[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 186 (Wednesday, November 20, 2019)]
[Senate]
[Pages S6696-S6698]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                                Pensions

  Mr. GRASSLEY. Mr. President, the financial crisis facing the private 
sector multiemployer pension system calls for comprehensive reform and 
getting it done soon.
  The crisis is severe and growing worse every day. Would you believe 
about 125 multiemployer plans are in so-called critical and declining 
financial status? These plans report that they will become insolvent 
over the next two decades. There will be a lot of people without a 
retirement plan if we don't act.
  Several large plans, including the United Mine Workers Pension Fund 
and the large Central States Pension Fund, predict these plans will 
become insolvent in the next few years. That is not a very comfortable 
environment for those retirees.
  This will leave more than 1.3 million participants without the 
pension benefits they have been promised and, of course, worked for 
probably throughout their whole lives.
  In just my State of Iowa, the benefits of close to 10,000 
participants of multiemployer plans are at risk if the system fails. 
Ten thousand Iowans being affected by what we do or don't do, 
obviously, gets my attention. That figure of 10,000 will represent over 
$70 million in benefits paid out annually that these individuals rely 
on in retirement.
  More broadly, another large group of multiemployer plans are in 
critical status. They report that no realistic combination of 
contribution increases or allowable benefit reductions--options 
available under the current law

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to address their financial condition--will enable these plans to emerge 
from their current, poorly funded financial condition. So it is very 
important that Congress act to save these retirement plans. These plans 
cover millions more workers and retirees across the Nation, and those 
workers and retirees face significant benefit cuts under existing law.
  We should also be concerned about the financial health of the Federal 
insurance system that backs up these retirement benefits. The Federal 
insurance system goes by the name of the Pension Benefit Guaranty 
Corporation. The PBGC's multiemployer pension program may itself become 
insolvent if only one or possibly two larger multiemployer plans fail.
  One of these plans, the United Mine Workers, just lost its last large 
contributing employer to bankruptcy. Without reforms, the Federal 
guaranty system, the PBGC, reports it will be insolvent no later than 
2026. When that happens, the PBGC will not be able to pay either 
current or future retirees more than a very small fraction of the 
benefits they have been promised.
  Consequently, substantial reductions in retirement income are a very 
real possibility for the millions of workers and retirees who depend on 
benefits from these plans. We need to act very soon to protect the 
hard-earned pension benefits of the workers who participate in these 
plans.
  As chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, I am on the floor today 
to join with Chairman Alexander from the Health, Education, Labor, and 
Pensions Committee to release a responsible reform plan to address the 
immediate financial challenges of a number of plans in critical 
financial condition and also at the same time to secure the 
multiemployer pension system over the long term, not just a quick fix 
that is going to last a short period of time.
  As we looked at options for reforming the current system, we relied 
on several important reform principles. I will go through these 
principles.
  First, a reform plan should provide balanced assistance to the most 
poorly funded plans.
  The second principle is that Federal assistance to the failing plans 
should rely on as little taxpayer dollars as possible.
  The third principle is that reforms must promote long-term stability 
of the multiemployer pension system and the long-term solvency of the 
PBGC.
  To help the sickest plans recover their financial footing, our 
proposal creates a special partition option for multiemployer plans.
  I want everybody to know that this is not a new concept. In fact, 
quite simply, it expands on the PBGC's existing authority. It is based 
on banking industry reforms that Congress enacted after the Great 
Depression and at other times.
  The partition option permits employers to maintain a financially 
healthy multiemployer plan by carving out pension benefit liabilities 
owed to participants who have been ``orphaned'' by employers who have 
exited the plan without paying their full share of those liabilities. 
By removing these liabilities, we allow the original plan to continue 
to provide benefits in a self-sustaining manner by funding benefits 
with contributions from current participating employers. In effect, 
partitioning creates a healthy pension that continues to meet all of 
its obligations to retirees and a separate ``sick pension'' that 
requires attention and assistance from the PBGC.
  For this partition program to operate effectively and address the 
plans that are in immediate danger, a limited amount of Federal 
taxpayer funds will be needed to support the PBGC. We expect the 
necessary Federal resources to comprise only a small--I should say very 
small--portion of the financial assistance provided to the faltering 
multiemployer plans, and it is our intent, as we should be fiscally 
responsible, to offset those costs.
  We should also acknowledge the reality that action right now means 
lower taxpayer involvement than if we wait for the PBGC to become 
insolvent, which would lead to a far larger commitment of taxpayer 
funds in the not too distant future. Congress needs to be ahead of the 
real catastrophe we know is coming.
  Over the long run, the reforms we are proposing will be sustained 
primarily by shared-sacrifice funding reforms and a new premium 
structure for all stakeholders of the multiemployer plans.
  Because taxpayer dollars would be at risk if the sickest plans fail 
to move to fully funded status, the proposal also includes a number of 
plan-governance reforms to strengthen multiemployer plans, to protect 
the taxpayers' contributions to the overall reforms, and to shield 
taxpayers from future risks.
  While partitioning addresses one element needed for reform, Senator 
Alexander and I propose to go a step further to make significant 
changes to the management and operation of all multiemployer pension 
plans. This is something that should have been done years ago so that 
plan trustees would have had to act in a responsible way, and maybe we 
wouldn't be where we are today, but we want to make sure this doesn't 
happen in the future. If we go that way--and we must go that way--
moving forward, the entire multiemployer pension system will be better 
funded and more transparent to participants, to sponsoring employers, 
and to government regulators.
  Providing relief to critical and declining plans is contingent on 
making changes to the legal framework of the multiemployer pension 
system to ensure that all plans operate, as people would expect, in a 
financially sound way in the future.
  To help finance the partition relief and to provide a stronger PBGC 
insurance guarantee to participants in the system, our reform proposal 
creates a new premium structure. That structure includes raising the 
flat-rate premium to $80 per participant in a multiemployer plan, 
putting the multiemployer program on par with a single-employer 
guarantee program. The new premium structure also broadens the base on 
which premiums are assessed to more equitably spread the cost of 
insuring benefits and to ensure PBGC solvency. The new structure 
applies a copayment to active workers and retirees. However, because of 
the broader contribution base, the copayments are significantly less 
than the amount of the typical benefit cuts retirees face under current 
law if their plan should fail. Older retirees and disabled participants 
will also be protected.

  In addition, our reform package establishes a variable-rate premium. 
This variable-rate premium, which parallels the variable-rate premium 
that has long applied to single-employer plans, is tied to a plan's 
funding status to manage risks stemming from more poorly funded plans. 
This also creates an incentive for plans to improve their funding over 
time.
  The new premium structure not only helps to secure the finances of 
the PBGC but also funds an increase in the guaranteed benefit level for 
the vast majority of participants in the system. Raising the guaranteed 
benefit will greatly reduce the risk to retirees of significant 
reductions in retirement income, which would otherwise occur if their 
multiemployer plan becomes insolvent.
  While the changes to the premium structure will fundamentally 
strengthen the financial status of the multiemployer pension system and 
the PBGC, the reforms we are proposing make other important structural 
changes to the multiemployer system to help ensure that the entire 
system moves to a well-funded status over the long haul.
  We achieve this goal by addressing key flaws in the current legal 
framework governing multiemployer plans. Current multiemployer plan 
rules do not serve the best interests of workers and retirees. You can 
tell that by the bad condition, financially, some of these plans are in 
today, threatening the retirement of our workers who have paid into 
them over a lifetime. These rules have not been sufficient to keep 
plans in good financial health, and they tend to underestimate 
liabilities and result in insufficient contributions to the plans.
  To ensure that benefit promises offered in a multiemployer plan are 
ultimately met, our proposal strengthens the rules for measuring the 
value of promised pension benefits and the amount of employer 
contributions necessary to pay them when the worker retires. These 
changes will require plan trustees and actuaries to measure and project 
plan assets and liabilities in a more prudent and accurate way than has 
been required under present law.
  These changes also are designed to help move plans toward full 
funding

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and at the same time protect the interests of plan participants and the 
taxpayers who would otherwise be required to bail out these 
multiemployer plans.
  Our reform proposal also improves the so-called zone rules. Plans 
will be required to look further into the future when estimating their 
financial status, and will have to institute a form of stress testing 
to check whether a plan can remain financially sustainable through 
potential economic and demographic stresses. Depending on its health, 
plans will have to bolster the steps they take when signs of financial 
hardship arise. That is a pretty commonsense approach.
  We will also replace current withdrawal-liability rules with a 
simpler, more transparent, and consistent method for determining an 
employer's liability if it withdraws from a multiemployer pension plan.
  We have to look to the future. In doing so, the proposal includes a 
new option for sponsors of multiemployer plans to establish a new 
hybrid pension plan that we are going to call a composite plan. We have 
heard a great deal of interest from smaller businesses and their 
workers about the benefits of a composite plan approach, including less 
costly operations and more certainty in the financing of these plans.
  In closing, let me say that there are no perfect solutions to the 
multiemployer pension crisis. But it is very true that the longer we 
wait, the harder and more expensive this problem gets. But it is clear, 
our solution is far better than allowing the system to continue on its 
current path--to collapse--and far better than merely throwing Federal 
money into plans without changing how they operate. The problem is 
never going to be solved by waiting or by using taxpayers' money.
  The House has essentially advanced a pure, no-strings-attached 
bailout plan that throws taxpayer money to the plans in the hope that 
they can somehow earn returns sufficient to keep them going. We rely a 
great deal on the Congressional Budget Office around here for estimates 
of the future, and the nonpartisan CBO has told us that the House's 
proposal will not generate sustainability of pension plans or the 
sustainability of the PBGC. So we had better not spend our time on 
something the Congressional Budget Office says just isn't going to 
bring a solution and definitely not a long-term solution to these 
issues.

  In contrast, the proposal that Senator Alexander and I are releasing 
today addresses the immediate needs of the few multiemployer plans 
facing immediate crisis in a manner that protects participant benefits 
and also ensures a sustainable multiemployer pension system for the 
long haul, and it does this all in a fiscally responsible way.
  Our proposal is not a giveaway to corporations or to unions, and it 
is a better deal for the taxpayers than a future that would be an even 
larger problem and PBGC funding needs that will almost surely be met 
with a taxpayer bailout.
  All participants in the system would make a sacrifice. Let me make 
that clear. All participants in the system are going to sacrifice--
employers, unions, workers, and retirees. I am sure each one of those 
groups isn't going to consider this fair and responsible, but with a 
problem like this, if everybody doesn't give a little bit, it is never 
going to be fair and responsible anyway. But with some shared pain will 
come significant shared gain that will be to the benefit of over 1.5 
million participants in about 125 multiemployer plans that are in 
serious financial jeopardy.
  Without changes to the current system, we can't say for sure that 
people are going to get the benefits that they sacrificed for over a 
lifetime of work. But our plan, we are confident, will benefit all 
multiemployer plans and their participants by providing a stronger 
system for the long haul and by promoting long-term solvency of the 
PBGC.
  Senator Alexander and I offer this proposal as a path forward for a 
multiemployer pension system that we all know is in crisis.
  Now, as we turn to getting this job done, I look forward to working 
with my colleagues in the Senate and in the House of Representatives to 
advance this proposal. We all know that just because you lay something 
on the table, that it is not necessarily going to be passed that way. 
So maybe there is some compromise needed. But whether it is this 
proposal or a little bit of compromise, we have to get this piece of 
legislation to the President's desk before more pension holders face 
losses of the benefits they have earned and benefits that they were 
promised.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. Blackburn). The clerk will call the roll.
  The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. CARPER. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.