with outside groups and
experts and included their feedback. This is how the package was
developed, through conversation, collaboration, and consultation.
My Rules Committee colleagues, including Ranking Member Cole, offered
input that was invaluable. Our committee chairs and their excellent
staffs worked with us early in the morning and late at night as this
package took shape. I am deeply grateful for the work of all of our
caucuses, including the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, the
Congressional Black Caucus, the New Democrat Coalition, the LGBTQ+
Equality Caucus, the Congressional Asia Pacific American Caucus, and
the Blue Dog Coalition.
The Problem Solvers Caucus was, once again, involved with crafting
this package. I always appreciate the chance to work with Congressman
Gottheimer and Congressman Reed. We even got to work with a new member
of the Problem Solvers this Congress, Representative Van Taylor. And I
could go on and on.
Input from the nonpartisan staffs across this institution made this
package stronger. That includes those with the offices of the
Parliamentarian, the Congressional Budget Office, the Clerk, the
General Counsel, the Congressional Research Service, the Sergeant at
Arms, and the Chief Administrative Officer, just to name a few. Many
staffers worked through the holidays on this, and I am deeply grateful
for their efforts, especially the incredible staff on the Rules
Committee.
Democrats have been entrusted by the American people to lead this
institution, but the rules package is about more than party. It is
about making this Chamber work at its best for the people we represent.
These reforms will do that. They will hold us to a higher standard so
we can get it done for them and in a way that makes the public proud.
Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to
support in passing this package, and let's implement real reforms so we
can quickly get to work on behalf of the American people.
Before I reserve the balance of my time, I just want to take one
second, Madam Speaker, to thank my Republican colleagues on the Rules
Committee. We don't always agree on everything, but they are up in the
Rules Committee diligently at every meeting making the case for their
side of the aisle.
I especially want to thank my ranking member, Mr. Cole, who cares
deeply about this institution. And while we probably will not agree on
this rules package, we agree that we need to make this a better place,
and we need to hold it to the highest standards in terms of integrity,
and to make sure the American people have trust in what we do here.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts, my
very good friend, Chairman McGovern, for yielding me the customary 30
minutes; and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, we are here today to address the majority's proposed
changes in the Rules of the House of Representatives for the 117th
Congress.
These changes are some of the harshest and most cynical that I have
experienced during my time in Congress. Democratic leadership is
suppressing minority rights and paving the way for the Green New Deal
by intentionally removing budgetary checks that have been in place for
over a decade.
The most egregious of these changes is the complete gutting of the
motion to recommit. The motion to recommit, or the MTR, is the
minority's right to propose a final amendment before moving passage.
This is a right that has been guaranteed to the minority for well over
a century.
With today's changes, the majority is seeking to silence views they
are afraid of with no regard for this institution or the American
people's trust in our constitutional responsibility to govern and
govern well. They are taking away the ability to debate a motion to
recommit and the ability to offer a motion to recommit with
instructions. This completely guts the minority's ability to offer a
last amendment on the floor prior to passage of legislation.
I would remind my colleagues that during the many years Republicans
were in the majority, we never even thought to deny the minority this
motion. And the only reason Democrats are doing so today is out of
embarrassment. They are embarrassed that the
[[Page H22]]
Republicans were able to pass eight motions to recommit in the 116th
Congress. But rather than acknowledging that Republicans sometimes have
good policy ideas that should be incorporated into legislation, the
majority is instead seeking to completely cut off this key right, and
that, Madam Speaker, is simply reprehensible.
Madam Speaker, the motion to recommit has been around since the
beginning of the House as an institution, and it has been in its
present form since 1909. In fact, in 1919, Representative Abraham
Garrett of Tennessee, noted that ``the motion to recommit is regarded
as so sacred it is one of the few rules protected against the Committee
on Rules by the general rules of the House.''
And when Speaker Pelosi was herself in the minority, she equated the
motion to recommit with the right of free speech enshrined in our
Constitution. How this majority can now decide that a procedure that is
so important it is on par with the guarantee of free speech must be
eliminated is beyond my understanding.
Madam Speaker, it is simply shocking that Democrats are so afraid of
Republican ideas that they feel the need to rig the system against us.
They don't want the House to work its will. They only want the
Speaker's will. And we all know why that is. It is because the majority
cannot effectively defend its policies against competing ideas.
Eight times in the last Congress a majority of the House agreed that
the Republican policy idea had merit and should be included in the
final bill. But that state of affairs is evidently so embarrassing to
Democrats that they can't stand it, and now they have to completely
shut down minority rights lest they be embarrassed further, especially
after the November election dealt them a harsh blow and they lost seats
in their own ranks.
Madam Speaker, I want to offer my friends on the other side of the
aisle a word of warning: Majorities do not last forever. If there is
one certainty we can take away from the history of American politics,
it is that the party in power in the House of Representatives today
will not hold that position forever. I can also guarantee you that your
efforts to shut us down will not shut us up.
So instead of having bills that pass with slight improvements made
through an MTR, bills will fail here on the House floor. And for that
reason, among others, I am sure Democrats will regret making this
egregious change in the very near future. Republicans are proud to
debate our policies and proposals, unlike the majority today, whose
record of promised openness and fulsome debate is an abject failure.
Now, Madam Speaker, while gutting the MTR may be the worst piece of
this rules package to many, I want to applaud my friends for removing
an almost equally egregious piece of this rules package. When the
majority released this package over the weekend, there was a
particularly noxious provision that would have empowered the Speaker of
the House to censor the free speech of Members and employees of the
House. What is worse, it would have empowered the Speaker to act as the
sole judge, jury, and executioner, and included no clear guidelines for
how this would be enforced. This proposed rule was downright un-
American.
Fortunately, my friends on the other side of the aisle have listened
to reason and removed that provision from this package. I wish they had
further listened to reason and removed the provision taking away the
minority's right to an MTR, which is why I offered a very reasonable
motion to postpone for one day.
Madam Speaker, I could go on all day about the MTR, but there are
other changes in this rules package that need to be highlighted.
Slipped into the package is another change that will effectively
eliminate the paygo rule. Paygo is a useful budgetary control measure
that essentially says that we can't spend money that we don't have. But
if the majority gets their way, paygo will be eliminated for a broad
category of topics, including for measures relating to climate change.
This is doing nothing more than removing a key barrier to the Green New
Deal and other liberal tax-and-spend policies.
But never before has the majority tried to lift budgetary rules on
something as absurdly expensive as the Green New Deal, which is
estimated to cost as much as $100 trillion over the next decade, should
it be enacted.
It is clear that the majority doesn't even want to have a
conversation about the cost of the Green New Deal, and instead wants to
ensure that the American people never find out about the cost of their
extreme plans.
There are other measures in this rules package that are just as
absurd. Not content with having investigated President Trump throughout
his Presidency and subjected him to pointless impeachment, now
Democrats are including provisions allowing them to send subpoenas to
former Presidents, former Vice Presidents, and former White House
staff, long after their administration has ended.
This provision is a continuation of the Democratic majority's
obsession with investigating President Trump and his administration,
and ensures they will be able to keep their investigation gravy train
rolling along long after the President leaves office.
There is a similar provision which will allow certain committee
chairs to reissue subpoenas prior to the committee organizing for the
117th Congress, thus ensuring that existing investigations into
President Trump, no matter how silly or pointless, will not have to
slow down or even let the new Congress consider their current merits or
legislative justification.
Allowing a chair to issue subpoenas without any consultation with
membership or with the minority is nothing less than an abuse of power.
But I suppose I should not expect any less given the other provisions
in this package.
Madam Speaker, despite my affection for my friend on the other side
of the aisle, I have to tell him that this package stinks. It is deeply
cynical and deeply short-sighted. It tramples on minority rights and
it ensures a power grab by Democratic leadership. It will change the
nature of this institution, and not for the better.
Madam Speaker, today, I call on all Members to vote ``no'' on this
rules package. I ask all of my colleagues, regardless of party, to
reject these radical and, at times, ridiculous changes. I call on all
my colleagues to protect minority rights. The future of this
institution depends on it.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his comments, I will put him
down as undecided on this package.
I am sure we will hear more about the motion to recommit throughout
this debate, but I do just want to point out for the record, to be
historically accurate, that the motion to recommit has had many
different forms since its first inception. In fact, it was very, very
different when I first ran for Congress.
But having said all that, I would tell the gentleman that if those
who initiated the motion to recommit way back when saw how it was being
used today, I think they would object very strongly to it. They didn't
see it as a tool to play political gotcha games to undermine
legislation.
Madam Speaker, I would also remind the gentleman that, you know,
quite frankly, most of the motions to recommit that passed, all the
Republicans voted against final passage of whatever bill it was. So the
issue is not one of being a constructive legislator. It has turned into
a political gotcha game.
I think that we all talk about reading the bill. The problem with the
motion to recommit is you don't get to see what it is you are proposing
until a few minutes beforehand. I just want the Record to reflect that.
On the issue of paygo, I would just remind the gentleman that when
the Republicans were in charge, they had this thing called CutGo, and
they exempted all kinds of things from CutGo. They exempted efforts to
gut the Affordable Care Act. They exempted tax cuts for billionaires
and corporations.
So I think what we are talking about is a modest exemption for two
international emergencies, the COVID pandemic and the climate crisis.
Most people, except for a few in Washington, actually believe that it
is not only a national emergency, but an international emergency.
Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Florida (Mr.
Crist).
[[Page H23]]
{time} 1245
Mr. CRIST. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
I rise to address an amendment that I have placed in the bill, and I
want to thank the chairman for his grace in allowing that. It talks
about addressing racial and ethnic impacts of legislation that we pass
here.
America is known for the words at the United States Supreme Court:
``Equal justice under the law.'' Equal justice.
We struggle in our country with equality. Why? The color of
somebody's skin? Their ethnic background? Who they might love?
I think it is important to recognize that above me are the words: ``E
pluribus unum,'' ``Out of many, one.''
We are all children of God. If we so choose, we can bring people
together. We can start right here, and we can begin right now. We need
to remember the words kindness, respect, decency, compassion, empathy.
In other words, embrace the golden rule.
I wear these yellow wrist bands on my hands every day, and they say:
Practice the golden rule every day. Do unto others as you would have
done unto you.
That is what I am attempting in this amendment. God bless.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself 30 seconds to respond to my
friend.
I remind my friend that you accepted eight MTRs, or eight were
approved, because Democrats decided the Republican proposals were good
proposals and made the bill better. We couldn't have done it on our
own. So, you are actually limiting the choices in front of your own
Members.
We might not feel so strongly about the MTR if we got more amendments
approved anyway. We only get about 18 percent of the amendments. When
we were in the majority, we gave you 45. We got 38. You now get 68. So,
you are taking a tool away that is important to us.
Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr.
Rodney Davis), my very good friend and the distinguished ranking member
on the House Administration Committee.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to address their
remarks to the Chair.
Mr. RODNEY DAVIS of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I appreciate my good
friend, Mr. Cole, yielding.
It is disappointing that House Democrats have completely dismissed
the first opportunity to work together in this new Congress to instill
voter confidence and protect the integrity of our election process.
The purpose of H. Res. 5 is to address many of the election
administration problems that occurred in 2020, something I have
encouraged the Committee on House Administration and this House to
address long before the 2020 general election.
The resolution would have required the Committee on House
Administration to report out a bill that contains five main provisions:
First, a provision to ensure this House's commitment to upholding the
U.S. Constitution by maintaining that it is States that have the
primary authority to conduct elections, not the Federal Government.
Second, it ensures ballot integrity for votes cast by mail.
Third, this provides a Federal baseline for signature verification.
Fourth, it includes measures to improve voter confidence and
certainty in our election results by counting ballots in a timely
manner.
And lastly, a provision to ensure proper oversight of Federal dollars
provided to States to help them administer elections through the Help
America Vote Act.
These issues are nonpartisan. They are problems both sides struggled
with in the 2020 election. As the committee with jurisdiction over
Federal elections, it is our responsibility to address them.
Arguably, the time to address these issues was before the 2020
election, but it is never too late to do the right thing.
In 2020, more than 65 million people voted by mail, more than ever
before. Just as we have baseline standards for administering in-person
elections, we should have them for mail-in voting. Baseline standards
for these ballots would help ensure every legal vote is counted.
There were many last-minute changes made during the 2020 cycle, in
the name of COVID-19, that chipped away at the integrity of our
election system, and it is important that we do not maintain this
pandemic-style voting in the long term.
The worst thing that can happen to our government is for the American
people to lose all confidence in our elections. There are bipartisan
steps we can take to help restore public confidence in our elections
and protect our Republic.
While it is disappointing that House Democrats have dismissed the
first opportunity in this new Congress to work together to protect the
integrity of our elections, I am hopeful that, working with Chairman
McGovern, Ranking Member Cole, and Chairperson Lofgren and others in
this arena, we can set politics aside to achieve this goal.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I include in the Record a section by
section of the changes H. Res. 8 will make to the standing rules of the
116th Congress and the separate orders taking effect for the 117th
Congress.
H. Res. 8
Adopting the Rules for the 117th Congress
SECTION-BY-SECTION ANALYSIS
Section 1. Adoption of the Rules of the One Hundred Sixteenth
Congress.
This section provides that the Rules of the 116th Congress
are the Rules of the 117th Congress, except for the
amendments contained in section 2 of the resolution and
orders contained in the resolution.
Section 2. Changes to the Standing Rules.
Conforming Change. Subsection (a) strikes outdated language
that no longer exists in statute authorizing the Clerk to
maintain on the House payroll the staff of a former Speaker.
This authority, established through 2 U.S.C. Sec. 5128, was
repealed by Public Law 115-244 in the 115th Congress.
Office of Diversity and Inclusion and Office of the
Whistleblower Ombuds. Subsection (b) codifies the Office of
Diversity and Inclusion, established in the 116th Congress in
House Resolution 6, into the standing rules of the House. The
subsection instructs the Speaker, in consultation with the
Minority Leader, to appoint a Director of the Office from
recommendations provided by the chair of the Committee on
House Administration in consultation with the ranking
minority member. The Office is subject to the policy
direction and oversight of the Committee on House
Administration and will direct and guide House employing
offices to recruit, hire, train, develop, advance, promote,
and retain a diverse workforce; survey and evaluate diversity
in House employing offices; submit a House of Representatives
diversity report each session; and provide consultation and
guidance in furtherance of increasing diversity and inclusion
in the House.
Subsection (b) also codifies the Office of the
Whistleblower Ombudsman, established in the 116th Congress in
House Resolution 6, and changes its name to the gender-
neutral Office of the Whistleblower Ombuds. The subsection
instructs the Speaker, in consultation with the chairs and
ranking minority members of the Committee on House
Administration and the Committee on Oversight and Reform, to
appoint a Director of the Office. The subsection instructs
the Office, under the direction of the Committee on House
Administration, and in consultation with other committees at
the request of their chairs or ranking members, to develop
best practices for whistleblower intake for House offices and
provide training to House offices on how to safely receive
information from whistleblowers.
Continuing Authority to Act in Litigation Matters.
Subsection (c) clarifies existing practice that the
continuing authority to act in litigation matters provided by
clause 8(c) of rule II includes, but is not limited to, the
authority for committee chairs to immediately reissue
subpoenas, prior to the organization of their committees, to
ensure litigation can continue uninterrupted.
Admittance to the Hall of the House. Subsection (d) adds
the Mayor of the District of Columbia to the list of persons
who are permitted in the Hall of the House. The subsection
also adds a new restriction on who may access the Hall of the
House, barring former Members, Delegates, Resident
Commissioners, Parliamentarians, elected officers of the
House, or minority employees nominated as an elected officer
of the House if they have been convicted of a crime related
to their election, or service to, the House.
Gender-Inclusive Language. Subsection (e) modernizes the
use of pronouns, familial relationship terminology, and other
references to gender in order to be inclusive of all Members,
Delegates, Resident Commissioners, employees of the House,
and their families. This also obviates the need for the
former clause 2 of rule XXIX, which provided that ``words
importing one gender include the other as well.''
Committee on Armed Services. Subsection (f) adds the Marine
Corps and the Space Force to the list of U.S. military
service branches covered under the jurisdiction of the
Committee on Armed Services. Neither addition substantively
alters the committee's current
[[Page H24]]
jurisdiction, and both are clarifying and technical in
nature.
Committee Oversight Plans. Subsection (g) requires
committees to include in their oversight plan a discussion of
how the committee's work will address issues of inequities on
the basis of race, color, ethnicity, religion, sex, sexual
orientation, gender identity, disability, age, or national
origin.
Printing and Availability Requirements. Subsection (h)
modifies two requirements related to the method by which
specific types of legislative texts must be made available.
First, instead of requiring that primary expense resolutions
reported by the Committee on House Administration be
physically printed and available on the calendar day prior to
their consideration, this subsection now allows this
availability period to begin when the text is made available
electronically or in printed form. Second, this subsection
modifies the requirement that reports on Senate amendments in
disagreement by a conference committee, and any accompanying
statements, be available for 72 hours in the Congressional
Record. This 72-hour period now begins when the relevant text
is either made available in the Congressional Record or made
publicly available at an electronic document repository
operated by the Clerk.
Committee Vote Availability. Subsection (i) modernizes the
requirement for committees to make the results of record
votes publicly available by removing the requirement that
they be made available to the public for in-person inspection
in committee offices. Committees will still be required to
make the results of record votes publicly available
electronically within 48 hours of the vote.
Amendment Availability. Subsection (j) builds on the
requirement for committee chairs to make amendments adopted
by their committees publicly available within 24 hours by
requiring all other amendments--which includes failed or
withdrawn amendments--to be posted within 48 hours of their
disposition or withdrawal. This requirement does not apply to
amendments not offered.
Truth-In-Testimony Reform. Subsection (k) amends the
disclosure requirements for witnesses appearing in
nongovernmental capacities by: (1) adding grants to the
reporting requirement for foreign payments; (2) expanding the
lookback period for reporting to 36 months; (3) requiring
witnesses to disclose whether they are the fiduciary of any
organization or entity with an interest in the subject matter
of the hearing; and (4) requiring, to the extent practicable,
the disclosures be made publicly available 24-hours prior to
the witness's appearance at a hearing. The subsection also
updates the text of clause 2(g)(5) of rule XI for clarity.
Electronic Filing of Reports and Electronic Signatures.
Subsection (l) authorizes electronic filing of committee
reports, which was temporarily allowed by House Resolution
965 of the 116th Congress, and allows electronic signatures
to be used for signed views in committee reports and for
select forms received by the Committee on Ethics. Reports
received electronically will be processed as otherwise
provided in rule XIII, and committees filing electronic
reports should continue to consult with the Clerk regarding
proper format and other administrative requirements.
Subpoena Authority. Subsection (m) affirms that committees
and subcommittees, pursuant to the longstanding subpoena
authority granted by clause 2(m) of rule XI, may authorize
and issue subpoenas for documents or testimony to any person
or entity, whether governmental, public, or private, within
the United States. The language makes clear that the rule
expressly authorizes the issuance of subpoenas to any current
or former President and Vice President, either in their
personal or official capacity, as well as the White House,
the Office of the President, the Executive Office of the
President, and any individual currently or formerly employed
by those entities. This is not a change to, but rather a
clearer affirmation of, existing authorities.
Committee on Ethics. Subsection (n) provides that a Member
may serve on the Committee on Ethics during a fifth Congress
in a period of five successive Congresses if they are the
chair or ranking member of the committee. It also clarifies
that various provisions within clause 3 of rule XI apply to
Delegates and Resident Commissioners.
Audio and Video Recordings. Subsection (o) modifies the
description of committee proceedings that may not be used or
made available for any partisan political campaign purpose to
clarify the provision's application to all such audio and
video coverage regardless of the specific technological
device recording medium used.
Cosponsorship Withdrawal. Subsection (p) eliminates the
requirement that a Member, Delegate, or Resident Commissioner
obtain unanimous consent to remove their name as a cosponsor
of a bill or resolution, instead allowing the Member,
Delegate, or Resident Commissioner to remove their own name
by making a demand from the floor. The sponsor of a bill,
however, must still make a unanimous-consent request in order
to remove a cosponsor, and cosponsors may still only be
removed until the last committee of referral reports the bill
to the House or is discharged from its consideration.
Comparative Prints. Subsection (q) removes the requirement,
added in the 115th Congress, that prior to the consideration
of bills, joint resolutions, and amendments in the nature of
a substitute, comparative prints must be made available.
However, section 3(j) of this resolution directs the relevant
committees and offices of the House to continue efforts to
further the institutional priority of enabling all House
staff to produce such comparative prints.
Requiring Committee Hearing and Markup on Bills and Joint
Resolutions. Subsection (r) codifies in the standing rules of
the House a separate order from the 116th Congress requiring
a committee hearing and markup in order for most bills and
joint resolutions to be considered pursuant to a special
order of business reported by the Committee on Rules. The
subsection provides a point of order against consideration if
such a measure has not been reported by at least one
committee, effective March 1st of an odd-numbered year. A
point of order also lies against any bill or joint resolution
reported by a committee if the report does not contain a list
of relevant committee and subcommittee hearings which
includes the designation of at least one such hearing that
was used to develop or consider the underlying measure.
Finally, the provision provides exceptions to the points of
order for resolutions continuing appropriations for a fiscal
year, measures that contain specified emergency designations
pursuant to the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control
Act, measures considered pursuant to the Consensus Calendar,
and measures not referred to committee. Pursuant to section
3(u), because of the challenges facing committees operating
during a pandemic, this rule will not take effect in the
117th Congress until April 1, 2021.
Motion to Recommit. Subsection (s) provides that a motion
to recommit (or commit) a bill or joint resolution to a
standing or select committee may only be made without
instructions and is not debatable. It also provides that the
previous question is considered as ordered on any such
motion. The subsection makes a conforming change to the
prohibition on the Committee on Rules from reporting a rule
preventing a motion to recommit in order to remove the
specification that instructions must be permitted. The
subsection also removes the now extraneous mandates that
motions to recommit with instructions must be in the form of
a direction to be reported back to the House forthwith and
that instructions in a motion to recommit to conference may
not include argument. The rule continues to prioritize
recognition of an opponent of the underlying measure, but the
Chair will address contested opposition when challenged on
the floor rather than continuing the practice of querying
for opposition at the time the motion is made.
District of Columbia Business. Subsection (t) removes a no-
longer-used provision setting aside the second and fourth
Mondays of a month for District of Columbia business called
up by the Committee on Oversight and Reform.
Title Amendments. Subsection (u) limits the offering of
amendments to the titles of bills and resolutions to the
Majority Leader or a designee.
Reconciliation Directives. Subsection (v) strikes the
contents of clause 7 of rule XXI, which created a point of
order against a concurrent resolution on the budget,
amendments to a budget resolution, or a conference report on
a budget resolution, containing reconciliation directives
that would have the effect of increasing net direct spending.
Clause 10 of rule XXI, the PAYGO rule, continues to apply to
any reconciliation measure reported pursuant to such
directives.
Availability of Measures. Subsection (w) modifies the text
availability requirement for unreported bills and joint
resolutions by specifying that the 72-hour availability
period may begin when the text of the measure is made
electronically available prior to its introduction. Although
the introduced measure must consist of the exact text of the
language made electronically available prior to introduction
in order to qualify under this updated rule, changes to a
measure's text made after its introduction by a self-
executing special rule do not impact this availability
period.
Prohibited Service. Subsection (x) modifies a provision in
the Code of Official Conduct added in the 116th Congress
prohibiting Members, Delegates, the Resident Commissioner,
officers, and employees of the House from serving as an
officer or director of any public company by replacing a
direction to the Committee on Ethics to develop regulations
with a requirement for compliance with such regulations as
the Committee has since promulgated these regulations.
Code of Official Conduct. Subsection (y) adds two new
clauses to the Code of Official Conduct. First, the new
clause 20 of rule XXIII protects Congressional whistleblowers
by preventing a Member, Delegate, Resident Commissioner,
officer, or employee of the House from taking any actions to
prevent an individual from, or to retaliate against an
individual for, providing truthful information to the
Committee on Ethics, the Office of Congressional Ethics, the
Office of Congressional Workplace Rights, or any law
enforcement official, provided that the disclosure of such
information is not otherwise prohibited by law or House
rules.
Second, the new clause 21 of rule XXIII further protects
the identities of whistleblowers by prohibiting a Member,
Delegate, Resident Commissioner, officer, or employee of the
House from knowingly and willfully publicly disclosing the
identity or personally identifiable information of an
individual who is granted protections under federal whistle
blower laws. Exempted from this prohibition
[[Page H25]]
are cases in which: (1) the individual has provided express
written consent prior to such disclosure; (2) the individual
has already voluntarily and publicly disclosed their
identity; or (3) the disclosure is by the chair of a
committee after an affirmative vote by two-thirds of the
committee members that such disclosure is in the public
interest. Additionally, nothing in this new whistleblower
protection will inhibit the investigation of any allegation
of wrongdoing disclosed by any individual or prevent the
public disclosure of substantive information shared that is
not personally identifiable. Disclosures by the chair of a
committee are subject to appropriate safeguards, including
advance notice to the individual including a written
explanation of the reasons for the disclosure.
Communications Standards Commission. Subsection (z) renames
the House Commission on Congressional Mailing Standards to
the House Communications Standards Commission, conforming to
a change made in H.R. 133 of the 116th Congress. The new name
reflects the Commission's jurisdiction over all mass
communications.
Section 3. Separate Orders.
Member Day Hearing Requirement. Subsection (a) requires
each standing committee (except for the Committee on Ethics)
to hold a Member Day Hearing during the first session of the
117th Congress to hear testimony from Members, Delegates, and
the Resident Commissioner--whether or not they are a member
of the committee--on proposed legislation within its
jurisdiction. The subsection permits the Committee on Rules
to hold its Member Day Hearing during the second session, in
order to receive testimony on proposed changes to the
standing rules for the next Congress.
Deposition Authority. Subsection (b) provides the Permanent
Select Committee on Intelligence and each standing committee
of the 117th Congress (except for the Committee on Rules) the
authority to order the taking of a deposition by a member or
counsel of such committee. Members, Delegates, and the
Resident Commissioner may participate in all such
depositions, but their presence is not required. Depositions
taken under this authority are subject to regulations issued
by the chair of the Committee on Rules and printed in the
Congressional Record, and such authority continues to include
potential supplemental regulations.
War Powers Resolution. Subsection (c) expressly provides
that any motion to discharge a measure introduced pursuant to
section 6 or section 7 of the War Powers Resolution would not
be subject to a motion to table.
Exercise Facilities for Former Members. Subsection (d)
continues the prohibition on access to any exercise facility
that is made available exclusively to Members, Delegates, the
Resident Commissioner, former Members, former Delegates,
former Resident Commissioners, officers, and former officers
of the House and their spouses to any former Member, former
Delegate, former Resident Commissioner, former officer, or
spouse who is a lobbyist registered under the Lobbying
Disclosure Act of 1995 or any successor statute, or who is an
agent of a foreign principal as defined in clause 5 of rule
XXV.
Empaneling Investigative Subcommittee of the Committee on
Ethics. Subsection (e) carries forward House Resolution 451
from the 110th Congress, directing the Committee on Ethics to
empanel an investigative subcommittee or issue a report
within 30 days of the date a Member, Delegate, or the
Resident Commissioner is indicted or criminal charges are
filed. The subsection updates any references in House
Resolution 451 to the Committee on Standards of Official
Conduct to be references tot e Committee on Ethics.
Non-Disclosure Agreements. Subsection (f) continues a
provision from the 116th Congress which provides that Non-
Disclosure Agreements required by offices as a condition of
employment for paid or unpaid staff or contractors cannot
require notice or approval for employees to communicate with
the Committee on Ethics, the Office of Congressional
Workplace Rights, or any other office or entity designated by
the Committee on House Administration; and that Non-
Disclosure Agreements must also provide clear guidance to
that effect.
Requiring Members to Pay for Discrimination Settlements.
Subsection (g) continues from the 116th Congress a
requirement for a Member, Delegate, or the Resident
Commissioner to reimburse the Treasury for any settlement of
a complaint related to a claim alleging a violation by the
Member of sections 201(a), 206(a), or 207 of the
Congressional Accountability Act of 1995, which cover
discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex (which the
Equal Employment Opportunity Commission recognizes as
including sexual orientation and gender identity), national
origin, age, disability, or an employee's service in the
uniformed services, and retaliation for claims alleging such
discrimination.
Mandatory Anti-Harassment and Anti-Discrimination Policies
for House Offices. Subsection (h) continues from the 116th
Congress a requirement that each House office adopt an anti-
harassment and anti-discrimination policy and requires the
Committee on House Administration to issue regulations to
carry out the subsection by April 1, 2021.
Displaying Statement of Rights and Protections Provided to
House Employees. Subsection (i) continues from the 116th
Congress a requirement that the Committee on House
Administration issue regulations requiring each House office
to prominently display a statement of the rights and
protections provided to House employees under the
Congressional Accountability Act of 1995, including
procedures available to employees for responding to and
adjudicating allegations of workplace rights violations.
Broadening Availability and Utility of Legislative
Documents in Machine-Readable Formats. Subsection (j)
instructs the Committee on House Administration, the Clerk,
and other officers and officials to continue to advance
government transparency by taking further steps to publish
documents of the House in machine-readable formats and
broaden their utility by enabling all House staff to create
comparative prints.
Improving the Committee Electronic Document Repository.
Subsection (k) directs the Clerk, the Committee on House
Administration, and other officers and officials to improve
the existing electronic document repository operated by the
Clerk for use by committees. Such improvements are intended
to increase public availability and identification of
legislative information produced by House committees,
including votes, amendments, and witness disclosure forms.
Inclusion of Citations for Proposed Repeals and Amendment.
Subsection (I) continues a requirement for parallel
citations, to the maximum extent practicable, for amendatory
instructions to Public Laws and Statutes at Large that are
not classified in the U.S. Code.
Providing for Transparency with Respect to Memorials
Submitted Pursuant to Article V of the Constitution of the
United States. Subsection (m) carries forward provisions that
clarify the procedures of the House regarding the receipt of
Article V memorials from the States by directing the Clerk to
make each memorial, designated by the chair of the Committee
on the Judiciary, electronically available, organized by
State of origin and year of receipt, and indicate whether the
memorial was designated as an application or rescission.
In carrying out this subsection, it is expected that the
chair of the Committee on the Judiciary will be solely
charged with determining whether a memorial purports to be an
application of the legislature of a state calling for a
constitutional convention or rescission of prior
applications. The Clerk's role will be entirely
administrative. The chair of the Committee on the Judiciary
will only designate memorials from state legislatures (and
not petitions from individuals or other parties), as it is
only state legislatures that are contemplated under Article V
of the Constitution.
In submitting each memorial to the Clerk, the chair of the
Committee on the Judiciary will include a transmission letter
that indicates it has been designated under this subsection
of House Resolution 5. The Clerk will make publicly available
the memorial and the transmission letter from the chair.
Ancillary documentation from the state or other parties is
not expected to be publicized.
Subcommittees. Subsection (n) waives clause 5(d) of rule X
to allow the Committee on Agriculture up to six
subcommittees, which is consistent with authorities in the
114th, 115th, and 116th Congresses.
Congressional Member Organization Transparency Reform.
Subsection (o) continues to allow participating Members to
enter into agreements with eligible Congressional Member
Organizations for the purpose of payment of salaries and
expenses. The subsection requires that for the organization
to be eligible during the 117th Congress, the organization
must register with the Committee on House Administration,
designate a single Member to be responsible for the
administration of the organization, have at least 3
employees assigned to perform some work for the
organization, and had at least 15 Members during the 116th
Congress using a portion of their Members'
Representational Allowance (MRA) to pay for the salaries
and expenses of the organization.
Budget Matters. Subsection (p) reestablishes that the
allocations, aggregates, and other appropriate levels as
contained in the statement of the chair of the Committee on
the Budget of May 1, 2020, as adjusted in the 116th Congress,
are effective pending the adoption of a fiscal year 2021
budget resolution.
Reissuance of Subpoenas Prior to Committee Organization.
Subsection (q) authorizes the chair of the Committee on
Oversight and Reform to issue subpoenas related to the
Committee's investigation, initiated during the 116th
Congress, into the accuracy and timing of the 2020 decennial
census. The subsection also authorizes the chair of the
Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Crisis to issue
subpoenas related to the Select Subcommittee's investigation,
likewise initiated during the 116th Congress, into political
interference in the response to the coronavirus pandemic at
the Department of Health and Human Services and Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention.
Numbering of Bills. Subsection (r) reserves the first 10
numbers for bills (H.R. 1 through H.R. 10) for assignment by
the Speaker and the second 10 numbers (H.R. 11 through H.R.
20) for assignment by the Minority Leader.
Remote Voting by Proxy and Remote Committee Activity.
Subsection (s) carries forward House Resolution 965 from the
116th Congress with the following changes: 1) notification
and availability requirements do not apply to proxy
revocation letters submitted to the Clerk after a Member has
automatically revoked their proxy by voting in person; 2)
committees may hold official business meetings without
submitting a letter regarding
[[Page H26]]
requirements formerly contained in the remote committee
regulations; and 3) the chair of the Committee on House
Administration is required, in consultation with the ranking
member, to identify and submit to the Speaker and to the
chair and ranking member of the Committee on Rules specific
operable and secure technology that may be used to conduct
remote voting in the House--certification of that submission
replaces a previous requirement in section 5(a) of H. Res.
965.
Witness Diversity. Subsection (t) requires the Office of
Diversity and Inclusion to provide a report to the Committee
on House Administration and the Committee on Rules
recommending a method to survey the diversity of witness
panels at committee hearings by July 1, 2021. It requires the
Committees on House Administration and Rules to take any
necessary steps to ensure its implementation by July 31,
2021.
Requirements for Committee Hearing and Markup. Subsection
(u) provides that during the 117th Congress, the requirement
that committees hold a hearing and a markup for most bills
and joint resolutions considered pursuant to a rule (added to
the standing rules by section 2(r) of this resolution) shall
not apply before April 1, 2021. This delay in implementation
is due to the increased difficulty of organizing committees
and holding committee proceedings during the COVID-19
pandemic.
Exemptions. Subsection (v) provides that the Chair of the
Committee on Budget may adjust an estimate to exempt the
budgetary effects of measures to prevent, prepare for, or
respond to economic or public health consequences resulting
from the COVID-19 pandemic; and measures to prevent, prepare
for, or respond to economic, environmental, or public health
consequences resulting from climate change.
Further Expenses for Resolving Contested Election.
Subsection (w) authorizes such sums as may be necessary for
the Committee on House Administration to resolve contested
elections. Funds shall be available for expenses incurred
between January 3, 2021, and January 3, 2022. Amounts made
available under this subsection shall be expended in
accordance with regulations prescribed by the Committee on
House Administration.
Support for Senate Measures. Subsection (x) requires the
Clerk to submit to the chair of the Committee on Rules by
February 1, 2021, regulations establishing a process for
House Members to indicate their support for Senate-passed
measures that have been received by the House, including
maintaining a publicly available list of Members supporting
each measure. The chair of the Committee on Rules is directed
to print the regulations in the Congressional Record, at
which point Members will be permitted to use the process to
indicate their support for Senate measures.
Dissemination of Manipulated Media. Subsection (y) directs
the Committee on Ethics to report by December 31, 2021, any
recommended amendments to the Code of Official Conduct and
any accompanying regulations addressing the dissemination by
electronic means of any image, video, or audio file that has
been distorted or manipulated with the intent to mislead the
public.
Section 4. Committees, Commissions, and House Offices
House Democracy Partnership. Subsection (a) reauthorizes
the House Democracy Assistance Commission, now known as the
House Democracy Partnership.
Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission. Subsection (b)
reauthorizes the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission. The
subsection carries forward and makes minor modifications to
provisions from the 116th Congress to reaffirm that the
commission's budget is in addition to and separate from the
amounts authorized for salaries and expenses of the Committee
on Foreign Affairs, and to ensure equal distribution of
funding between the commission's co-chairs to reflect the
bipartisan structure of the commission.
Office of Congressional Ethics. Subsection (c) reauthorizes
the Office of Congressional Ethics (OCE) and carries forward
provisions from the 116th Congress without substantive
revision except that members may be reappointed for a fourth
additional term.
Select Committee on the Climate Crisis. Subsection (d)
reauthorizes the Select Committee on the Climate Crisis. The
subsection carries forward and makes modest modifications to
provisions from the 116th Congress. The investigative
jurisdiction of the Select Committee shall consist of
policies, strategies, and innovations to achieve substantial
and permanent reductions in pollution and other activities
that contribute to the climate crisis which will honor our
responsibility to be good stewards of the planet for future
generations and advance environmental justice. The Select
Committee shall coordinate with and advise standing
committees with relevant jurisdiction with respect to such
policies, strategies, and innovations. Additionally, the
Select Committee is authorized to receive any records
transferred to it by a standing committee if obtained
pursuant to a subpoena or deposition recommended by the
Select Committee. The subsection requires that all policy
recommendations be submitted to committees by December 31,
2021, and that all reports be submitted to the House by
December 31, 2022.
Select Committee on the Modernization of Congress.
Subsection (e) reauthorizes the Select Committee on the
Modernization of Congress and carries forward provisions from
the 116th Congress without substantive revision except that
the final report shall be submitted by December 31, 2022. All
references to the 116th Congress shall apply to the 117th
Congress.
Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Crisis. Subsection
(f) reauthorizes the Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus
Crisis of the Committee on Oversight and Reform and carries
forward the authorizing provisions from the 116th Congress
without revision.
Select Committee on Economic Disparity and Fairness in
Growth. Subsection (g) establishes a Select Committee on
Economic Disparity and Fairness in Growth to investigate,
study, make findings, and develop recommendations on
policies, strategies, and innovations to make our economy
work for everyone, empowering American economic growth while
ensuring that no one is left out or behind in the 21st
Century Economy. The Select Committee shall coordinate with
and advise standing committees with relevant jurisdiction
with respect to policy related to economic fairness, access
to education, and workforce development. The Select Committee
is authorized to hold hearings and may report to the House or
any committee the results of its investigations and studies,
together with any detailed findings and policy
recommendations it deems advisable. The subsection requires
that all policy recommendations be submitted to committees by
December 31, 2021, and that all reports be submitted to the
House by December 31, 2022. The Speaker is directed to
appoint 15 Members, Delegates, or the Resident Commissioner
to serve on the Select Committee and to designate one of its
members to serve as the chair. Six of the 15 members must be
appointed on the recommendation of the Minority Leader. The
Select Committee will be governed by Rules X and XI, except
as provided in the subsection. The subsection does not extend
subpoena and deposition authority to the Select Committee,
but authorizes the Select Committee to submit subpoena and
deposition recommendations to the relevant standing
committees. Additionally, the Select Committee is authorized
to receive any records transferred to it by a standing
committee if obtained pursuant to a subpoena or deposition
recommended by the Select Committee. $500,000 is authorized
for the expenses of the Select Committee through March 31,
2021.
Section 5. Orders of Business.
The orders of business contained in section 5 are necessary
due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
Subsection (a) provides that on any legislative day from
January 3, 2021, through January 28, 2021: the Journal shall
be approved; the Chair may declare the House adjourned to
meet within Constitutional limits; the Speaker may appoint
Members to perform the duties of the Chair; and each day
during this period shall not constitute a day for purposes of
section 7 of the War Powers Resolution, clause 7 of rule XIII
(resolutions of inquiry), clause 7(c)(1) of rule XXII
(motions to instruct conferees), and clause 7 of XV
(Consensus Calendar).
Subsection (b) grants the Speaker authority to consider
bills under suspension of the rules through the legislative
day of January 28, 2021.
Subsection (c) grants the House authority, through the
legislative day of January 28, to adopt a report from the
Committee on Rules through a majority vote on the same day it
is filed.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
the Virgin Islands (Ms. Plaskett).
Ms. PLASKETT. Madam Speaker, as we begin the 117th Congress, I am
truly grateful to the Democratic Caucus for bringing the six
representatives of the territories of the United States and the
District of Columbia--duly elected by 4 million Americans,
collectively--to where we are today.
That was done in the 116th Congress when the rules package
strengthened our democratic representation by returning floor voting
rights to Delegates and the Resident Commissioners in the Committee of
the Whole. The principle that every American deserves to be represented
by a vote on the floor of this House is important, and we have somewhat
of a voice now.
Moving forward, I think it is high time that we continue to expand
that. The Constitution gives the fate, the rights, of all the
territories solely to this body, to the Congress. That being said, it
is important that we respect those votes, and I believe that our system
for remote voting should apply with respect to votes cast in the
Committee of the Whole in the same manner as it applies with respect to
votes cast on the floor.
That being said, I commend the further strides we are making in this
rules package. As a former prosecutor and counsel on the House Ethics
Committee, I applaud the tightening of the whistleblower laws.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the
gentlewoman from the Virgin Islands.
[[Page H27]]
Ms. PLASKETT. As a former counsel on the House Ethics Committee, I am
pleased with the tightening of the whistleblower laws, and I commend
the creation of the Select Committee on Economic Disparity and Fairness
in Growth to recommend policies to address economic disparities and
make the economy work for everyone. I expect this to be a positive
development, and I urge my colleagues to adopt this package.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Louisiana (Mr. Scalise), my very good friend and the distinguished
Republican whip.
Mr. SCALISE. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Oklahoma for
yielding.
Madam Speaker, I rise today to strongly object to this Soviet-style
rules package. If you look at some of the things that are being laid
out here, it is all designed to take away the voice of 48 percent of
this House Chamber.
This is the people's House. It is one of the great things that we
celebrate about serving in the United States House of Representatives,
a privilege for each of us who took that oath yesterday to represent
roughly 750,000 people, to bring their ideas, their hopes for America,
to this House floor, to debate the things that they believe in, that we
believe in, that we want to fight for.
We don't always agree. We don't always see eye to eye on what that
is, but the beauty is we get to bring those ideas here, have that
debate here. Yet, the rules package is attempting to strip that away,
to yank away more rights for hundreds of millions of Americans to be
represented on this House floor.
That is not who we are. That is not what the House of Representatives
is all about. Yet, that is what will be voted on in this rules package.
Just look at the motion to recommit. Now, if the majority were
allowing us, Madam Speaker, to bring amendments to the floor on a
regular basis, you might not need a motion to recommit. But less than
20 percent of all amendments allowed on the House floor in the last 2
years were Republican amendments, less than 20 percent when we
represent almost 49 percent of the Members of this body. That is not
what an open, democratic institution is about. That is unbecoming of
the House of Representatives. Yet, taking away that ability shows that
the majority wants to shut down the debate of the other side, wants to
shut down the voices not just of us but of the millions of people all
across this country we represent.
Think about the move to get rid of paygo, pay as you go, which had
been a hallmark of Speaker Pelosi's majority. She gets rid of that on
things like debating the Green New Deal. What does that tell you? That
tells you that, number one, they plan on bringing the Green New Deal to
the House floor, but they also know that it would have devastating
consequences on American families. The hardworking people--in fact, the
ones who would be hit the hardest by it--are low-income families who
would end up paying thousands of dollars more in household electricity
costs. They want to hide that so they get rid of paygo so you don't
have to show what the cost to hardworking families would be for radical
ideas like that.
This is not who we are. I am a proud husband, a proud father of a son
and a daughter. They don't even want you to be able to say that
anymore.
Let's open up the people's House to real, honest discourse and
debate. Let's debate our differences and settle them here on the House
floor, not try to hide the views of 48 percent of this country.
I oppose this Soviet-style rules package.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, if the gentleman is interested in honest
debate, I hope he will inform us where in the rules package it says
that you can't refer to yourself as a father, a son, a grandfather, a
wife, I mean, whatever. There is nothing in the rules package that says
that. This is not reality.
I would also remind the gentleman that when he was in charge, this
was the most closed Congress in the history of the United States
Congress.
And if we are worried about protecting our democracy, I hope the
gentleman and others will join with us in protecting the will of the
American people, the millions and millions of voters who cast their
votes for President-elect Joe Biden and Vice-President-elect Kamala
Harris, and vote to make sure we have a smooth transition to the next
administration.
I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Pennsylvania (Ms. Scanlon),
a distinguished member of the Rules Committee.
Ms. SCANLON. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
In the 2 years that I have been here, every motion to recommit has
been a poison pill, a gimmick designed to tank a bill or sow division
between Members of Congress and their constituents.
Despite high-flung rhetoric here today, not once have I seen the MTR
used to make legislation better. In fact, on those occasions when it
prevailed, our colleagues voted against the underlying bill.
Since this legislative tool has not been used in good faith, it needs
to be reformed.
But I also wish to speak in favor of the efforts that have been made
to use gender-neutral language in the rules. As a female Member of
Congress and a member of last term's Select Committee to Modernize
Congress, I applaud the efforts to drag the rules package into the 21st
century and make it more inclusive, as well as to make it streamlined.
The text changes have allowed us to make the rules package more
concise, and that is a good thing.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to
quickly respond to my friend.
Ms. Scanlon said the eight MTRs that passed this House were poison
pills. By definition, they weren't. They passed the House. Democrats
voted for them. Things like fighting against anti-Semitism is hardly a
poison pill.
Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Arizona
(Mrs. Lesko), my very good friend.
Mrs. LESKO. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Democrats' power has literally gone to their heads. They aren't
satisfied enough to have the majority and the speakership, so now they
want to silence opposing viewpoints altogether.
They are undoing minority rights that have been a part of Congress
for over 100 years by taking away debate on the motion to recommit,
something that, while in the minority, now-Speaker Pelosi actually
equated to free speech. Obviously, now that she is in power, she wants
to take away that freedom of speech from us.
And when you think things can't get more radical around here, they
do. Now the Democrats' rules package takes out words like ``mother''
and ``father'' and ``brother'' and ``sister.'' In their quest to not
offend anyone, they are offending almost all of America.
If we are going to go down this path, I have some suggestions to be
added to this rules package. How about we add: Members who have a
relationship with a Chinese spy should be removed from the Intelligence
Committee. How about: Members should be punished if they leak
classified information and private information after they leave the
SCIF. How about: Members should be disciplined if they spread around
false Russian collusion information.
Of course, my Democrat colleagues would never dream of adding that.
Madam Speaker, I adamantly oppose this rules package.
{time} 1300
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the
gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Castor).
Ms. CASTOR of Florida. Madam Speaker, as we enter a new year,
Americans are urging us to come together and tackle our toughest
challenges, and that includes the costly climate crisis.
In the previous Congress, the House directed that a Select Committee
on the Climate Crisis develop a roadmap for America's clean energy
future. With a broad cross section of ideas and input, the committee
developed a majority staff report that was a detailed roadmap for
action. It was called the Solving the Climate Crisis plan. It has been
described as the most well-thought-out plan for addressing climate
change that has ever been part of U.S. politics, an extraordinary
synthesis of expertise from social and scientific fields.
[[Page H28]]
Some of our recommendations have already been adopted into law
through bipartisan legislation, but we have much more work to do. This
excellent rules package will allow us to continue our work in the 117th
Congress.
Our bipartisan committee intends to advance clean energy solutions
that unleash American innovation, promote environmental justice, and
create good family-sustaining jobs in all communities across the
country.
I urge Members to support the rules package, and I thank Speaker
Pelosi, Chairman McGovern, and the Committee on Rules for their work
and for their vision.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Washington (Mr. Newhouse), my very good friend and a former member of
the Committee on Rules.
Mr. NEWHOUSE. Madam Speaker, the Democrats' proposed changes to the
House rules will disenfranchise rural America, plain and simple.
In addition to throwing out budget rules to make way for socialist
packages like the Green New Deal, Democrats are gutting the motion to
recommit, which is an important tool for the minority to make
substantive amendments to legislation.
Past Republican motions to recommit have included things such as
restoring funding for critical rural broadband programs or allowing for
effective wildfire mitigation and increased funding for hazardous fuel
reduction in our Nation's forests, also, an MTR to protect our farmers
and agricultural employers from being sued out of businesses.
Eliminating this opportunity to amend legislation further diminishes
the voices of rural communities, and, frankly, Madam Speaker, it is a
slap in the face to rural Americans. It is clear Speaker Pelosi's
Democratic majority, albeit a heck of a lot slimmer than it once was,
is threatened by our reinvigorated Republican Conference.
Rural Americans deserve better.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I thank the distinguished chair and
all of those who opened up their thoughts to this very important
process. I participated through the Progressive Caucus, and I am very
grateful for the work that included all Members.
I believe in democracy; I believe in the rights of the minority; but
I want to applaud this rules package in particular because, as a member
of the Committee on the Judiciary, I think extremely important is the
language to protect whistleblowers.
The responsibility of Congress is oversight, and even though this was
not in the congressional wheelhouse, it was shameful what happened to
Lieutenant Colonel Vindman, a United States Army leader, if you will,
who thought it was his patriotic duty simply to tell the truth.
What happened to him as a whistleblower in the executive? He was
fired.
What happened to his brother, twin brother? No longer there. No one
protected them.
I want to applaud a Committee on Rules package that protects but, as
well, a Committee on Rules package that also deals with diversity,
gender, and puts America's business first.
Vote for this package.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Smith), my very good friend and ranking
Republican member of the Committee on the Budget.
Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from
Oklahoma for yielding.
Madam Speaker, on only day two of the 117th Congress, House Democrats
are already attempting to strip Americans of the transparency that they
deserve in order to push through an expensive progressive wish list.
The House rules package includes three main provisions that will
allow Democrats to hide their plans to irresponsibly spend taxpayer
dollars in an effort to satisfy their liberal base: a deeming
resolution, signaling they do not plan on doing a budget; two, new,
broad exemptions to budget rules, such as paygo, to allow passage of
socialist policies with large price tags; and, three, they want the
repeal of a House rule prohibiting reconciliation from increasing net
direct spending, making it easier to advance a costly radical agenda.
It has been 733 days since Democrats took control of the House of
Representatives, and they have yet to produce one single budget. These
rules will continue to let Democrats shirk their duty to write and pass
a budget.
Don't forget, Speaker Pelosi is the one who stated the budget is a
statement of values. I couldn't agree more. I must ask: Have Democrats
not done a budget because they know revealing their true plans, their
true colors, will let the American people know how unpopular their
ideas are?
The people deserve to know, and they deserve a transparent budget to
know how House Democrats plan to spend their hard-earned tax dollars
and how Democrats want to increase their taxes.
Furthermore, by weakening fiscal restraint rules, Democrats clearly
intend to drastically increase the size of the Federal Government. This
will only continue to drive up the unsustainable Federal debt while
decreasing Americans' liberties and freedoms.
Specifically, it includes a budgetary exemption for measures to
prevent, prepare, or respond to economic, environmental, or public
health consequences resulting from climate change. This exemption is
irresponsible, since, arguably, it could apply to any radical,
progressive, out-of-touch legislation dreamed up next by House
Democrats. Clearly, this exemption was designed as a mechanism to ram
through socialist policies like the Green New Deal and other ideas
aimed at hurting American workers, families, and farmers.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield the gentleman an additional 30
seconds.
Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Madam Speaker, this past November, the voters
rejected a socialist agenda. If this rules package is any indication
for how Democrats plan to run the 117th Congress, I cannot wait for the
midterm elections. These rules allow Democrats to continue deceiving
the American people.
Madam Speaker, I oppose this Soviet-style rules package.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I don't even know where to begin.
Look, let me repeat, what we are doing is building in an exemption to
deal with two worldwide emergencies: one is the coronavirus pandemic,
which, unfortunately, this White House mismanaged terribly; the second
is to deal with the issue of the climate crisis, which everybody but a
few Members in this Chamber believe is a crisis.
Madam Speaker, I will remind the gentleman that he has voted for
exemptions when it comes to tax cuts for billionaires and corporations;
he has voted for exemptions when it comes to taking people's healthcare
away from them. So, obviously, we don't share the same values here, but
I am very proud of what is in this package.
Madam Speaker, I yield 1\1/4\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida
(Ms. Wasserman Schultz).
Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ. Madam Speaker, I find the protestations of our
friends on the other side of the aisle rich, when 2 days from now they
plan to actually vote in favor of overturning the results of an
election that their party's nominee lost. So, please, spare us the
protestations about the undemocratic process that you are opposing
here.
Further, I rise to urge adoption of the rules package for the 117th
Congress. This package includes innovative proposals to modernize the
House and facilitate good policymaking.
It will establish the Select Committee on Economic Disparity and
Fairness in Growth, which will work to combat income inequality and,
critically, require committees to address inequities in marginalized
communities.
I recently proposed the creation of an advisory panel on equity and
justice in Federal spending, so I am pleased that this package
recognizes the need to dismantle the effects of systemic racism and
creates a process to address intractable inequities.
As a longtime proponent of diversity in hiring, I am glad we are
making the Office of Diversity and Inclusion permanent.
I am also pleased that the rules exempt climate legislation from
budgetary restrictions, clearing the way for
[[Page H29]]
ambitious Federal investments to combat climate change. As an
appropriator, I am eager to deploy the power of the Appropriations
Committee to fight climate change and work toward environmental
justice.
Finally, I applaud the inclusion of gender-neutral language.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the
gentlewoman from Florida.
Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ. Madam Speaker, finally, I applaud the
inclusion of gender-neutral language that embraces all gender
identities and reflects that this Chamber is not just a man's world
anymore.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished new
Member from the great State of Texas (Ms. Van Duyne), who will be
making her first address on the House floor.
Ms. VAN DUYNE. Madam Speaker, I rise today in opposition to H. Res.
8.
I came to Congress expecting to engage in vigorous debate with my
colleagues to ensure legislation was passed in its best form. I am
ready to legislate with Members on both sides of the aisle, but the
majority is not interested in bipartisan legislating or even permitting
the free expression of ideas. Instead, because Republicans made
historic gains in the House, Democrats are changing the rules to limit
their own Members from defecting.
Since the very first Congress, the motion to recommit has protected
the rights of the minority, both Republican and Democrat alike.
The majority would overturn a century's worth of precedent by
eliminating the motion to recommit and also pave the way for reckless
spending by forgoing critical pay-as-you-go requirements to fund costly
socialist policies.
Finally, and most ridiculous of all, Democrats are banning terms like
``mother,'' ``father,'' ``daughter,'' and ``son'' from the House rules.
With so many tasks and obligations the American people expect us to
undertake, this proposal demonstrates Democrats' true intentions, which
is to advance radical liberal policies that have no meaningful impact
on the American public.
Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to oppose this resolution.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
If we defeat the previous question, Madam Speaker, I will offer an
amendment to the rule to immediately amend the rules package to strike
the complete gutting of the MTR. My amendment will restore this sacred
right to the minority to offer a final amendment to the bill.
Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of my
amendment in the Record, along with extraneous material, immediately
prior to the vote on the previous question.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Oklahoma?
There was no objection.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
California (Mr. McCarthy), the distinguished Republican leader, to
discuss this critical amendment in more detail.
Mr. McCARTHY. Madam Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, we
can amend the rule to save the right of every American to be heard on
the floor of Congress.
Madam Speaker, a tenet of socialism is to silence all opposition. The
right to speak your mind and question your leaders are often the first
casualties of socialist governments throughout history; not far behind
are other important freedoms, including the right to defend yourself
and the right to earn a living, which are impossible to protect without
the freedom of speech.
Our Constitution lists the freedom of speech as its very first
freedom, and for our Founding Fathers, the reason was self-evident, as
Benjamin Franklin once said: ``Without freedom of thought, there can be
no such thing as wisdom; and no such thing as public liberty, without
freedom of speech.''
The very first action of this majority is to take it away.
From the very beginning of this institution, we had the motion to
recommit to protect the minority. If you listen to Benjamin Franklin,
tell me how the 117th Congress can have any wisdom or any public
liberty or any freedom, because you deny us speech.
{time} 1315
Benjamin Franklin was right then, and he is right now. But I have
noticed the dangerous trend against free speech in recent years, a
trend that betrays everything our Founding Fathers lived, fought, and
died for.
It began in our schools on college campuses where our students are
taught the absurd notion that free speech is about privilege and power,
not open debate and rational deliberation.
Then it jumped to the mainstream media and social media giants who
used their power to protect their liberal friends and censor
conservatives, including during the last election and throughout the
pandemic.
Now, with today's vote, the same socialist ideas have found their way
onto the floor and into the rules of the U.S. House of Representatives,
which will shape every law this Chamber tries to make in the next 2
years, taking the same idea that the socialist governments have taken
before, the fear that you might lose based on an idea, so take their
voice away.
Whose voices are those? The constituents of millions of Americans.
These changes will stop American voices from being heard, primarily by
revoking the motion to recommit, the minority's longtime right to offer
the last amendment to legislation.
I see my good friend, the majority leader, across the aisle. He and I
have switched jobs before. I was the majority leader. For 8 years,
never once was it ever debated that we would deny the minority the
right to an amendment on a bill. Never once. I know the majority leader
will stand up later and say: Well, this has been changed time and time
again. Only by Democrats.
I know my friend is an institutionalist. I know he believes in this
body, but he cannot believe about taking this away.
Why would you want to? You cannot pass a motion to recommit on the
floor unless you have a majority of the people in the body to vote for
it. Are you so afraid that you can't hold people that you want to take
it away? Are your constituents better than somebody else's?
To again quote Ben Franklin, free speech is a necessary tool for
exposing and keeping in check narrow thoughts and narrow men. That is
what the MTR is all about. For our constituents, taking it away means
freedom of speech is silenced and good ideas are stifled.
While House Democrats have slowly chipped away at this right in the
past, today's vote truly represents the nuclear option. It will prove
once and for all who is truly an institutionalist in this body.
Is it no wonder that your majority is so thin that you try to take
away the MTR? Was the Speaker vote too close?
I can't imagine casting that vote as your very first action.
Additionally, these rules mirror the misplaced priorities of the last
Congress. Democrats' 45-page resolution strips all mention of the words
father, mother, son, daughter, brother, mother-in-law, daughter-in-law.
I am a proud father. I am an extremely proud son. But we are going to
strike them from the rules. First, we take your speech away. Then, we
take away what you can say.
Already, in their race to wokeness--I listened to your opening prayer
yesterday. They changed the word ``amen,'' which has nothing to do with
gender.
Today's vote is about more than organizing Congress. It is about the
American people's right to be heard by their government. This vote is
important. It might be the most important vote we take after the vote
for Speaker. It signals our priorities, our vision for the entire 2
years.
The fact that this is the Democrats' first course of action as a
majority in the new Congress speaks volumes to the lengths they will go
to silence the people's voice.
I almost thought it would be the opposite. I know what you thought
the day, the weeks, the months before the election. You wondered if you
would have enough seats in here for how big your majority would be. I
listened to the Speaker say she wasn't going to
[[Page H30]]
only win the majority; she was winning it for the next two or three
elections because they were going to gain so many seats. My dear friend
predicted a 15-seat gain by the Democrats. But that is not what the
American people told you.
I probably would have reversed and said: Oh, my gosh, if we are doing
everything that the American people do not want, maybe we should change
course. But you actually took the opposite approach.
Absolute power corrupts absolutely. Let's deny people to even say
more because they don't like what we are doing.
I have watched this happen in other parts of the world, but I never
thought, in the fundamental belief of the very first amendment of
America, of the very belief of this body where we debate, where the
voices of America are supposed to be heard, where an MTR has been
around from the very beginning of this Nation, of this body--but you
will be the individuals, you will be the slim majority, that took it
away. You will cast that vote. You will have the history written about
you.
The fact that this is your very first course of action, you are
setting the tone for the next 2 years. The political and moral stakes
are high, and the American people know it.
If censorship replaces open debate on this floor, serious
deliberation of the most important issues confronting our country will
become impossible. More importantly, Congress will continue to waste
time on unnecessary distractions that have nothing to do with the needs
of the American people. This damage will be immediate and long-lasting.
But Republicans will never give up our right to fully represent our
constituents' voices here in Washington. Democrats' small thinking may
limit how we can do what is right for our constituents, but it won't
stop us from doing what is needed. Maybe we need a little history in
modern history.
You had the ability to control this body for 40 years before
Republicans ever won in 1994. You had tried to shut it off now and then
based upon certain bills. The very first thing that Republicans did
when they had the chance to write the rules and be in the majority,
they guaranteed it for the minority--for you, when you were in the
minority. They were not afraid.
When we narrowed the majority, much to the same numbers we have
today, was it removed then because Republicans were in power? It was
not. It was guaranteed. My good friend was here during that time. The
Speaker served during that time.
When we, the Republicans, took the majority again and had it for 8
years, not only did we never touch it, we guaranteed it again. You have
been in power for 2 years. You lost seats based upon what you did on
this floor. Instead of changing course, you now deny people their
voice.
That is the history that will be written today. That is the legacy
you will live with. I will promise you this: Two years from today, when
you are no longer in the majority, we will correct the course of
history because we are not afraid of ideas. We believe it makes us
stronger. We know it makes this country stronger.
This choice will shape everything we do in the next 2 years and
beyond. We have big challenges. We are going to have to work together.
But if you deny us, you are going to have a hard time working with us.
Madam Speaker, you and I travel a lot back to our districts. We often
fly on the same planes. We see our constituents, and I see you listen
to them. I see you talk to them about issues. I have watched you work
across the aisle on some of the biggest issues, even when you were not
in the majority.
I want you to think one moment, Madam Speaker: What if those
constituents you talk to--and you say you will bring their voice to the
floor--what if you were going to be denied that? You never were denied
that when you were in the minority.
But I just ask every Member of this body, before you cast this vote,
you may think a tough vote goes away. Oh, no, it won't. I will make you
this promise: You have given me the passion to fight harder for my
constituents. You have given me the passion to find a better
opportunity for more of their voices to be heard. And you have given me
the passion to win back the majority so I can win back the voices on
this floor that they won't be denied. And they might not be my
constituents. They may be the voices of your constituents because it is
the right thing to do that has been here the entire time this body has
been here.
Madam Speaker, there are times we will disagree, but there are very
few times I have ever been this embarrassed of this body, the hypocrisy
of what I am about to see, the hypocrisy of what you think you will
defend, everybody in this body knows it is wrong. But you feel you can
grip power a little harder. You feel you can hold onto it a little
stronger.
I will tell you this: The power of free speech is so much stronger
than the power of somebody trying to grip and hold onto the majority.
Madam Speaker, I strongly urge defeat of the previous question.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will remind all Members, including
the minority leader, of the rules of decorum, which say that a Member,
Delegate, or Resident Commissioner who desires to speak or deliver a
matter to the House shall respectfully address the Speaker.
This Chair intends to enforce this rule. It is an important rule of
decorum. We are entering into some difficult days, and I will tell all
Members on both sides of the aisle: We will enforce the rules of
decorum of the House.
Remarks will be made to the Chair.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
I appreciate the admonition here, and I wish the distinguished
minority leader would have remained because he talked a lot about
debate, and then he gave a speech and ran off the floor.
But I would be careful, I would say to my friends on the other side
of the aisle, about using words like ``hypocrisy'' because I was here
when you were in the majority. You presided over the most closed
Congress in the history of our country, more closed rules than any
other Congress.
The motion to recommit, arguably, is a procedural motion, but when
you closed rule after rule after rule after rule, any substantive
amendment, you blocked. But my friends had no problem with that at the
time, and now, all of a sudden, they do.
Again, I would just say to the distinguished minority leader, who
keeps talking about mind control and people banning him from being able
to say that he is a father or a son, I don't know what he is talking
about. Please show me in the rules package where he can't say all of
those things. There is nothing--nothing--in the rules package.
I would just urge my colleagues--as I said at the beginning, I get
it. The White House is a fact-free zone, but we have to aspire to be
different. We can have our policy disagreements, but we shouldn't be
making things up. I mean, I would like to think we are better than
that, no matter how much we disagree on substantive issues.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will once again remind Members, if
you are referring to the person you are debating as ``you,'' chances
are you are violating the rule. All Members are asked to address all of
their remarks to the Chair.
{time} 1330
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), who is the majority leader.
Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, I will continue to address my remarks to
you notwithstanding the fact that you ruled against me just a little
while ago on a vote, which excited some.
I am an institutionalist. I believe in this body, I believe in
democracy, and for your information, I believe in the free enterprise
system.
Madam Speaker, I listened to the remarks of the minority leader. I
listened to the outrage that he expresses. I share the view of the
Rules Committee chairman that he was a principal leader in the most
closed Congress in which I have served, which was, of course, presided
over by my Republican colleagues. He talked about free speech. Nothing
in this rule undermines the free speech of any Member in this House--
nothing.
When they had closed rules, I didn't get up and say: You are muzzling
my speech.
You muzzled my ability to make legislation, but you did not muzzle my
[[Page H31]]
speech. The First Amendment is sacrosanct, hopefully for everybody in
this body. But I will tell you I have been in this body when Republican
Members, Madam Speaker, rose to their feet demanding that people do
something in the galleries.
Madam Speaker, I am going to show hypocrisy--not from me. The
gentleman, the chairman of the Rules Committee, Madam Speaker,
mentioned that the minority leader mentioned hypocrisy. I presume his
assertion was that somehow we were being hypocritical. I intend to
speak a little bit of time and I intend to show hypocrisy.
First of all, the gentleman is wrong in his facts. The motion to
recommit was taken from the British Parliament and was present at the
first Congress in 1789. Interestingly enough, the motion to recommit
was used to correct something that had not been included in the bill
and was considered a friendly amendment and remained that way for a
very, very long time.
In 1934, it was ruled that instructions in a motion which were
present from time to time was not necessary, and that is the way the
rule maintained essentially for the next 20 years--actually, excuse me,
60 years, until 1995.
The gentleman is correct. When the Republicans took office for the
first time in a very long time under the leadership of Newt Gingrich,
Madam Speaker, they changed the rule. They said that you have to have a
motion to instruct, as if they were giving us something, as if they
were giving us something. Remember that phrase because I am going to
show it meant nothing. It was an illusion. It was a pretense.
Madam Speaker, I am going to first go through, of 34 examples, about
10 of the examples of what our Republican friends, Madam Speaker, said
about the motion to recommit.
First of all, the minority leader--I read from the Wichita Eagle of
May 12, 2013: ``The political book on McCarthy is that he does a good
job at counting votes, of knowing where the 233 House of
Representatives Republicans are at any given time. He points out that
Republicans, unlike Democrats in a previous Congress, haven't lost
certain procedural votes''--procedural vote. Let me underline
procedural vote. Not substance of the First Amendment and not substance
of free speech. Procedural vote--``called a motion to recommit, that
are a test of floor control.''
That is what the minority leader was bragging about: floor control.
He was not in the minority at that point in time. He was in the
majority. I believe he was the whip.
A subsequent--or previous to the present minority leader, Eric Cantor
went on to amplify the Republican perspective on the motion to
recommit. Majority Leader Eric Cantor publicly went on the defensive
about an MTR, stating that the MTR was simply a gimmick. Eric Cantor,
the majority leader of the Republican Party in 2012.
Mr. Bishop, one of the ranking members, he is no longer here. He
left. He retired last year. Referring to an MTR, he said: ``Mr.
Speaker, this is a procedural motion.''
Madam Speaker, Mr. Bishop went on to say that it is just ``another
delay tactic.'' Just a delay tactic. He didn't say anything about the
First Amendment. He didn't say anything about substantive consequences
of the MTR. He said that it was a delaying tactic.
Referring to the MTR, Representative Conaway said: ``To come in here
now and pull this procedural trick. . . . When we are in the minority,
we do it.''
He is correct. When we are in the minority, we do it.
Madam Speaker, very frankly, I will tell you--and you can take my
words down for the future--if this never came back, ever, it wouldn't
bother me because it is a charade of substance. It is a pretense of
legislating.
Representative Goodlatte, who was then-chairman of the Judiciary
Committee, I believe, or at some subsequent point chairman of the
Judiciary Committee, said: ``This is simply a dilatory tactic. . . . `'
That is what the chairman of the Judiciary Committee--I am not sure
if he was at that point in time in 2015. I think he was.
Madam Speaker, a dilatory tactic is what the chairman of the
Judiciary Committee on the Republican side of the aisle called the MTR.
It ``seeks to distract from the urgent needs. . . . `'
Representative Lamborn said: ``Mr. Speaker, this motion to recommit
is a procedural motion. . . . `'
Madam Speaker, I am sorry the Chamber is not full. It can't be full.
I would have liked to speak to all the Members of the Congress, and
they can judge on the hypocrisy of the arguments that are being made.
This motion to recommit is a procedural motion designed to slow down
consideration of this important bill. It is purely, purely procedural.
Not a little bit procedural and a little bit substantive; it is
purely procedural.
Representative Olson, in 2019, referring to it, said: ``It fits a
pattern of delay and obstruction that we simply can't afford.''
Hypocrisy. He didn't say anything about its having to do with free
speech. A motion that we were offering as an MTR that we thought, like
you think--excuse me, Madam Speaker, as the Republicans think, is a
gotcha amendment. It is politics on both sides. It is not substantive
and it is not about free speech. It is about politics and gotcha. Yes,
I am an institutionalist and, yes, I think we ought to not be doing
gotcha in a nonsubstantive way.
Madam Speaker, obviously, we disagree on issues. And when we offer an
issue and they don't vote for it, we think that is politically helpful
to us because we think it is for the people. They do the same thing and
they think it is for the people. So no party is free of its gotcha
actions. Mine is not, nor is theirs.
Representative Upton, one of the institutionalists in this body,
former chairman of the Energy and Commerce Committee, Republican from
the State of Michigan, being kind, as Fred Upton is kind, said: ``I
appreciate the motion to recommit, and I would just say to all my
colleagues: Our side certainly views that as a procedural issue, not a
real amendment.''
Madam Speaker, I would say to the ladies and gentlemen of the
Congress: Who is hypocritical? Who is hypocritical when their Member, a
valued senior chairman of the Energy and Commerce Committee, says that
this is a procedural issue, not a real amendment?
My goodness gracious, the Rules Committee is taking away not a real
amendment.
Isn't that horrific?
How could they do that, Madam Speaker, when the Republicans say that
it is not a real issue, it is not substantive, it is a gimmick, and it
is a delaying and obstruction tactic?
Now, let me say that the Republicans uniformly vote against the MTR.
Mr. Woodall was a member of the Rules Committee. He is no longer
here. He is from the State of Georgia. Mr. Woodall said, after being
here for about 10 years of the motion to recommit, that he was told by
the leadership when he started in this body that it is a procedural
motion aimed to obstruct and delay, we always vote ``no.''
Now, let me tell you, Madam Speaker, what they always vote ``no'' on.
On April 7, 2011, an MTR was offered, a motion to recommit that would
ensure that our troops would get paid. The Republicans defeated that
motion overwhelmingly. Only one person on the Republican side voted for
it, Walter Jones. He is no longer in the Congress. He was pretty
iconoclastic when he was here, and he did what he darn well pleased
irrespective of the directions of the leadership who said: Always vote
``no'' on the MTR.
So what they are complaining about, Madam Speaker, is the preclusion
of doing something they always opposed. And, very frankly, when they
won those MTRs from time to time--very few--they then voted against the
bill. There was no substance.
A little while later, about a month later, the motion to recommit
that we offered ensured that our top priority in funding our
intelligence services is the campaign to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat
al-Qaida and affiliated organizations.
Raise your hand if you are opposed to that. Madam Speaker, not your
hand. But our colleagues ought to reflect on whether they are opposed
to that premise. Not a single Republican voted for that MTR--this
substantive assertion that our campaign and intelligence services ought
to be not disrupted in their fight against al-Qaida and affiliated
organizations.
[[Page H32]]
A short time later we offered another MTR. The motion to recommit
provides our troops with a $100 per month increase in combat pay.
As you sit in your chairs in this House, or you are watching these
proceedings on television, I want you to say to yourself: Am I against
$100 for our troops who are at risk?
{time} 1345
Because if you are, voting against the MTR was justified. Every
Republican save--except--one more time--Walter Jones, voted against
that amendment, that substantive amendment that we are stealing away
from them, which they say we never vote for.
Madam Speaker, if Mr. McCarthy were here, I would ask him: Have you
ever voted for an MTR?
I ask him rhetorically. Perhaps, at some point in time, he will tell
us. Maybe he was against the substance of all of these amendments that
I am speaking about.
In 2012, the following year, the motion to recommit would prohibit
the issuance of leases to any entity that is in violation of the Iran
Sanctions Act or the Syrian Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty
Restoration Act.
Madam Speaker, not a single Republican voted for that amendment. The
substantive amendment that they are so aggrieved--and by the way,
energizing their party to be more partisan than they ought to be doing.
We ought to all praise Don Young, the dean of the House. He served
here longer than anybody else. He said yesterday that we ought to come
together and reach out our hands to one another and make this place
work for the people.
Another motion to recommit would prohibit export of helium from the
Federal Helium Reserve to Iran, North Korea, and Syria.
Madam Speaker, not a single Republican voted for that MTR. Why?
Because it is procedural. It is a gimmick. It is obstructing. That is
what we are taking away that you are so aggrieved at.
Now, I have about 35 or 40 of these. The good news is, I am not going
to read them all. But in 2014, the motion to recommit would ensure that
the intelligence community continues to protect the United States--hear
me--from Chinese and other state-sponsored computer theft. I am sure
all of you will say, ``Well, I am against that. That is an awful thing
to do.'' But everyone on that side of the aisle in the Congress today
voted against that amendment. Our new Members didn't vote against it,
obviously, but people who were here, every Republican that was here,
voted ``no'' on protecting ourselves from the Chinese, the theft of our
computer technology.
Madam Speaker, the next year, 2015--and I am just taking a couple
from each year--the motion to recommit would deter terrorist
cyberattacks, homegrown terrorist attacks, and strengthen America's
cybersecurity by increasing prevention efforts to stop the recruitment
and travel of homegrown terrorists by ISIL, al-Qaida, and other
terrorist organizations.
Now, I know you are going to be shocked because you are probably
thinking, ``Oh, of course we voted for that.'' Not one. Not a single
Republican voted for that MTR.
So, this aggrieved rhetoric that we hear about taking something away,
the only thing being taken away is their gotcha opportunities and ours.
Now, in the majority, you don't have the motion to recommit. I get
that. But we may be in the minority at some point in time. Don't give
it back to us because it is a political game that undermines the
integrity of this institution, and it is covered as a gotcha game, for
the most part, by the press and media that knows what that is--a game.
Madam Speaker, in 2015, the motion to recommit would require the
Department of Homeland Security to prioritize protection and technical
assistance to stop cyberattacks on critical infrastructure, such as the
electric power grid and nuclear power plants.
By now, you know what I am going to say. Only one Republican voted
for that. It won't surprise you that it was Walter Jones because Walter
Jones really did treat it as a substantive piece of legislation.
But the party that is so aggrieved today instructs their Republican
freshmen and all of their Members: Vote ``no'' on the MTR.
Madam Speaker, I am available to yield to anybody who is going to
tell me that is not the truth. Nobody has propounded that question to
me.
In 2015, again, a month later, the motion to recommit would protect
troop pay, guaranteeing a pay increase of 2.3 percent for our
servicemembers and ensuring no lapse in troop pay in the event of a
government shutdown. And there was my friend, standing tall--Walter
Jones, alone but standing tall. Not a single other Republican voted for
that.
Just three left.
Madam Speaker, in 2017, I am bringing you up to date because this has
been a consistent pattern. This is not some ``one person said this; one
person said that.'' It is a consistent pattern of Republicans
dismissing the motion to recommit as not of substance, only a delay
tactic, a gimmick, if you will, according to Mr. Cantor.
The motion to recommit, in November 2017, to ensure rural communities
have adequate funding for educational services, conservation projects,
and fire prevention programs.
Madam Speaker, now, Walter Jones got a friend on this one, Rod Blum,
who is no longer here. And, tragically, Mr. Jones died too early. They
are not here, but they thought that was a good idea. No other
Republican thought that was a good idea.
In 2018, just 2 years ago, the motion to recommit would amend the
underlying bill to prohibit the Administrator of the Environmental
Protection Agency from chartering a private plane or flying any class
above coach. That was because a couple of Secretaries clearly did not
meet their responsibilities to the American taxpayer in the
expenditures of moneys in their Departments.
Again, Mr. Blum and Mr. Jones thought that was a good idea, but the
Republican leadership had instructed them, you will recall, according
to Mr. Woodall, to vote ``no'' because this is just a delaying tactic.
This is just a game. Vote ``no.'' It is procedural. It is not
substance.
Lastly--and people are now saying amen--the motion to recommit would
ensure, in this case, that we would: protect students and children from
a person who has been convicted of a sex offense against a
minor; secondly, prevent domestic violence; thirdly, prevent rape or
sexual assault; or four, require criminal background checks for schools
or other employment.
Rod Blum and Walter Jones stayed true to themselves and did not
follow the instruction: This is a game. This is an obstruction. This is
a gimmick. This is a way to delay and defeat.
Madam Speaker, I have taken some time to discuss this because I don't
like hypocrisy. I don't like wasting time. I don't like not respecting
one another and playing a gotcha game to see if you guys are afraid of
this amendment. And then when we adopt the amendment, if we adopt, a
very few--vote against the bill because, after all, it was just a
political game. We don't like the bill, no matter what you have in it.
Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this rule. Madam Speaker,
the people who are watching this debate may not have the knowledge that
all of us have. Almost invariably--almost invariably--this is a
partisan vote. The Republicans will vote against our rule, and we will
vote against their rule. And, invariably, we will find some problem
with it that we can rationalize our vote on.
Madam Speaker, I regret that we are starting this Congress--and I am
going to look at Mr. Ryan's speech. I am going to look at Mr. Hastert's
speech on the opening day. I am going to look at all the Speakers with
whom I have served and see what their comments were on the opening day.
I regretted the minority leader's opening statement. I regretted it
because, as Don Young said, we need to come together. We are at a
time of pandemic. We are at a time of economic distress. We ought to be
acting not for ourselves, not for our politics, but for our people.
Madam Speaker, I would urge every Member to vote for this rule. And
as they do so, be assured they are not denigrating or denying anybody's
free speech any more than the Republicans denied free speech in the
most closed Congress in our history just a few years ago.
[[Page H33]]
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished
gentleman from California (Mr. Obernolte), one of our new Members.
Mr. OBERNOLTE. Madam Speaker, although I share the concerns that have
been raised about the MTR, I would like to speak on an aspect of this
rules package that I find equally troubling, and that is the provision
that would upend nearly 30 years of House tradition in exempting any
legislation that can be tied in any way to either response to climate
change or response to the coronavirus crisis from the requirements of
paygo--in other words, the requirement that we consider how to pay for
solutions to these problems in addition to how we solve these problems.
Now, admittedly, climate change and coronavirus are serious issues,
but it would be irresponsible to, when debating these issues, not
consider their effects on the national debt and the budget deficit,
which are also very serious issues. In fact, the CBO says that for the
first time, last year, since World War II, our national debt exceeded
100 percent of our gross domestic product.
To fail to consider solutions that we debate in this Chamber, the
effects of those solutions on those also serious problems, would be an
abdication of our responsibility to our constituents. I urge a ``no''
vote.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Roy), my very good friend.
Mr. ROY. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Oklahoma.
Madam Speaker, I rise to say that we had this great speech by the
leader of the Democrat Party about debates and about what we should do
in debating on this floor. When will we debate? That is the question.
When will we actually debate?
The leader made good points about previous rules, about closed
debate. We haven't had an open debate on an amendment on this floor
since May 2016, where I can come down as a Republican Member or as a
Democratic Member and offer an amendment.
We have no debates on amendments anymore, Mr. Leader. You know this
is true. You have been here. You have seen the change in this body. And
I would just suggest--that I address my remarks to the Chair--I would
just suggest that we should have debate. That is what we are here to
do.
Madam Speaker, I reject this rules package. I have problems with it
for the reasons my colleagues already articulated, but I think we
should engage in colloquy. Let's actually have a debate about setting
up rules so this body is filled with Members offering amendments and
doing what the people want us to do. This rules package, respectfully,
does not do that.
{time} 1400
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Arkansas (Mr. Westerman), my very good friend and the distinguished
ranking member of the Natural Resources Committee.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, let me be very clear: This rules
package is horrible. It is a progressive affront to America.
The rules package continues proxy voting and remote hearing measures,
even though Members of Congress and staff now have access to the COVID-
19 vaccine. If Congress can be first in line for the vaccine, then we
must be first to go back to work.
Exactly how far Democrats intend to take their attack on free speech
is unclear, but look no further than the extremism in the opening
prayer yesterday that concluded with ``amen, and a woman,'' which,
quite simply, is illiterate and has nothing to do with gender.
This package paves the way for Democrats to spend unlimited dollars
to promote a climate agenda that will harm rural America and our
economy while doing nothing to create a cleaner, safer, and healthier
environment. Republicans want a better environment and economy, and
this rules package will facilitate harm to both.
I urge all of my colleagues, Republican and Democrat, to vote against
this resolution. We can do better than neglecting our responsibility to
show up in person.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 15 seconds to the
gentleman.
Mr. WESTERMAN. Madam Speaker, we can do better than wasting taxpayer
money on idealistic, political environmentalism.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, let me just refer the gentleman to the
Office of the Attending Physician to get the most up-to-date medical
guidance.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Posey).
Mr. POSEY. Madam Speaker, in addition to all of the evils of the new
rules package, as you have already heard, eliminating the comparative
print requirement is the single biggest damage you can do to
transparency and accountability in this House.
The comparative print requirement was a top priority of the
bipartisan Select Committee on the Modernization of Congress, a number
one, top priority of the bipartisan committee. Every State in the
country that I know of uses comparative print. It shows you clearly
what language in the bill actually changes the law. States can do it,
but this great U.S. House of Representatives just can't seem to do it.
It is an absolutely shameful thing, and I urge Members of the House
to oppose this horrible rules package that destroys transparency and
accountability.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I am prepared to close, and I reserve
the balance of my time.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
In closing, I want to urge all of my colleagues to vote ``no'' on
this rules package. The majority's proposed package will only continue
the ongoing assault on minority voices.
The changes in this package completely gut the MTR. With all due
respect to my friends, we disagree on that. I am sorry you have a hard
time handling it or getting your Members to where you want them to go,
but the fact is, eight times in the last Congress, Democrats joined
with Republicans in deciding that the Republican proposal improved the
bill. It is that simple.
We shouldn't be taking that away, particularly when the record, I
think, is so bad in the last Democratic Congress in granting amendment
opportunities to the minority.
I remind my friends, when we were in the majority, you got 45 percent
of all of the amendments made in order in the Rules Committee; the
Republicans got 38 percent; the remainder were bipartisan. Last time,
you got two-thirds of the amendments, we got 18 percent, and the
remainder were bipartisan.
When you are removing the MTR, on top of not giving us very many
amendments to begin with, we look on that as an effort to limit our
ability to participate openly and effectively in debate. This rules
package moves us in another direction.
I am sorry that the traditional rules of the House that have been
here over 100 years are inconvenient to the Democratic majority.
Sometimes it is good to be inconvenienced when you are in the majority.
You are limiting our ability to participate. Frankly, it will find
other outlets; it always does. I think that is a tragic mistake I think
that you will live to regret.
In addition to that, obviously, we disagree in the proposed rules
package with eliminating paygo in some critical areas. We think you
could drive a truck through those. It is a critical budgetary tool, and
we do think it will be missed, and its absence will be used to pave the
way for the Green New Deal.
In addition, the desire to continue to subpoena Presidents, Vice
Presidents, and White House staff that are no longer in office strikes
us as clearly an effort to just continue to harass the departing
administration. I regret that. I think you will, too. I think people
want us to look forward, not backward.
So we don't see much use in that, nor do we see the automatic ability
to resubmit subpoenas from the last Congress as a good thing. Again, it
is looking in the rearview mirror.
[[Page H34]]
Madam Speaker, I urge rejection of the package, and I yield back the
balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
I think this is a good rules package. As I said at the beginning, it
reflects consultation with Democrats and Republicans; almost every
caucus that you can think of was consulted on this. I think the end
product is a quality product.
I am particularly proud of the ethics reforms banning Members who
have been convicted of corruption, protecting whistleblowers and making
sure that their identities can't be revealed.
I am proud of the creation of the Select Committee on Economic
Disparity and Fairness in Growth. One of the things this pandemic has
demonstrated is that there are great disparities in this country, and
those disparities existed even before the pandemic. We need to address
that issue.
In terms of the exemptions for paygo, I mean, we are talking about
two international, worldwide emergencies: the coronavirus pandemic and
the climate crisis. I think every country in the world has recognized
that they are emergencies, that we need to think big and boldly in how
we deal with these issues.
The unfortunate thing is we have had an administration that has not
handled the pandemic appropriately, and as we gather today, well over
350,000 people, fellow citizens, have perished.
Let me just say, also, Madam Speaker, that I was also inspired by the
remarks of our Republican colleague Don Young, yesterday, when he
talked about the need to work together. I was dismayed by the tone of
the minority leader's comments on the opening day. In all of my years
here, I have never heard anything quite so negative and combative.
But here is the deal: We need to figure out a way to work together to
get things done. You don't have to agree on everything to agree on
something. The something we agree on, we ought to move forward. We can
fight about the other stuff.
If we are going to get things done, facts have to matter.
I have got to be honest with you: In listening to the critiques of
this rules package, one of the things that I found particularly
disheartening was the distortions and, quite frankly, the falsehoods
with regard to getting our rules language to be more inclusive. I don't
understand why it was necessary for some to try to make things up. It
does not entice the kind of collaboration and the kind of cooperation
to get that something done.
I am a great fan of my ranking member, Mr. Cole. This will probably
get him in trouble, but I think he is one of the finest Members of this
institution. We work together very well in the Rules Committee,
notwithstanding some very, very difficult debates. But at the end of
the day, I know he cares deeply about this institution. I know people
like Don Young care about this institution, and there are good
Members on the other side who care about this institution.
We have a slim majority here. If we are going to get anything done,
if you are going to get anything done, we are going to have to find a
way to work things out. But we have to all agree that we want to get
things done.
So it is in that spirit that I hope that this rules package will
cultivate the kind of atmosphere in which we can get some important
things done. Whether it is on the climate crisis, whether it is on
economic disparity, whether it is fighting to end hunger in this
country, whether it is to make sure we can expand healthcare
protections for people, whether it is about justice and fairness in
this country, we have a lot of work to do.
I hope, with the new administration coming in, that maybe there will
be a different tone. Maybe it will be less combative. Maybe the
discussions will be based more on fact. I hope and I pray that that is
the case. But we have to come together, and we have to get things done
for the American people.
Ms. ESHOO. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of H. Res. 8, which
establishes House rules for the 117th Congress. This package contains
many strong reforms I support, including ones that prioritize ethics
and accountability, promote diversity and inclusion, and embrace
technology, including a provision I requested that expands machine-
readability of House documents.
On October 1, 2020, I testified at the Rules Committee about the need
for the House to continue the progress we've made in expanding what
legislative materials and House documents are available in machine-
readable formats. Today, bills and resolutions are posted to
congress.gov in a machine-readable format, however, materials for
markups are posted online as PDFs, and sometimes they are not even
searchable PDFs.
Why does this matter? If we receive amendments in the nature of a
substitute 24 hours before marking up lengthy bills, we cannot compare
amendments to original bills without manually reading documents line-
by-line or investing in expensive software. This is also prohibitive to
public interest groups, stakeholders, and members of the public that
wish to follow the legislative process. With machine-readable formats,
Members, staff, and any interested party can easily analyze amendments
and any other House document.
I'm pleased to see that Section 3(j) directs the Committee on House
Administration, the Clerk, and relevant House offices to take further
steps to publish House documents in machine-readable formats and
enabling staff to create comparative prints.
This is critical for Members wishing to analyze legislation before
us, but the move is just as important for the sake of public
transparency. Public interest groups that advocate for government
transparency have long called for all government documents to be
available in machine readable formats because it enables informed
analysis and engagement.
I thank Chairman McGovern for including my suggestion in the proposed
House rules package for the 117th Congress that we are considering
today, and I urge my colleagues to support the legislation.
Mr. BABIN. Madam Speaker, I rise today in my opposition to the
Democrats' Rules Package for the 117th Congress.
In the November 2020 House elections, many of the moderate voices in
the Democratic Caucus were ousted in favor of Conservative values.
Now free of moderate or reasonable voices, the shrill progressives
seized the opportunity to make their party even more radical--this
Rules package is proof.
They're attacking the First Amendment by changing our use of gender
specific pronouns--even ending prayers with ``Amen and Awomen''.
They're eliminating the minority's ability to amend legislation--
something Congress has allowed for more than 100 years--because they're
embarrassed when their own members publicly join Republicans to rein in
their laughable, tone-deaf policies.
These changes are not about fairness or good governance. They're
about saving their own members from tough votes and accountability.
I urge my colleagues to reject this.
The material previously referred to by Mr. Cole is as follows:
Amendment to House Resolution 8 Offered By Mr. Cole of Oklahoma
Strike Section 2(s).
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and
I move the previous question on the resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on ordering the previous
question.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 217,
nays 204, not voting 8, as follows:
[Roll No. 6]
YEAS--217
Adams
Aguilar
Allred
Auchincloss
Axne
Barragan
Bass
Beatty
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Bourdeaux
Bowman
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brown
Bush
Bustos
Butterfield
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carson
Cartwright
Case
Casten
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Craig
Crist
Crow
Cuellar
Davids (KS)
Davis, Danny K.
Dean
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Delgado
Demings
DeSaulnier
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Escobar
Eshoo
Espaillat
Evans
Fletcher
Foster
Frankel, Lois
Fudge
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Golden
Gomez
Gonzalez, Vicente
Gottheimer
Green, Al (TX)
Grijalva
Haaland
Harder (CA)
Hayes
Higgins (NY)
Himes
Horsford
Houlahan
Hoyer
Huffman
Jackson Lee
Jacobs (CA)
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (TX)
Jones
[[Page H35]]
Kahele
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Khanna
Kildee
Kilmer
Kim (NJ)
Kind
Kirkpatrick
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster
Lamb
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee (CA)
Lee (NV)
Leger Fernandez
Levin (CA)
Levin (MI)
Lieu
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Luria
Lynch
Malinowski
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Manning
Matsui
McBath
McCollum
McEachin
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Mfume
Moore (WI)
Morelle
Moulton
Mrvan
Murphy (FL)
Napolitano
Neal
Neguse
Newman
Norcross
O'Halleran
Ocasio-Cortez
Omar
Pallone
Panetta
Pappas
Pascrell
Payne
Perlmutter
Peters
Phillips
Pingree
Pocan
Porter
Pressley
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rice (NY)
Richmond
Ross
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan
Sanchez
Sarbanes
Scanlon
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schrier
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sewell
Sherman
Sherrill
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (WA)
Soto
Spanberger
Speier
Stanton
Stevens
Strickland
Suozzi
Swalwell
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres (NY)
Trahan
Trone
Underwood
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wexton
Wild
Williams (GA)
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NAYS--204
Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Bentz
Bergman
Bice (OK)
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (NC)
Boebert
Bost
Brady
Brooks
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burchett
Burgess
Calvert
Cammack
Carl
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Cawthorn
Chabot
Cheney
Cline
Cloud
Cole
Comer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Curtis
Davidson
Davis, Rodney
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Donalds
Duncan
Dunn
Emmer
Estes
Fallon
Feenstra
Fischbach
Fitzgerald
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franklin, C. Scott
Fulcher
Gaetz
Gallagher
Garbarino
Garcia (CA)
Gibbs
Gimenez
Gohmert
Gonzales, Tony
Gonzalez (OH)
Good (VA)
Gooden (TX)
Gosar
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Greene (GA)
Griffith
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Hagedorn
Harris
Harshbarger
Hartzler
Hern
Herrell
Herrera Beutler
Higgins (LA)
Hill
Hinson
Hollingsworth
Hudson
Huizenga
Issa
Jackson
Jacobs (NY)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson (SD)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Katko
Keller
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
Kim (CA)
Kinzinger
Kustoff
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Latta
LaTurner
Lesko
Long
Loudermilk
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Mace
Malliotakis
Mann
Massie
Mast
McCarthy
McCaul
McClain
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
Meijer
Meuser
Miller (IL)
Miller (WV)
Miller-Meeks
Moolenaar
Mooney
Moore (AL)
Moore (UT)
Mullin
Murphy (NC)
Nehls
Newhouse
Norman
Nunes
Obernolte
Owens
Palazzo
Palmer
Pence
Perry
Pfluger
Posey
Reed
Reschenthaler
Rice (SC)
Rodgers (WA)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rose
Rosendale
Rouzer
Roy
Rutherford
Scalise
Schweikert
Sessions
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smucker
Spartz
Stauber
Steel
Stefanik
Steil
Steube
Stewart
Stivers
Taylor
Thompson (PA)
Tiffany
Timmons
Turner
Upton
Van Drew
Van Duyne
Wagner
Walberg
Walorski
Waltz
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Williams (TX)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Wright
Young
Zeldin
NOT VOTING--8
Brownley
Clyde
Ferguson
Granger
Hice (GA)
Nadler
Raskin
Scott, Austin
{time} 1502
Mr. HUFFMAN changed his vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
So the previous question was ordered.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Motion to Commit
Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I have a motion to commit at the
desk.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Garcia of Illinois). The Clerk will
report the motion to commit.
The Clerk read as follows:
Mr. Smith of Missouri moves to commit the resolution (H.
Res. 8) to a select committee composed of the Majority Leader
and the Minority Leader with instructions to report it
forthwith back to the House with the following amendment:
Strike Section 3(v)(2).
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Without objection, the previous question is
ordered on the motion to commit.
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion to commit.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the noes appeared to have it.
Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and
nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 203,
nays 217, not voting 9, as follows:
[Roll No. 7]
YEAS--203
Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Bentz
Bergman
Bice (OK)
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (NC)
Boebert
Bost
Brady
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burchett
Burgess
Calvert
Cammack
Carl
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Cawthorn
Chabot
Cheney
Cline
Cloud
Cole
Comer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Curtis
Davidson
Davis, Rodney
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Donalds
Duncan
Dunn
Emmer
Estes
Fallon
Feenstra
Fischbach
Fitzgerald
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franklin, C. Scott
Fulcher
Gaetz
Gallagher
Garbarino
Garcia (CA)
Gibbs
Gimenez
Gohmert
Gonzales, Tony
Gonzalez (OH)
Good (VA)
Gooden (TX)
Gosar
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Greene (GA)
Griffith
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Hagedorn
Harris
Harshbarger
Hartzler
Hern
Herrell
Herrera Beutler
Higgins (LA)
Hill
Hinson
Hollingsworth
Hudson
Huizenga
Issa
Jackson
Jacobs (NY)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson (SD)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Katko
Keller
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
Kim (CA)
Kinzinger
Kustoff
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Latta
LaTurner
Lesko
Long
Loudermilk
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Mace
Malliotakis
Mann
Massie
Mast
McCarthy
McCaul
McClain
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
Meijer
Meuser
Miller (IL)
Miller (WV)
Miller-Meeks
Moolenaar
Mooney
Moore (AL)
Moore (UT)
Mullin
Murphy (NC)
Nehls
Newhouse
Norman
Nunes
Obernolte
Owens
Palazzo
Palmer
Pence
Perry
Pfluger
Posey
Reed
Reschenthaler
Rice (SC)
Rodgers (WA)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rose
Rosendale
Rouzer
Roy
Rutherford
Scalise
Schweikert
Sessions
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smucker
Spartz
Stauber
Steel
Stefanik
Steil
Steube
Stewart
Stivers
Taylor
Thompson (PA)
Tiffany
Timmons
Turner
Upton
Van Drew
Van Duyne
Wagner
Walberg
Walorski
Waltz
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Williams (TX)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Wright
Young
Zeldin
NAYS--217
Adams
Aguilar
Allred
Auchincloss
Axne
Barragan
Bass
Beatty
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Bourdeaux
Bowman
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brown
Bush
Bustos
Butterfield
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carson
Cartwright
Case
Casten
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Craig
Crist
Crow
Cuellar
Davids (KS)
Davis, Danny K.
Dean
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Delgado
Demings
DeSaulnier
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Escobar
Eshoo
Espaillat
Evans
Fletcher
Foster
Frankel, Lois
Fudge
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Golden
Gomez
Gonzalez, Vicente
Gottheimer
Green, Al (TX)
Grijalva
Haaland
Harder (CA)
Hayes
Higgins (NY)
Himes
Horsford
Houlahan
Hoyer
Huffman
Jackson Lee
Jacobs (CA)
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (TX)
Jones
Kahele
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Khanna
Kildee
Kilmer
Kim (NJ)
Kind
Kirkpatrick
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster
Lamb
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee (CA)
Lee (NV)
Leger Fernandez
Levin (CA)
Levin (MI)
Lieu
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Luria
Lynch
Malinowski
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Manning
Matsui
McBath
McCollum
McEachin
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Mfume
Moore (WI)
Morelle
Moulton
Mrvan
Murphy (FL)
Napolitano
Neal
Neguse
Newman
Norcross
O'Halleran
Ocasio-Cortez
Omar
Pallone
Panetta
Pappas
Pascrell
Payne
Perlmutter
Peters
Phillips
Pingree
Pocan
Porter
Pressley
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rice (NY)
Richmond
Ross
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan
Sanchez
Sarbanes
Scanlon
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
[[Page H36]]
Schrader
Schrier
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sewell
Sherman
Sherrill
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (WA)
Soto
Spanberger
Speier
Stanton
Stevens
Strickland
Suozzi
Swalwell
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres (NY)
Trahan
Trone
Underwood
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wexton
Wild
Williams (GA)
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--9
Brooks
Brownley
Clyde
Ferguson
Granger
Hice (GA)
Nadler
Raskin
Scott, Austin
{time} 1551
Ms. DeGETTE, Mr. CLEAVER, Ms. CASTOR of Florida, and Mrs. FLETCHER
changed their vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
Mr. BUCK, Ms. VAN DUYNE, Messrs. NEWHOUSE, GAETZ, ISSA, BILIRAKIS,
and CARTER of Texas changed their vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
So the motion to commit was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. DeGette). The question is on the
resolution.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. COLE. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 217,
nays 206, not voting 6, as follows:
[Roll No. 8]
YEAS--217
Adams
Aguilar
Allred
Auchincloss
Axne
Barragan
Bass
Beatty
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Bourdeaux
Bowman
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brown
Brownley
Bush
Bustos
Butterfield
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carson
Cartwright
Case
Casten
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Craig
Crist
Crow
Cuellar
Davids (KS)
Davis, Danny K.
Dean
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Delgado
Demings
DeSaulnier
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Escobar
Eshoo
Espaillat
Evans
Fletcher
Foster
Frankel, Lois
Fudge
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Golden
Gomez
Gonzalez, Vicente
Gottheimer
Green, Al (TX)
Grijalva
Haaland
Harder (CA)
Hayes
Higgins (NY)
Himes
Horsford
Houlahan
Hoyer
Huffman
Jackson Lee
Jacobs (CA)
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (TX)
Jones
Kahele
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Khanna
Kildee
Kilmer
Kim (NJ)
Kind
Kirkpatrick
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster
Lamb
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee (CA)
Lee (NV)
Leger Fernandez
Levin (CA)
Levin (MI)
Lieu
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Luria
Lynch
Malinowski
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Manning
Matsui
McBath
McCollum
McEachin
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Mfume
Moore (WI)
Morelle
Moulton
Mrvan
Murphy (FL)
Napolitano
Neal
Neguse
Newman
Norcross
O'Halleran
Ocasio-Cortez
Omar
Pallone
Panetta
Pappas
Pascrell
Payne
Perlmutter
Peters
Phillips
Pingree
Pocan
Porter
Pressley
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rice (NY)
Richmond
Ross
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan
Sarbanes
Scanlon
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schrier
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sewell
Sherman
Sherrill
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (WA)
Soto
Spanberger
Speier
Stanton
Stevens
Strickland
Suozzi
Swalwell
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres (NY)
Trahan
Trone
Underwood
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wexton
Wild
Williams (GA)
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NAYS--206
Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Bentz
Bergman
Bice (OK)
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (NC)
Boebert
Bost
Brady
Brooks
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burchett
Burgess
Calvert
Cammack
Carl
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Cawthorn
Chabot
Cheney
Cline
Cloud
Cole
Comer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Curtis
Davidson
Davis, Rodney
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Donalds
Duncan
Dunn
Emmer
Estes
Fallon
Feenstra
Ferguson
Fischbach
Fitzgerald
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franklin, C. Scott
Fulcher
Gaetz
Gallagher
Garbarino
Garcia (CA)
Gibbs
Gimenez
Gohmert
Gonzales, Tony
Gonzalez (OH)
Good (VA)
Gooden (TX)
Gosar
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Greene (GA)
Griffith
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Hagedorn
Harris
Harshbarger
Hartzler
Hern
Herrell
Herrera Beutler
Higgins (LA)
Hill
Hinson
Hollingsworth
Hudson
Huizenga
Issa
Jackson
Jacobs (NY)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson (SD)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Katko
Keller
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
Kim (CA)
Kinzinger
Kustoff
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Latta
LaTurner
Lesko
Long
Loudermilk
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Mace
Malliotakis
Mann
Massie
Mast
McCarthy
McCaul
McClain
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
Meijer
Meuser
Miller (IL)
Miller (WV)
Miller-Meeks
Moolenaar
Mooney
Moore (AL)
Moore (UT)
Mullin
Murphy (NC)
Nehls
Newhouse
Norman
Nunes
Obernolte
Owens
Palazzo
Palmer
Pence
Perry
Pfluger
Posey
Reed
Reschenthaler
Rice (SC)
Rodgers (WA)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rose
Rosendale
Rouzer
Roy
Rutherford
Scalise
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sessions
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smucker
Spartz
Stauber
Steel
Stefanik
Steil
Steube
Stewart
Stivers
Taylor
Thompson (PA)
Tiffany
Timmons
Turner
Upton
Van Drew
Van Duyne
Wagner
Walberg
Walorski
Waltz
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Williams (TX)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Wright
Young
Zeldin
NOT VOTING--6
Clyde
Granger
Hice (GA)
Nadler
Raskin
Sanchez
{time} 1649
Mr. PALAZZO changed his vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
So the resolution was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
personal explanation
Ms. GRANGER. Madam Speaker, I missed votes due to circumstances
beyond my control. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay'' on
roll call No. 6, ``yea'' on rollcall No. 7, and ``nay'' on rollcall No.
8.
____________________