[Congressional Record Volume 166, Number 183 (Saturday, October 24, 2020)]
[Senate]
[Pages S6446-S6447]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Unanimous Consent Request--S. Res. 59
Mr. President, as in legislative session, I ask unanimous consent
that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 59, submitted
earlier today; further, that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble
be agreed to, and the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid
upon the table with no intervening action or debate.
If I may, just briefly, before the Presiding Officer calls for
objections, just describe the resolution, which expresses the sense of
the Senate that dark money undermines the integrity of the judicial
system and damages the perception that all people receive equal justice
under law; that dark money organizations funded by anonymous donors are
now playing an outsized role in the selection of judges and Justices of
the Supreme Court of the United States and have spent millions of
anonymous dollars on advertising campaigns supporting those selections;
that the people of the United States have no idea who is funding these
campaigns and what business those funders might have before the Court;
that the Federalist Society and the Judicial Crisis Network and other
groups have been a part of this and they are heavily dark money funded
in this role; that then-Candidate Trump said of his judicial selections
that they would ``be hand-picked by the Federalist Society''; that his
White House counsel boasted that the Federalist Society had been ``in-
sourced''; that the Washington Post reported that Leonard Leo, then of
the Federalist Society, helped raise $250 million from mostly anonymous
donors into this effort--and I will leave the rest of the details to
interested readers who want to pursue it.
But I would say to Senator Daines' umbrage about dark money in
Montana campaigns, if there is anything worse
[[Page S6447]]
than dark money in political campaigns, it is dark money around courts,
and that is the problem we face right now, and that is what requires
looking into
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
The Senator from Montana.
Mr. DAINES. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, I have
already made my remarks about the hypocrisy on this issue of dark
money.
I think it is also worth pointing out that it was a very different
situation in 2016, when Merrick Garland was nominated by President
Obama. In every White House controlled by one party and the U.S. Senate
by another, the President of the Senate, going back to 1888--in an
election year when both the Senate and the Presidency are controlled by
the same party, you move forward; when not, you don't.
That is exactly what we did. We had an election in 2016. President
Trump won, and here we are in 2020 with Republicans controlling the
Senate, and the White House began to move forward.
So with that, I object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard.
The Senator from Rhode Island.
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. Mr. President, I would just add, that was not what
Senator Daines or anybody else on the Republican side said at the time.
I was here at the time, and what was said at the time, particularly by
Senator Daines is ``I don't think it's right to bring a nominee forward
in an election year''--not when the party's control is split in one way
or another. ``I don't think it's right to bring a nominee forward in an
election year'' because the American people should have their voice
``reflected.''
That has not changed. This new emphasis on the party difference is
fundamentally the rule of ``because we can.'' If that is going to be
the rule, if that is the rule that Republicans are prepared to adopt
here--that what matters around here isn't precedent, isn't principle,
isn't what is right, but is just because we can--then please don't
feign surprise in the months and years ahead if we on the Democratic
side follow that same rule that you are saying is the way to proceed
today.
In the same way that it is at least ironic for Republicans to stand
here complaining about dark money when it was the Republican Party that
protected dark money here on the Senate floor, it will be equally
ironic if the party should turn around later on and Democrats seek to
use the measure of ``because we can,'' and you raise objections. You
are basically here on the Senate floor forfeiting your right to make
those objections in the way you are behaving on this nomination.
With that, I will yield the floor to Senator Scott.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Daines). The Senator from Florida.
Mr. SCOTT of Florida. Mr. President, I yield back.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Rhode Island
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. Mr. President, given the time, I will reserve the
other unanimous consents I have. I understand that we are going to
close, and we are close to that time. So I appreciate Senator Scott's
coming to the floor to respond to those, but I yield back.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Rhode Island.
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. Mr. President, I will shortly ask to have a quorum
call by noting the absence of a quorum, but before I do that, I wanted
to point out just one issue of vocabulary, if you will, which is that
the definition of ``court packing'' has actually two operative
definitions on the Senate floor: One is to expand the number of judges;
the other is to take advantage of existing vacancies and try to use
them to change the balance of the courts and to put in judges who are
predisposed to certain rulings.
That is, in fact, the meaning that Senator McConnell gave to that
term when he said that President Obama was seeking ``to pack the D.C.
Circuit with appointees'' when he was filling vacancies; that Senator
Cornyn used when he said President Obama wanted to ``pack the D.C.
Circuit''; what Senator Grassley used when he announced President
Obama's ``efforts to pack'' the D.C. Circuit; and when Senator Lee of
Utah accused President Obama of trying to ``pack the D.C. Circuit with
unneeded judges simply in order to advance a partisan agenda.''
So when we describe all that has taken place across the last three
nominations--all the procedural abnormalities, all the peculiarities of
funding, all the odd political behavior on the other side, the 180-
degree, tire-squealing reversals, all of that, we are actually
following the vocabulary that you all used about the D.C. Circuit, just
to be clear on that point.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered
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