[Congressional Record Volume 166, Number 196 (Wednesday, November 18, 2020)]
[Senate]
[Pages S7071-S7072]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                                ETHIOPIA

  Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise today to call upon the 
administration to take urgent diplomatic action to address the 
escalating conflict in Ethiopia, a country in the midst of what many in 
the international community, including myself, had hoped would be a 
historic political transition to democracy. Instead the country is 
sliding into civil war. Unless the international community acts quickly 
to forestall further violence, I fear that bloody and protracted 
conflict is unavoidable.
  Ethiopians have long aspired to participate in a democratic system of 
government. For years, their leaders let them down, but in 2018, things 
appeared to change when in response to peaceful popular protests 
centered in Ethiopia's Oromo and Amhara regions, Ethiopia's ruling 
party elevated Abiy Ahmed to Prime Minister. Prime Minister Abiy 
undertook dramatic political reform in the first year of his 
administration, releasing thousands of political prisoners, inviting 
exiled opposition groups back home, and allowing the press to freely 
operate. Repressive laws like the Charities and Societies and Anti-
Terrorism proclamations, which had long been used to stifle political 
dissent, were revised and replaced. The new government committed itself 
to free and fair elections and, for the first time in Ethiopia's 
history, introduced a gender-balanced Cabinet. Many Ethiopians and much 
of the international community rightly celebrated these achievements 
and looked to further democratic progress. Abiy himself was awarded the 
Nobel Peace Prize in 2019.
  Yet transitions from autocratic rule to democracy are rarely 
seamless, and Ethiopia's transition is no exception. The journey to 
democracy has been beset by the proliferation of ethnically motivated 
violence across the country. In 2018, IOM reported that Ethiopia 
recorded the third highest number of new ID P's anywhere in the world, 
fueled by ethnic violence and displacement in Gedeo and West Guji 
zones, and violence has continued. In June 2019, rogue regional 
security forces assassinated the president of Amhara region and the 
head of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces, and in June 2020, the 
murder of popular Oromo singer Hachalu Hundessa triggered violence that 
killed at least 239 people. Sadly, Ethiopians of all ethnic and 
religious backgrounds have been victims of this endless cycle of 
senseless violence.
  To be clear, there are some who have taken advantage of new-found 
freedoms to threaten or use violence to achieve political ends, engage 
in hate speech, and incite broader conflict. Such behavior is 
inconsistent with democratic practice and has further exacerbated the 
country's ethnic and political divisions in a profoundly damaging way. 
Ethiopian authorities have a responsibility to protect their citizens 
by holding the perpetrators and purveyors of such actions accountable 
through a transparent, credible legal process.
  Yet the government's response to these challenges has only 
complicated matters. In May 2020, a report from Amnesty International 
chronicled a long list of abuses committed by Ethiopia's security 
forces since the transition began, including extrajudicial killings, 
torture, and arbitrary arrest. The government has engaged in a 
troubling crackdown on political opposition, media organizations, and 
civil society, particularly in the wake of Hachalu Hundessa's death. 
There are growing fears that state institutions are being leveraged by 
the ruling party to unfairly consolidate the current government's 
power, including through weaponizing law enforcement and the judicial 
process to attack government critics. Under these conditions, it is 
unlikely that Ethiopia's next general elections can be anything 
approaching credible, exacerbating an already volatile political 
situation.
  Against the backdrop of a transition in jeopardy, violence between 
the federal government and political leaders of the Tigray region is 
escalating. Reports suggest that hundreds have already died in clashes 
between government and regional forces. I am particularly horrified by 
evidence of a civilian massacre in Mai-Kadra. I condemn this act and 
all attacks on civilians in the strongest term, and call for a thorough 
and transparent investigation by a credible, neutral, independent body. 
Those who attack civilians must be held accountable in accordance with 
the rule of law. I am also concerned by reports of civilian deaths as a 
result of federal government airstrikes, mass displacement, and 
discrimination and arrests based on ethnic profiling. Authorities in 
Tigray have confirmed that their forces fired rockets into the capital 
of a neighboring country, Eritrea.

[[Page S7072]]

These rocket attacks constitute a significant escalation, are 
counterproductive, and should cease. They further underscore fears that 
the conflict will expand beyond Ethiopia's borders. If left to 
continue, the conflict in Tigray will not only lead to a catastrophic 
loss of life and worsening humanitarian conditions, but will breed 
further enmity that will derail Ethiopia's democratic progress and 
destabilize the entire subregion.
  We cannot afford to let that happen. Ethiopia is the second most 
populous African country, home to the African Union, and one of the 
world's top contributors to UN peacekeeping missions a tradition that 
dates back to the Korean war. It has been a pillar of U.S. engagement 
in the Horn of Africa for decades, partnering with the U.S. on 
counterterrorism and with the U.S. and international community to 
stabilize protracted conflicts in neighboring Somalia and South Sudan.
  The Ethiopian people need peace, not war; and the world needs a 
stable, democratic and prosperous Ethiopia.
  I urge the federal government and the leaders of Tigray region to 
choose the path of peace. While it is tempting to assign blame for the 
outbreak of hostilities, our collective focus must be on how to restore 
order. Make no mistake, a full accounting must take place. Right now, 
however, both sides must agree to an immediate ceasefire and begin a 
sustained dialogue to settle political differences.
  I also call on Prime Minister Abiy to take a series of actions to 
facilitate a successful democratic transition. First, barring immediate 
and incontrovertible evidence of serious crimes, he should release all 
members of the political opposition. Their continued detention is 
unacceptable, and I am troubled by reports that their judicial 
proceedings are being politicized. Second, media and digital rights 
must be respected. Arresting journalists and imposing internet 
blackouts harkens back to the dark days of the previous regime. Mr. 
Prime Minister, such practices must end. You and your colleagues have 
taken bold action to chart a new course for the country, and I urge you 
to continue along the difficult path of reform.
  Third, the Prime Minister should empower an independent and impartial 
body to investigate and ascertain responsibility for past acts of 
violence beyond those related to current hostilities in Tigray. 
Finally, I call on the Prime Minister to engage in an inclusive 
dialogue with relevant stakeholders in advance of elections to ensure 
there is a level playing field and buy-in to the electoral process from 
all stakeholders.
  Although resolving the current crisis requires Ethiopian commitment 
and action, the United States, along with others in the international 
community, have a critical role to play. I therefore urge the 
administration to do the following:
  Lead international diplomatic efforts-the administration must reach 
out to multilateral institutions, allies and partners in the region, 
the Gulf, and elsewhere to ensure unity around a single message to the 
federal government and officials in Tigray, there is no military 
solution to the conflict between the federal government and the Tigray 
People's Liberation Front. Dialogue is the only path forward. A joint 
delegation should demarche the Prime Minister with this message and 
reach out to leaders in Tigray with the same.
  Increase support for Ethiopia's democratic transition--the 
administration should redouble its efforts to support the transition by 
providing the Embassy and USAID mission with more staff to provide 
increased monitoring in the areas of democracy and human rights and 
increased technical assistance in the area of election administration. 
Funding for grassroots conflict mitigation and reconciliation is 
critical given ongoing tensions. The United States must also engage all 
Ethiopian stakeholders, including traditionally marginalized 
populations, without favor or bias, with the goal of encouraging 
dialogue between the country's rival political forces. Political 
disagreements must be settled through peaceful means.
  Take an informed, organized, and holistic approach. Civil war in 
Ethiopia will destabilize the Horn of Africa and has implications for 
U.S. geostrategic interests in the Horn of Africa and Red Sea corridor 
writ large. It is critical that the U.S. approach diplomatic engagement 
in a holistic manner, recognizing the potential ripple effects of 
prolonged conflict. Negotiations between Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt 
relative to the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam--GERD--are only one 
example of how the conflict could impact stability in the subregion. 
Progress on the GERD talks is highly unlikely in the face of civil war, 
since Ethiopia is likely to remain focused on its domestic problems.
  Unfortunately, the U.S. approach is currently fractured. The 
administration has engaged in GERD negotiations as though they are 
unfolding in a vacuum, divorced from our interests in a strong 
bilateral partnership with Ethiopia and absent a broader strategy for 
the Horn of Africa and Red Sea corridor. Even in the parochial context 
in which we have engaged in GERD negotiations, the administration's 
actions have, quite frankly, been unhelpful. Having Treasury Department 
lead the talks was never wise. Treasury lacks the deep regional 
knowledge and expertise to lead such sensitive negotiations, and there 
is no evidence that its actions were developed as part of an 
interagency strategy or policy approach informed by such expertise. It 
is imperative that a sound strategy be developed and that the State 
Department take the lead on an integrated diplomatic approach to both 
the country and the subregion.
  Ethiopia faces historic challenges. These challenges can only be met 
through diplomacy, dialogue, and compromise. The country has a once in 
a generation opportunity that we must not let slip away. I urge the 
administration to act while there is still time.

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