[Congressional Record Volume 166, Number 213 (Wednesday, December 16, 2020)]
[Senate]
[Pages S7530-S7533]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Western Sahara and Abraham Accords
Mr. INHOFE. Mr. President, 6 days ago, on the 10th, I came down to
the floor after having discovered something that happened. I think it
really was not intentional the way it happened, but I would like to
share that with you and share the frustration that I have.
There is a situation that is taking place and has taken place for 30-
some years in Western Sahara. This is an area where after a colonial
period, the different colonies in there were attached to other
countries. In the case of Western Sahara, that actually had been
attached to Spain. It was called Spanish Sahara at that time. This was
way back in pre-1966. One of the many good things that President Trump
has done is that he has put together this program called the Abraham
accords, and that is bringing the Arab population and the Jewish
population in the Middle East together. This is something that
Presidents have tried to do for a long period of time--both Democrat
and Republican, not successful. And this has become successful because
the thing that was announced just 6 days ago was that Morocco was going
to salvage a relationship with Israel.
[[Page S7531]]
I don't know how many or what kind of detail went into that, but,
inadvertently, I think, they agreed to something that Morocco has been
trying to do for a long period of time, and that is, to have the United
States recognize that they have rights to the land that is known as
Western Sahara.
Now, as for Western Sahara, back after the colonial days, they
started getting their independence in various parts of that world. They
had been attached to Spain at that time. Well, anyway, what the
President did--and I say I think this was inadvertently done--was to
give Morocco claims to the land that rightly belongs to the Western
Saharans.
Now, I think that he could have secured the agreement with Morocco
without giving away and reversing 45 years of our longstanding foreign
policy.
Now, I have to confess that when I came down to the floor last week,
I was feeling shocked and deeply saddened by the announcement. The news
about the United States recognizing Morocco's claim over Western Sahara
took me by surprise because I had been involved in that issue for a
long period of time. And we have had a policy in the United States
since pre-1966 that we firmly supported the rights of the Saharans--the
Western Sahara people--to their own land that was taken unfairly from
them.
Now, this came as a surprise to me, and I came down to the floor.
That was 6 days ago. And I want to tell you what has happened since
that time, just to refresh the memory of those individuals.
There are a lot of people out there who are concerned about this.
Remember what happened historically and kind of a chronology of what
happened in Western Sahara. First of all, in 1966, the United Nations
General Assembly resolution agreed that a resolution of self-
determination should be held, and that is, to allow the United Nations
endorsing the idea that a resolution of self-determination be made for
the population of Western Sahara. That was 1966, and we are in full
agreement with that here in the United States.
Then, because of the fact that Morocco was trying to claim some
ownership of the land that belonged to the people of Western Sahara, in
1975 the International Court of Justice denied Morocco the right to
territory of Western Sahara. Now, this was the International Court of
Justice. That is supposed to be a final thing.
And Morocco then invaded Western Sahara. Now, keep in mind that you
have Morocco--a very, very wealthy country with all kinds of
resources--taking on a group of people who had been sent out of their
homes, out and living in the bush. I have been there several times. The
conditions are just not livable conditions. And then, of course, they
were invaded by Morocco as a result of the International Court of
Justice decision.
Then, in 1991, the U.N. ceasefire mission began to provide a
referendum of self-determination. So that is the United Nations coming
in again and saying that they need to have the right of self-
determination. That is something that was restated over and over again.
Well, that was a ceasefire in 1991 that was supposed to stop all kinds
of brutality and the bad things that were going on in that part of the
world.
I became very close, many years ago, with James Baker. James Baker,
back during the Bush 1 administration, was Secretary of State, and he
was Secretary of Treasury, and he took this on, back during the first
Bush administration, as a personal thing. He went and became familiar
with this and tried to put together a special envoy to Western Sahara
and worked at it for a long period of time. James Baker is still around
and still committed.
I remember when I called James Baker--this was several years ago--and
I said: I have been watching what you did--what you tried to do--in
Western Sahara to free these people up, and I just want you to know
that I have been there, I have seen it, and I agree with you, and I
want to get your advice as to how we can best make this happen. All we
want is a referendum of self-determination so people can decide for
themselves what they want their land to be a part of.
So James Baker responded to me, and he said: That was one of the very
few failures that we had during that administration.
He said: I was Secretary of State, and I worked hard on it and did
everything I could, and I feel sorry. I wish you the best of luck.
Well, then, in 2004, the United States and Morocco signed a free-
trade agreement. This is interesting because we signed the free-trade
agreement with Morocco, and the agreement explicitly--explicitly--
excluded Western Sahara because Morocco does not have sovereignty over
it. So they agreed. They signed the same thing that we signed saying
that that land did not belong to Morocco, and it was specifically
agreed that it be excluded. That was the United States and Morocco way
back in 2004.
So you have, in 1966, the United Nations making that declaration. In
1975, the International Court of Justice denied the right of the
territory to Morocco; 1991, the ceasefire; 1997; then again, in 2004,
the United States and Morocco signing a free-trade agreement--which all
of this was agreed to.
So this isn't news for me. I have been involved in this issue for
decades, as well, and I have visited the refugee camps in that area.
About 10 years ago, I met with Aminatou Haidar. It was someone who
would become well recognized and some of the abuses that had been
taking place for a long time. She was here in Washington and came to my
office. She is from that area, and she was here to accept an award from
the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Human Rights for her work on behalf of
her people in Western Sahara. I remember her so well.
She had been arrested by Morocco for demonstrating peacefully in
Western Sahara. She was in prison for 4 years. She was blindfolded the
entire time for 4 years, and she was tortured and treated terribly, and
she lost her eyesight as a result of that. And all that was for
peacefully protesting on behalf of her homeland.
But it didn't stop her work. She kept fighting for her people, even
facing arrest again. Additionally, 15 years ago, I did something that
is kind of unusual here in Washington. People don't realize this--that
Members of the House and the Senate don't always testify before the
other body. And 15 years ago, they were having a hearing in the House
on international affairs, and I asked if I could be a witness. So I
went there and testified, and I gave the history that is similar to
what I just stated--the history of what has been going on there--and
why the referendum for self-determination was so necessary.
But I also called out a hidden part of this, and that is the
lobbyists. You know, it seems like every time someone has a cause that
is unjust, they go and hire all the lobbyists in Washington. We are
having that right now with an organization in another subject area. But
at that time, that was 2005, and at that time, the following lobbyists
had been hired by Morocco: the Livingston Group, Tew Cardenas, Edelman
public relations, Miller & Chevalier, Gabriel and company, Robert
Holley, and Whiton Case. Those are seven lobbyists that were hired by
Morocco.
And now, that hasn't changed. Today, right now, they are represented
by JPC Strategies, Third Circle, and Neale Creek, and average over $1
million each year.
So all these lobbyists in Washington have been hired by Morocco. And
whom do the Western Saharans have to lift up their voices? They have no
one--no one at all.
So, given my personal history, you can forgive me for being shocked
and deeply saddened at having their future so harshly stolen from them
after they spent three generations waiting for the promise of a
referendum for self-determination.
I have to say this. I am quite sure that our President was not even
aware of that. He is doing the right thing in terms of the accords that
we are doing in that part of the world, bringing the Arabs and the Jews
together. It is a good thing. But this is an issue that should never
have come up or been a part of it, and I am quite sure that he was not
aware of this.
So now, seeing the reactions around the world, it is clear that there
is kind of a silver lining. I look at this as an opportunity. It is an
issue that people are worn out on. We tried and tried and tried
everything we could think of. And just from my coming to the floor 6
[[Page S7532]]
days ago, all these things have happened since that time. People have a
new hope.
And remember, the conflict in Western Sahara is what we used to call
a frozen, forgotten conflict. That has a finality to it. There is
something about a ``frozen conflict,'' you know--that nothing more is
going to happen. They called it a frozen conflict and made it easy for
the rest of the world to let the status quo continue, leaving the
Western Saharan people in limbo, waiting for a referendum that had been
promised way back in 1966.
The forgotten conflict allowed Morocco to continue encroaching and
getting away with human rights abuses like the one I just described--
torturing that young lady for 4 years, causing her to go blind. So
those were the unintended consequences of this arrangement that was
made with Morocco.
So it has never been so clear to the international community. I have
never seen the international community so united. Everybody is on our
side on this thing--the side that we have had and will return to for
some 30 years. The African Union said--this is just since the last 6
days: ``The position of the African Union remains unchanged, in
conformity with relevant AU''--that is the African Union--``and United
Nations resolutions.''
On the United Nations: ``The United Nations said Thursday its
position was `unchanged' on the disputed Western Sahara region after
the United States recognized Morocco's sovereignty there.''
That is the United Nations coming back again.
In a news article, the European Union indicated last Thursday that
``the status of Western Sahara has not been determined and must be
negotiated in a process led by the United Nations, after the President
of the United States, Donald Trump, has recognized the Moroccan
sovereignty.''
So the European Union is in full agreement with what we are about to
try to do again.
The United Kingdom said: ``Our position on the status of Western
Sahara remains unchanged.''
It didn't change them a bit what we did here in the United States.
Algeria. Algeria is right next door. I meant to bring a map down here
to familiarize everyone with the area that we are talking about.
Algeria said: ``The conflict of Western Sahara is a question of
decolonization which can only be resolved through the application of
the international law and the well-established charter of the United
Nations and the African Union in this matter, which provides for the
authentic exercise by the Sahrawi people of their inalienable right to
self-determination and independence.''
That is Algeria. And, by the way, every one of the 52 nations in
Africa is in full agreement with what we are talking about right now.
And James Baker hasn't gone away. This is way back in the first Bush
administration. He was Secretary of State. This is his statement just
the other day--yesterday, it was. He said:
While I strongly support the Abraham Accords, the proper
way to implement them was the way it was done with the UAE,
Bahrain and Sudan, and not by cynically trading off the self-
determination rights of the people of Western Sahara. I agree
with Senator James Inhofe--
That is me--
when he characterized this development as ``shocking and
deeply disappointing.'' It would appear that the United
States of America, which was founded first and foremost on
the principle of self-determination, has walked away from
that principle regarding the people of Western Sahara. This
is very regrettable.
That is James Baker.
Even more, these are other opinions. These are opinion pieces. This
came out, and I just read them this morning.
David Keene--we all remember David Keene. He was with the Washington
Times. He was with the American Conservative Union and with the NRA.
His quote was this:
The United States has sometimes quite properly, given our
interests, stayed out of controversies like this, but one is
hard pressed to find another situation in which we have
virtually announced that justice doesn't matter and that
those like the Western Saharans who have sought their rights
peacefully rather than [by way] . . . [of] terrorism and . .
. [guns] are fools.
John Bolton, in Foreign Policy, said:
[T]he Polisario is at a crucial juncture. It would be fully
justified if it chooses to return to the battlefield, but
much depends on the positions of Algeria, Mauritania and
others--and what resources are available.
Now, that gets back to the question of resources. We have unlimited
resources by the very wealthy nation--one of the wealthiest nations in
the world, Morocco.
Stephen Zunes--I got to know him a long time ago. He is a scholar
with the University of San Francisco. He specializes in this area. This
is his quote just in the last 2 days:
Morocco's claim on Western Sahara is rejected by the United
Nations, the World Court, the African Union and a broad
consensus of international legal scholars that consider the
region a non-self-governing territory that must be allowed an
act of self-determination. This is why no country had
formally recognized Morocco's takeover--until now.
This is still Stephen Zunes. He said: ``Human Rights Watch, Amnesty
International and other reputable human rights groups have documented
widespread suppression of peaceful, pro-independence activists by
Moroccan occupation forces, including torture, beatings, detention
without trial and extrajudicial killings.
Still quoting the scholar, Stephen Zunes: ``Since the Polisario''--
Polisario, of course, are those fighting for their freedom and for
their reclamation. ``Since the Polisario proclaimed the establishment
of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic in 1976, 84 countries have
recognized Western Sahara as an independent state.''
Everybody agrees with this. It is one of the few things in foreign
policy where there is no opposition. They all agree with that self-
determination for the Western Sahara people.
I am so saddened by the betrayal toward the people of Western Sahara
for unilaterally recognizing Morocco's claim. Yet I am seeing the
unexpected results from the proclamation.
If highlighting the injustice of these people pushes the rest of the
world to finally get them the referendum they deserve, it may be worth
it, and that is what I am seeing right now. I remember so well--it has
now been some three or four generations of Western Saharans and the
little kids you see in the camps, in the refugee camps, living under
conditions that we can't even imagine in this country, but they are
happy little kids. They carry around a sign. I don't have the
pronunciation in their language, but it says: ``We will fight till we
get back our homes.'' These are little kids. They all know--the fourth
generation of those who have been abandoned.
So I remember--and I called, and I found out--what was the year? Was
it 2007? Yes, in 2007, Mark Powers and I--he has been with me on a lot
of things in Africa that we have been interested in. He and I met with
all of the elected leaders of the Western Saharans in a room that is
out in the desert. We actually heard all their stories. They are all
Muslims out there, and we all prayed together. We prayed to the Lord
for mercy in this case. And I think that maybe it is closer than we
thought it was.
That is what is happening right now. It is something that--we have to
move back to our original position that we have held since 1966 in
supporting people--the right for a referendum of self-determination.
With that, I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered
Johnny Isakson and David P. Roe, M.D. Veterans Health Care and Benefits
Improvement Act of 2020
Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, tonight I am pleased to speak as the
chairman of the Senate Committee on Veterans' Affairs on the work we
have accomplished with our colleagues in the House to deliver today
meaningful benefits and reforms for our Nation's veterans and to
recognize the decades of service of two of our departing colleagues who
are dedicated to the well-being of our veterans.
Today the House passed the Johnny Isakson and David P. Roe, M.D.
Veterans Health Care and Benefits Improvement Act of 2020. This
legislation is the culmination of more than 2 years
[[Page S7533]]
of bipartisan work, with input from all of our veteran service
organizations, dozens of Senators and Members of the House of
Representatives, our partners at the Department of Veterans Affairs,
and the leadership of the former Senate and House VA Committee
chairmen, Senator Isakson and Congressman Roe.
Among its many provisions, this legislation invests in the education
and employment of veterans to make certain they have the tools
necessary to achieve success after service through expanded
opportunities to use their earned benefits for longer periods of time
and more opportunities for job training.
This bill will also give the VA the tools necessary to serve veterans
at risk of homelessness in a more meaningful way during the pandemic
and require the VA to provide greater oversight and support to our
State veterans' homes.
It also includes provisions from the Deborah Sampson Act, a landmark
bill that makes clear women who serve their country in the Armed Forces
must have a VA that is as effective for them as it is for the men who
also have served.
As I mentioned, this bill is named after two public servants. Johnny
Isakson was my predecessor as chairman, and I have worked hard to
follow his example of bipartisanship in working with our VA Committee
ranking member, Senator Jon Tester. Legislation like this bill is the
result of many months of work by members of our staff, stemming from a
desire from both sides of the aisle to better serve our Nation's
veterans. The important relationships that exist between Senators, our
House colleagues, and our staff members result in a bipartisan solution
like the one that passed the House today and that passed the Senate
just a few days before.
I would also like to thank Dr. Phil Roe. I served with him in the
House of Representatives. He is the current House Veterans' Affairs
Committee ranking member and its former chairman. I thank him for his
partnership and his friendship as we worked together to serve veterans,
since we both served on that committee in the House together.
The VA is making positive, measurable changes to better serve our
veterans, and Congressman Roe and Senator Isakson deserve credit not
only for being a big part of that change but also for being an example
for the rest of us as to how we can work across the aisle and across
the Capitol to improve the lives of our country's veterans and all of
our fellow citizens.
I would also like to recognize Congressman Roe's counterpart, House
VA Committee Chairman Takano, for seeing this bill to completion in the
House of Representatives today.
I would like to thank my counterpart in the Senate Veterans' Affairs
Committee, Ranking Member Jon Tester, the Senator from Montana, for his
hard work this past year in helping to lead our committee's efforts to
do the right thing for our Nation's veterans. This bill is a testament
to his dedication to serving our veterans and to his staff's tireless
work on veterans' behalf.
One more thank-you certainly rests with our SVAC members for
providing so many legislative solutions to issues that we have heard
from the VA, from our VSOs and from veterans in each of our home
States. I know that making certain our veterans continue to receive
care and benefits was foremost in their minds during this pandemic, and
I would like to thank Senators Boozman, Cassidy, Rounds, Tillis,
Sullivan, Blackburn, Cramer, Loeffler, and each of our Democratic
colleagues on the committee for their contribution to this landmark
legislation.
Our veteran service organizations often speak for veterans who cannot
speak for themselves, and they help Members of this body understand the
issues and concerns that veterans may be facing across the country in
addition to our own home States. I thank all of the VSOs that have
worked on this bill, for many years in many cases, meeting with me and
with our committee staff, explaining issues and working closely with us
to make certain we find the right solutions for our Nation's veterans.
I hope each VSO--veteran service organization--and its members will
benefit from this legislation following the President's signature. I
hope they will benefit for decades to come.
Finally, I want to thank our team at the Senate VA Committee for
everything they have put into this legislation.
Thank you to Senator Tester's staff for all of your thoughtful work
drafting the language to help address real issues that impact real
veterans.
Thank you to my VA staff, who have put in the work conducting
oversight and responding to casework so we can understand the needs of
veterans in Kansas and across the country and make meaningful, lasting
changes so they may experience the American dream that they once fought
so hard to secure for each of us.
Thank you to Chelsey Ladd, Victoria Lee, Scott Nulty, Kevin Ryan,
Thomas Wilson, Michele Payne, Barry Walker, Pauline Schmitt, Thomas
Coleman, Asher Allman, Jake Vance, Mark Crowley, Brian Newbold, Lindsay
Dearing, Emily Blair, Kelsey Baron, Tiffanii Woolfolk, and David
Shearman.
Finally, I want to recognize my staff director, Caroline Canfield,
who is ending her service with my office and with the Senate at the end
of this month. She has served as a tremendous asset. She is a
tremendous asset and a force multiplier as my military legislative
assistant, as my lead appropriations staffer, and now as my VA
Committee staff director.
Our Nation's veterans and our military members are better off because
of the work she has done throughout her career and because of her
tenacious ``never take no for an answer'' approach to doing all things
right.
Caroline, you will be missed, but you are always part of the team.
You deserve our gratitude for what you have accomplished on behalf of
our Nation's military men and women and on behalf of our veterans.
I yield the floor.
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