[Congressional Record Volume 166, Number 196 (Wednesday, November 18, 2020)]
[House]
[Pages H5907-H5909]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
PROHIBITING RUSSIAN PARTICIPATION IN G7
Mr. ESPAILLAT. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the
bill (H.R. 8259) to prohibit Russian participation in the G7, and for
other purposes, as amended.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The text of the bill is as follows:
H.R. 8259
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. PROHIBITION ON RUSSIAN PARTICIPATION IN THE G7.
(a) Limitation.--Notwithstanding any other provision of
law, no Federal funds are authorized to be appropriated to
take any action to support or facilitate--
(1) the participation of Russia in a Group of Seven
proceeding; or
(2) the reconstitution of the Group of Eight to include
Russia.
(b) Termination.--Subsection (a) shall cease to have any
force or effect after the date on which--
(1) the Secretary of State and the Director of National
Intelligence, in consultation with the Secretary of Homeland
Security and the Director of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation, certify to the appropriate congressional
committees and leadership that the Government of Russia, and
all persons acting as an agent of or otherwise on behalf of
such government, has halted all interference in United States
elections or elections of the other members of the Group of
Seven, members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO) and the European Union, and other allies and partners;
and
(2) the Secretary of State, in consultation with the
Director of National Intelligence, determines and certifies
to the appropriate congressional committees and leadership
that the Government of Russia, and all persons acting as an
agent of or otherwise on behalf of such government, has--
(A) ended its illegal occupation of Crimea and is fully
complying with its commitments under the Minsk agreement with
respect to Eastern Ukraine;
(B) ended its illegal occupation of South Ossetia and
Abkhazia and will support efforts for the reintegration of
these regions with the Republic of Georgia; and
(C) withdrawn its troops and armaments from Transnistria
and fully respects Moldova's sovereignty and territorial
integrity.
(c) Report.--Not later than 60 days after the date of the
enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State, in
coordination with the Director of National Intelligence and
in consultation with the heads of other relevant Federal
departments and agencies, shall submit to the appropriate
congressional committees and leadership a report on the
threats and challenges of Russia to NATO and the United
States in Afghanistan and to United States efforts to counter
such threats and challenges, including--
(1) an assessment of support provided by the Government of
Russia, and all persons acting as an agent of or otherwise on
behalf of such government, for Taliban-linked militants,
including--
(A) the provision of defense articles, defense services, or
technology (as such terms are defined and described in the
Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2751 et seq.)) or
financial assistance for purposes that undermine or run
counter to the principles agreed upon in the Agreement for
Bringing Peace to Afghanistan entered into on February 29,
2020;
(B) financial transactions, including transactions made
through the hawala system, between the individuals and
entities of the Government of Russia, or individuals or
entities acting in connection with that government, to
Taliban-linked militants, other militants with connections to
Afghanistan, and their intermediaries; and
(C) any alleged program to incentivize the killing of
United States or NATO coalition soldiers by the Government of
Russia or any other foreign government;
(2) a description of United States Government efforts to
engage in diplomatic efforts with Russia and the governments
of NATO coalition allies and partners to counter Russian
malign influence in Afghanistan; and
(3) a description of the views of the governments of other
NATO members, including heads of government, political
leaders, and military commanders in the region on Russian
interference and malign influence in Afghanistan.
(d) Appropriate Congressional Committees and Leadership.--
In this section, the term ``appropriate congressional
committees and leadership'' means--
(1) the Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Permanent Select
Committee on Intelligence, the Committee on Homeland
Security, and the Speaker, the majority leader, and the
minority leader of the House of Representatives; and
(2) the Committee on Foreign Relations, the Select
Committee on Intelligence, the Committee on Homeland
Security, and the majority leader and the minority leader of
the Senate.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from New
York (Mr. Espaillat) and the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) each
will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York.
General Leave
Mr. ESPAILLAT. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and
include in the Record extraneous materials on H.R. 8259.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
Mr. ESPAILLAT. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this measure, and I thank
the author, my friend, Mr. Meeks from New York, a senior member of the
Committee on Foreign Affairs, for his leadership and hard work.
Throughout this Congress, the committee has focused on measures to
counter Russian aggression and hold President Putin accountable for the
unlawful invasion and attempted annexation of Crimea. But President
Trump has flagrantly ignored the pleas of our allies and attempted to
invite Russia back into the G7 despite its continued aggression in
Ukraine, Georgia, and other sovereign countries near its border.
Putin and his cronies must be held accountable for their actions. And
for Trump to put out the welcome mat for Russia would be a slap in the
face to our allies and the Ukrainian citizens living in Crimea.
This important bipartisan bill would prevent the U.S. Government from
facilitating Russian participation in the G7, or a reconstituted G8,
and requires a report about Russia's nefarious relationships with the
Taliban in Afghanistan and any bounty program it instituted for the
killing of American troops.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this measure, and I
reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 8259, which prohibits Russian
participation in the G7. I thank my friend and colleague, Mr. Meeks,
for authoring this bill.
As I have said time and time again, Vladimir Putin is not a friend of
the United States nor of our allies.
In the past few years, we have witnessed his regime invade and occupy
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parts of Ukraine and certainly Georgia in South Ossetia and Abkhazia;
unleash devastating cyberattacks against our allies; prop up corrupt
regimes in Syria and Venezuela; use a banned nerve agent to try to kill
a former Russian spy, as we just saw with the resolution that preceded
this, opposition activist Alexey Navalny; meddle in our elections; and
much more.
The Russian President's actions speak for themselves. At almost every
opportunity, Putin pursues policies that undermine American and allied
interests around the world.
The Group of Seven is a forum that brings together like-minded
democracies to tackle important global issues. A dangerous and corrupt
dictator that assassinates his own people cannot be trusted to be a
reasonable partner on the world stage. We must not turn a blind eye to
this reality.
This bill would prohibit Russia from being readmitted to the Group of
Seven until Putin fully restores the territorial integrity of Ukraine,
parts of Georgia, and Moldova, and stops interfering in the democratic
processes of the United States and our allies.
The bill also demonstrates that Congress takes very seriously the
safety of American troops serving overseas--it is our utmost priority--
and that we remain concerned about the challenges Russia poses to U.S.
and NATO efforts to bring peace and stability to Afghanistan.
Maintaining the integrity of the Group of Seven is vital to its
success. Russia cannot be invited back in while Vladimir Putin
continues to undermine the efforts of democratic states to build a
freer and more prosperous world.
Mr. Speaker, I have no more requests for time, and I yield back the
balance of my time.
Mr. ESPAILLAT. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
New York (Mr. Meeks), the author of this important bill and an esteemed
member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Espaillat, and I thank the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith). I also thank Representative
Kinzinger for his support and his collaboration in working collectively
to bring this bill to the floor for a vote.
The reason for this bill is actually very simple. Congress must be
clear that Russia cannot be part of the G7 while it does all it can to
undermine democracies, including our own.
What they are doing is inflaming some of the biggest challenges that
face the global community today. Congress has an oversight
responsibility here, and this bill simply makes that clear.
Through its actions, today's Russia continues to prove that it does
not intend to be a part of the global solution. Moscow interferes in
democratic processes across the globe, suppresses and poisons
opposition, and wreaks havoc in emerging nations in Europe--Ukraine and
Georgia being the most recent targets where they still remain, holding
sovereign land.
The list is long. Yet, I am concerned that the President of the
United States has repeatedly expressed his inclination to bring Russia
back to the G7. He has called it commonsense to include Russia. It is
not as long as they continue to behave the way they are.
It is crucial that the American taxpayer should not pay for this
bizarre and harmful courtship of Putin's Russia, the same Russia that
puts bounties on American soldiers in Afghanistan.
Of course, we should have lines of strategic communications open with
Moscow. I am one also open for dialogue. But with Russia's malfeasance,
we cannot welcome them to the table as our partners and allies at a
time when they do not share our democratic values or interests.
There is nothing short of the strength of America's stance as a
global leader at stake. We have to be leaders in bringing folks
together and standing for democracy and for what is good for democracy.
That is who we are as Americans. That is what this United States
Congress stands for.
We must do our oversight in this regard. We must give a message to
Russia that should it want to enter into the G7, it has to play by the
rules and not do undemocratic things or threaten democracy, whether it
is in the United States or any of our European allies.
Mr. Speaker, I, again, thank my colleagues for joining this bill in a
bipartisan effort, and I urge my colleagues to support this bill.
Mr. ESPAILLAT. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman has the only remaining time.
Mr. ESPAILLAT. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished gentleman
from New York (Mr. Espaillat) for yielding, and the distinguished
gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks) for proposing this legislation,
along with his colleagues, Mr. Kinzinger and all the Members who are
supporting H.R. 8259 that deals with the admission of Russia into the
G7.
The reason I think this is crucial legislation that I would hope that
we would move swiftly to the United States Senate, the other body, and
move swiftly for a signature, ultimately, of the President of the
United States, is because this is a move that seems afoot with little
consultation of the other members of the G7.
Anyone listening to this, the American people, might be reminded that
Russia fought against the Nazis. One might say they were on the good
side in World War II. There have been moments where we have been able
to collaborate with Russia on important issues relevant to all of us,
Europe and beyond. But it certainly is disappointing under the
leadership of their present head of government that they have seemingly
sought not only to quash dissent but to kill dissent.
Just a few minutes ago, we heard of the poisoning of one of the
largest dissenters in Russia. It has happened before. It will happen
again.
Is the G7 an organization that coddles and comforts those who would
poison dissent or undermine dissent? Or are we a group that may not
agree all the time but truly believes in human rights and the dignity
of all people and, yes, the understanding that dissent is part of the
democratic principles? I am appalled at the attempt to kill dissent.
Then, of course, you have to be concerned about the absolute,
unfettered intrusion and caring less about the people of Ukraine,
Crimea, and certainly places in surrounding Eastern Europe. They are in
fear of their lives--the shooting down of an innocent commercial
airline and the complete denial of such.
Belarus, the whole question of Moldova, all of these places are
subject to the whims of Russia.
Now, if there was a completely different policy, foreign aid, a
foreign relations policy of cooperation and collaboration, there is
certainly the opportunity for G7 members to talk with Russia in any
other forum. But I think when we are supporting NATO, we recognize the
importance of that alliance. We also understand the strength of that
alliance, recognizing the importance of that alliance in Afghanistan
and, yes, in Iraq.
To admit, because of a personal relationship between a head of state
and Russia's head of state, I think it is unacceptable.
Let me also say something that is strikingly disturbing at this
point. Yes, the President has the right to hire and fire his or her
Cabinet. In the last 4 days or so, the then-existing Secretary of
Defense was precipitously fired. We don't have the inner workings and
decisions of that. Maybe his work performance wasn't up to par. It
doesn't seem like that is the case.
Then, all of a sudden, a new person is ultimately an interim Acting
Secretary of Defense, one of the most strategic and important parts of
our Nation.
Having been here through 9/11, there was a transition of government.
Look who struck. Not Russia, of course, but Osama bin Laden on 9/11.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Mr. ESPAILLAT. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the
gentlewoman from Texas.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, now we have a circumstance where the
newly appointed Acting Secretary of Defense is saying that our troops
will be cut in half.
I understand, the Joint Chiefs, if I am correct, have not been
consulted or they have not made that decision. And
[[Page H5909]]
that means, is that opening the door more for Russia into Afghanistan
and Iraq? Is that jeopardizing our troops?
These are questions that tie into relationships between Russia and
now, presently, the United States.
I think we have to make a firm statement against the G7, and I ask
that we question the decision to withdraw troops, not because I have
not been against the wars, but because I believe our troops should be
assessed as their security and also our mission.
Mr. Speaker, I ask for the support of this legislation.
Mr. ESPAILLAT. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Speaker, again, I thank Congressman Meeks for his hard work on
this measure. I am very pleased to support this important measure, and
I urge all Members to do the same.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Espaillat) that the House suspend the
rules and pass the bill, H.R. 8259, as amended.
The question was taken; and (two-thirds being in the affirmative) the
rules were suspended and the bill, as amended, was passed.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
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