[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 186 (Wednesday, November 20, 2019)]
[House]
[Pages H9089-H9096]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
{time} 1530
HONG KONG HUMAN RIGHTS AND DEMOCRACY ACT OF 2019
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill
(S. 1838) to amend the Hong Kong Policy Act of 1992, and for other
purposes.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The text of the bill is as follows:
S. 1838
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE; TABLE OF CONTENTS.
(a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Hong Kong
Human Rights and Democracy Act of 2019''.
(b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents for this Act
is as follows:
Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents.
Sec. 2. Definitions.
Sec. 3. Statement of policy.
Sec. 4. Amendments to the United States-Hong Kong Policy Act of 1992.
Sec. 5. Annual report on violations of United States export control
laws and United Nations sanctions occurring in Hong Kong.
Sec. 6. Protecting United States citizens and others from rendition to
the People's Republic of China.
Sec. 7. Sanctions relating to undermining fundamental freedoms and
autonomy in Hong Kong.
Sec. 8. Sanctions reports.
Sec. 9. Sense of Congress on People's Republic of China state-
controlled media.
Sec. 10. Sense of Congress on commercial exports of crowd control
equipment to Hong Kong.
SEC. 2. DEFINITIONS.
In this Act:
(1) Appropriate congressional committees.--The term
``appropriate congressional committees'' means--
(A) the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate;
(B) the Committee on Armed Services of the Senate;
(C) the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs of
the Senate;
(D) the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental
Affairs of the Senate;
(E) the Committee on the Judiciary of the Senate;
(F) the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of
Representatives;
(G) the Committee on Armed Services of the House of
Representatives;
(H) the Committee on Financial Services of the House of
Representatives;
(I) the Committee on Homeland Security of the House of
Representatives; and
(J) the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of
Representatives.
(2) Social credit system.--The term ``social credit
system'' means a system proposed by the Government of the
People's Republic of China and scheduled for implementation
by 2020, which would--
(A) use existing financial credit systems, public records,
online activity, and other tools of surveillance to aggregate
data on every Chinese citizen and business; and
(B) use such data to monitor, shape, and rate certain
financial, social, religious, or political behaviors.
[[Page H9090]]
(3) United states person.--The term ``United States
person'' means--
(A) a United States citizen;
(B) a lawfully admitted permanent resident of the United
States; or
(C) an entity organized under the laws of--
(i) the United States; or
(ii) any jurisdiction within the United States, including a
foreign branch of such an entity.
SEC. 3. STATEMENT OF POLICY.
It is the policy of the United States--
(1) to reaffirm the principles and objectives set forth in
the United States-Hong Kong Policy Act of 1992 (Public Law
102-383), namely that--
(A) the United States has ``a strong interest in the
continued vitality, prosperity, and stability of Hong Kong'';
(B) ``[s]upport for democratization is a fundamental
principle of United States foreign policy'' and therefore
``naturally applies to United States policy toward Hong
Kong'';
(C) ``the human rights of the people of Hong Kong are of
great importance to the United States and are directly
relevant to United States interests in Hong Kong [and] serve
as a basis for Hong Kong's continued economic prosperity'';
and
(D) Hong Kong must remain sufficiently autonomous from the
People's Republic of China to ``justify treatment under a
particular law of the United States, or any provision
thereof, different from that accorded the People's Republic
of China'';
(2) to support the high degree of autonomy and fundamental
rights and freedoms of the people of Hong Kong, as enumerated
by--
(A) the Joint Declaration of the Government of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the
Government of the People's Republic of China on the Question
of Hong Kong, done at Beijing December 19, 1984 (referred to
in this Act as the ``Joint Declaration'');
(B) the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights, done at New York December 19, 1966; and
(C) the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, done at
Paris December 10, 1948;
(3) to support the democratic aspirations of the people of
Hong Kong, including the ``ultimate aim'' of the selection of
the Chief Executive and all members of the Legislative
Council by universal suffrage, as articulated in the Basic
Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the
People's Republic of China (referred to in this Act as the
``Basic Law'');
(4) to urge the Government of the People's Republic of
China to uphold its commitments to Hong Kong, including
allowing the people of Hong Kong to govern Hong Kong with a
high degree of autonomy and without undue interference, and
ensuring that Hong Kong voters freely enjoy the right to
elect the Chief Executive and all members of the Hong Kong
Legislative Council by universal suffrage;
(5) to support the establishment of a genuine democratic
option to freely and fairly nominate and elect the Chief
Executive of Hong Kong, and the establishment by 2020 of open
and direct democratic elections for all members of the Hong
Kong Legislative Council;
(6) to support the robust exercise by residents of Hong
Kong of the rights to free speech, the press, and other
fundamental freedoms, as provided by the Basic Law, the Joint
Declaration, and the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights;
(7) to support freedom from arbitrary or unlawful arrest,
detention, or imprisonment for all Hong Kong residents, as
provided by the Basic Law, the Joint Declaration, and the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights;
(8) to draw international attention to any violations by
the Government of the People's Republic of China of the
fundamental rights of the people of Hong Kong, as provided by
the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and
any encroachment upon the autonomy guaranteed to Hong Kong by
the Basic Law and the Joint Declaration;
(9) to protect United States citizens and long-term
permanent residents living in Hong Kong, as well as people
visiting and transiting through Hong Kong;
(10) to maintain the economic and cultural ties that
provide significant benefits to both the United States and
Hong Kong; and
(11) to coordinate with allies, including the United
Kingdom, Australia, Canada, Japan, and the Republic of Korea,
to promote democracy and human rights in Hong Kong.
SEC. 4. AMENDMENTS TO THE UNITED STATES-HONG KONG POLICY ACT
OF 1992.
(a) Report.--Title II of the United States-Hong Kong Policy
Act of 1992 (22 U.S.C. 5721 et seq.) is amended--
(1) in section 201(b), by striking ``such date'' each place
such term appears and inserting ``the date of the enactment
of the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act of 2019'';
and
(2) adding at the end the following:
``SEC. 205. SECRETARY OF STATE REPORT REGARDING THE AUTONOMY
OF HONG KONG.
``(a) Certification.--
``(1) In general.--Except as provided in subsection (b),
the Secretary of State, on at least an annual basis, and in
conjunction with the report required under section 301, shall
issue a certification to Congress that--
``(A) indicates whether Hong Kong continues to warrant
treatment under United States law in the same manner as
United States laws were applied to Hong Kong before July 1,
1997;
``(B) addresses--
``(i) commercial agreements;
``(ii) law enforcement cooperation, including extradition
requests;
``(iii) sanctions enforcement;
``(iv) export controls, and any other agreements and forms
of exchange involving dual use, critical, or other sensitive
technologies;
``(v) any formal treaties or agreements between the United
States and Hong Kong;
``(vi) other areas of bilateral cooperation that the
Secretary determines to be relevant; and
``(vii) decision-making within the Government of Hong Kong,
including executive, legislative, and judicial structures,
including--
``(I) freedom of assembly;
``(II) freedom of speech;
``(III) freedom of expression; and
``(IV) freedom of the press, including the Internet and
social media;
``(viii) universal suffrage, including the ultimate aim of
the selection of the Chief Executive and all members of the
Legislative Council by universal suffrage;
``(ix) judicial independence;
``(x) police and security functions;
``(xi) education;
``(xii) laws or regulations regarding treason, secession,
sedition, subversion against the Central People's Government
of the People's Republic of China, or theft of state secrets;
``(xiii) laws or regulations regarding foreign political
organizations or bodies;
``(xiv) laws or regulations regarding political
organizations; and
``(xv) other rights enumerated in the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights, done at Paris December 10, 1948, and the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, done at
New York December 19, 1966; and
``(C) includes--
``(i) an assessment of the degree of any erosions to Hong
Kong's autonomy in each category listed in subparagraph (B)
resulting from actions by the Government of the People's
Republic of China that are inconsistent with its commitments
under the Basic Law or the Joint Declaration;
``(ii) an evaluation of the specific impacts to any areas
of cooperation between the United States and Hong Kong
resulting from erosions of autonomy in Hong Kong or failures
of the Government of Hong Kong to fulfill obligations to the
United States under international agreements within the
categories listed in subparagraph (B); and
``(iii) a list of any specific actions taken by the United
States Government in response to any erosion of autonomy or
failures to fulfill obligations to the United States under
international agreements identified in this certification and
the report required under section 301.
``(2) Factor for consideration.--In making each
certification under paragraph (1), the Secretary of State
should consider the terms, obligations, and expectations
expressed in the Joint Declaration with respect to Hong Kong.
``(3) Additional certifications.--The certification under
section (1) shall be issued annually, but the Secretary may
issue additional certifications at any time if the Secretary
determines it is warranted by circumstances in Hong Kong.
``(b) Waiver Authority.--
``(1) In general.--The Secretary of State may waive the
application of subsection (a) if--
``(A) the Secretary determines that such a waiver is in the
national security interests of the United States; and
``(B) on or before the date on which the waiver takes
effect, the Secretary notifies the Committee on Foreign
Relations of the Senate and the Committee on Foreign Affairs
of the House of Representatives of the intent to waive such
subsection;
``(2) Partial waiver.--Except for the list of actions
described in subsection (a)(1)(C)(iii), the Secretary of
State may waive relevant parts of the application of
subsection (a) if the President issues an Executive order
under section 202 that suspends the application of any
particular United States law to Hong Kong.''.
(b) Visa Applicants.--Title II of the United States-Hong
Kong Policy Act of 1992 (22 U.S.C. 5721 et seq.), as amended
by subsection (a), is further amended by adding at the end
the following:
``SEC. 206. TREATMENT OF HONG KONG APPLICANTS FOR VISAS TO
STUDY OR WORK IN THE UNITED STATES.
``(a) Visa Eligibility for Certain Hong Kong Students.--
Notwithstanding any other provision of law, applications for
visas to enter, study, or work in the United States, which
are submitted by otherwise qualified applicants who resided
in Hong Kong in 2014 and later, may not be denied primarily
on the basis of the applicant's subjection to politically-
motivated arrest, detention, or other adverse government
action.
``(b) Implementation.--The Secretary of State shall take
such steps as may be necessary to ensure that consular
officers are aware of the policy described in subsection (a)
and receive appropriate training and support to ensure that
the policy is carried out so that affected individuals do not
face discrimination or unnecessary delay in the processing of
their visa applications, including--
``(1) providing specialized training for all consular
officers posted to the United States Embassy in Beijing or to
any United States consulate in the People's Republic of
China,
[[Page H9091]]
the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, or the Macau
Special Administrative Region;
``(2) instructing the United States Consulate in Hong Kong
to maintain an active list of individuals who are known to
have been formally charged, detained, or convicted by the
Government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region or by
the Government of the People's Republic of China, or
intermediaries of such governments, based on politically-
motivated considerations related to their exercise of rights
enumerated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, done
at Paris December 10, 1948, or the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights, done at New York December 19,
1966, to facilitate the cross-checking of visa applications
for Hong Kong residents; and
``(3) updating any relevant United States Government
websites with information on the policy described in
subsection (a).
``(c) Cooperation With Like-minded Countries.--The
Secretary of State shall contact appropriate representatives
of other democratic countries, particularly those who receive
a large number of applicants for student and employment visas
from Hong Kong--
``(1) to inform them of the United States policy regarding
arrests for participation in nonviolent protests in Hong
Kong; and
``(2) to encourage them to take similar steps to ensure the
rights of nonviolent protesters are protected from
discrimination due to the actions of the Government of Hong
Kong and of the Government of the People's Republic of
China.''.
SEC. 5. ANNUAL REPORT ON VIOLATIONS OF UNITED STATES EXPORT
CONTROL LAWS AND UNITED NATIONS SANCTIONS
OCCURRING IN HONG KONG.
(a) In General.--Not later than 180 days after the date of
the enactment of this Act, and annually thereafter until the
date that is 7 years after the date of the enactment of this
Act, the Secretary of Commerce, in consultation with the
Secretary of the Treasury and the Secretary of State, shall
submit a report to the committees specified in subsection (b)
that includes--
(1) an assessment of the nature and extent of violations of
United States export control and sanctions laws occurring in
Hong Kong;
(2) to the extent possible, the identification of--
(A) any items that were reexported from Hong Kong in
violation of the laws referred to in paragraph (1);
(B) the countries and persons to which the items referred
to in subparagraph (A) were reexported; and
(C) how such items were used;
(3) an assessment of whether sensitive dual-use items
subject to the export control laws of the United States are
being--
(A) transshipped through Hong Kong; and
(B) used to develop--
(i) the Sharp Eyes, Skynet, Integrated Joint Operations
Platform, or other systems of mass surveillance and
predictive policing; or
(ii) the ``social credit system'' of the People's Republic
of China;
(4) an assessment of the efforts by the Government of the
People's Republic of China to use the status of Hong Kong as
a separate customs territory to import items into the
People's Republic of China from Hong Kong in violation of the
export control laws of the United States, whether as part of
the Greater Bay Area plan, through the assignment by Beijing
of Hong Kong as a national technology and innovation center,
or through other programs that may exploit Hong Kong as a
conduit for controlled sensitive technology;
(5) an assessment of whether the Government of Hong Kong
has adequately enforced sanctions imposed by the United
Nations;
(6) a description of the types of goods and services
transshipped or reexported through Hong Kong in violation of
such sanctions to--
(A) North Korea or Iran; or
(B) other countries, regimes, or persons subject to such
sanctions for engaging in activities--
(i) relating to international terrorism, international
narcotics trafficking, or the proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction; or
(ii) that otherwise present a threat to the national
security, foreign policy, or economy of the United States;
and
(7) an assessment of whether shortcomings in the
enforcement of export controls or sanctions by the Government
of Hong Kong necessitates the assignment of additional
Department of the Treasury, Department of Commerce, or
Department of State personnel to the United States Consulate
in Hong Kong.
(b) Committees Specified.--The committees specified in this
subsection are--
(1) the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate;
(2) the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs of
the Senate;
(3) the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation
of the Senate;
(4) the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of
Representatives; and
(5) the Committee on Energy and Commerce of the House of
Representatives.
(c) Form of Report.--The report required under subsection
(a) shall be submitted in unclassified form, but may include
a classified annex.
SEC. 6. PROTECTING UNITED STATES CITIZENS AND OTHERS FROM
RENDITION TO THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA.
(a) Policy Statements.--It is the policy of the United
States--
(1) to safeguard United States citizens from extradition,
rendition, or abduction to the People's Republic of China
from Hong Kong for trial, detention, or any other purpose;
(2) to safeguard United States businesses in Hong Kong from
economic coercion and intellectual property theft;
(3) pursuant to section 103(7) of the United States-Hong
Kong Policy Act of 1992 (22 U.S.C. 5713(7)), to encourage
United States businesses ``to continue to operate in Hong
Kong, in accordance with applicable United States and Hong
Kong law''; and
(4) pursuant to section 201(b) of such Act (22 U.S.C.
5721(b)), to evaluate, not less frequently than annually and
as circumstances, dictate whether the Government of Hong Kong
is ``legally competent to carry out its obligations'' under
treaties and international agreements established between the
United States and Hong Kong.
(b) Response to Threat of Rendition.--Not later than 30
days after the President determines that legislation proposed
or enacted by the Government of Hong Kong would put United
States citizens at risk of extradition or rendition to the
People's Republic of China or to other countries that lack
protections for the rights of defendants, the President shall
submit a report to the appropriate congressional committees
that--
(1) contains a strategy for protecting United States
citizens and businesses in Hong Kong;
(2) assesses the potential risks of the legislation to
United States citizens residing in, traveling to, or
transiting through Hong Kong; and
(3) determines whether--
(A) additional resources are needed for American Citizen
Services at the United States Consulate in Hong Kong; and
(B) the Government of Hong Kong is ``legally competent'' to
administer the United States-Hong Kong Agreement for the
Surrender of Fugitive Offenders, done at Hong Kong December
20, 1996, or other relevant law enforcement agreements
between the United States and Hong Kong.
SEC. 7. SANCTIONS RELATING TO UNDERMINING FUNDAMENTAL
FREEDOMS AND AUTONOMY IN HONG KONG.
(a) Identification of Persons Responsible for Undermining
Fundamental Freedoms and Autonomy in Hong Kong.--
(1) In general.--The President shall submit a report to the
appropriate congressional committees, in accordance with
paragraph (2), that identifies each foreign person that the
President determines is responsible for--
(A) the extrajudicial rendition, arbitrary detention, or
torture of any person in Hong Kong; or
(B) other gross violations of internationally recognized
human rights in Hong Kong.
(2) Timing of reports.--The President shall submit to the
appropriate congressional committees--
(A) the report required under paragraph (1)--
(i) not later than 180 days after the date of the enactment
of this Act; and
(ii) not less frequently than annually thereafter in
conjunction with the publication of the report required under
section 301 of the United States-Hong Kong Policy Act of 1992
(22 U.S.C. 5731); and
(B) an update to the report not later than 15 days after
any new action is taken under subsection (b) based on the
discovery of new information described in paragraph (1).
(3) Consideration of certain information.--In preparing the
report required under paragraph (1), the President shall
consider--
(A) information provided jointly by the chairperson and
ranking member of each of the appropriate congressional
committees; and
(B) information obtained by other countries or reputable
nongovernmental organizations that monitor violations of
human rights abuses.
(4) Form.--The report required under paragraph (1) shall be
submitted in unclassified form, but may include a classified
annex.
(b) Imposition of Sanctions.--The President shall impose
the sanctions described in subsection (c) with respect to
each foreign person identified in the report required under
subsection (a)(1).
(c) Sanctions Described.--The sanctions described in this
subsection are the following:
(1) Asset blocking.--The President shall exercise all of
the powers granted to the President under the International
Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.) to the
extent necessary to block and prohibit all transactions in
property and interests in property of a foreign person
identified in the report required under subsection (a)(1) if
such property and interests in property are in the United
States, come within the United States, or come within the
possession or control of a United States person.
(2) Ineligibility for visas, admission, or parole.--
(A) Visas, admission, or parole.--An alien described in
subsection (a)(1) is--
(i) inadmissible to the United States;
(ii) ineligible to receive a visa or other documentation to
enter the United States; and
(iii) otherwise ineligible to be admitted or paroled into
the United States or to receive any other benefit under the
Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101 et seq.).
(B) Current visas revoked.--
[[Page H9092]]
(i) In general.--An alien described in subsection (a)(1) is
subject to revocation of any visa or other entry
documentation regardless of when the visa or other entry
documentation is or was issued.
(ii) Immediate effect.--A revocation under clause (i)
shall--
(I) take effect immediately; and
(II) automatically cancel any other valid visa or entry
documentation that is in the alien's possession.
(3) Penalties.--The penalties provided for in subsections
(b) and (c) of section 206 of the International Emergency
Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1705) shall apply to a foreign
person that violates, attempts to violate, conspires to
violate, or causes a violation of paragraph (1) to the same
extent that such penalties apply to a person that commits an
unlawful act described in subsection (a) of such section 206.
(d) Implementation.--The President may exercise all
authorities provided under sections 203 and 205 of the
International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1702
and 1704) to carry out this section.
(e) Waiver.--The President may waive the application of
sanctions under this section with respect to a person
identified in the report required under subsection (a)(1) if
the President determines and certifies to the appropriate
congressional committees that such a waiver is in the
national interest of the United States.
(f) Exceptions.--
(1) Exception for intelligence activities.--Sanctions under
this section shall not apply to any activity subject to the
reporting requirements under title V of the National Security
Act of 1947 (50 U.S.C. 3091 et seq.) or any authorized
intelligence activities of the United States.
(2) Exception to comply with international obligations and
for law enforcement activities.--Sanctions under subsection
(c)(2) shall not apply with respect to an alien if admitting
or paroling the alien into the United States is necessary--
(A) to permit the United States to comply with the
Agreement regarding the Headquarters of the United Nations,
signed at Lake Success June 26, 1947, and entered into force
November 21, 1947, between the United Nations and the United
States, or other applicable international obligations; or
(B) to carry out or assist law enforcement activity in the
United States.
(3) Exception relating to importation of goods.--
(A) In general.--The authorities and requirements to impose
sanctions authorized under this section shall not include the
authority or a requirement to impose sanctions on the
importation of goods.
(B) Good defined.--In this paragraph, the term ``good''
means any article, natural or manmade substance, material,
supply, or manufactured product, including inspection and
test equipment, and excluding technical data.
(g) Termination of Sanctions.--The President may terminate
the application of sanctions under this section with respect
to a person if the President determines and reports to the
appropriate congressional committees not less than 15 days
before the termination takes effect that--
(1) information exists that the person did not engage in
the activity for which sanctions were imposed;
(2) the person has been prosecuted appropriately for the
activity for which sanctions were imposed;
(3) the person has credibly demonstrated a significant
change in behavior, has paid an appropriate consequence for
the activity for which sanctions were imposed, and has
credibly committed to not engage in an activity described in
subsection (a)(1) in the future; or
(4) the termination of the sanctions is in the national
security interests of the United States.
(h) Sunset.--This section, and any sanctions imposed under
this section, shall terminate on the date that is 5 years
after the date of the enactment of this Act.
(i) Definitions.--In this section:
(1) Admission; admitted; alien.--The terms ``admission'',
``admitted'', and ``alien'' have the meanings given those
terms in section 101 of the Immigration and Nationality Act
(8 U.S.C. 1101).
(2) Foreign person.--The term ``foreign person'' means a
person that is not a United States person.
SEC. 8. SANCTIONS REPORTS.
(a) In General.--In accordance with section 7, the
President shall submit, to the appropriate congressional
committees, a report that includes--
(1) a list of each foreign person with respect to which the
President imposed sanctions during the year preceding the
submission of the report;
(2) a description of the type of sanctions imposed with
respect to each such person;
(3) the number of foreign persons with respect to which the
President terminated sanctions under section 7 during that
year;
(4) the dates on which such sanctions were imposed or
terminated, as applicable;
(5) the reasons for imposing or terminating such sanctions;
and
(6) a description of the efforts of the President to
encourage the governments of other countries to impose
sanctions that are similar to the sanctions authorized under
section 7.
(b) Nonapplicability of Confidentiality Requirement With
Respect to Visa Records.--The President shall publish the
report required under subsection (a) without regard to the
requirements of section 222(f) of the Immigration and
Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1202(f)) with respect to
confidentiality of records pertaining to the issuance or
refusal of visas or permits to enter the United States.
SEC. 9. SENSE OF CONGRESS ON PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA
STATE-CONTROLLED MEDIA.
It is the sense of Congress that--
(1) the United States condemns the deliberate targeting and
harassment of democracy activists, diplomatic personnel of
the United States and other nations, and their families by
media organizations controlled by the Government of the
People's Republic of China, including Wen Wei Po and Ta Kung
Po;
(2) the Secretary of State should clearly inform the
Government of the People's Republic of China that the use of
media outlets to spread disinformation or to intimidate and
threaten its perceived enemies in Hong Kong or in other
countries is unacceptable; and
(3) the Secretary of State should take any activities
described in paragraph (1) or (2) into consideration when
granting visas for travel and work in the United States to
journalists from the People's Republic of China who are
affiliated with any such media organizations.
SEC. 10. SENSE OF CONGRESS ON COMMERCIAL EXPORTS OF CROWD
CONTROL EQUIPMENT TO HONG KONG.
It is sense of Congress that the Department of Commerce, in
conjunction with other relevant Federal departments and
agencies, should consider appropriate adjustments to the
current United States export controls with respect to Hong
Kong to prevent the supply of crowd control and surveillance
equipment that could be used inappropriately in Hong Kong.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from New
York (Mr. Engel) and the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) each
will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York.
General Leave
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have
5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and
include extraneous material on S. 1838.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, the passage of the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy
Act today will once again demonstrate our support for the people of
Hong Kong. The House passed our version of the bill several weeks ago,
and this version passed the Senate last night as well, demonstrating,
without a doubt, that the U.S. Congress stands with the people of Hong
Kong even during a particularly troubling time.
We are seeing the escalation of violence in unprecedented ways,
indiscriminate use of force against students, and troubling reports of
Chinese forces directing and manipulating the security forces in Hong
Kong.
However, as Joshua Wong said when he was last here with us on Capitol
Hill just a few weeks ago, the ``people of Hong Kong will never walk
alone.'' That is a quote. Never has this been truer than today.
Although the abuses and injustices that have been endured by the
people of Hong Kong are clear and evident to everyone, the policy
challenge that this presents for the United States is far more nuanced.
It is my expectation that, when implementing this legislation, the
Secretary of State will understand congressional intent that this
legislation is designed to help the U.S. Government and the U.S.
Congress better evaluate the erosion of Hong Kong's autonomy and,
ultimately, stem the tide of China's aggressive behavior toward the
people of Hong Kong.
Our objective is not to punish Hong Kong, but to help preserve and
protect Hong Kong's autonomy in the face of Beijing's flagrant
disregard for ``one country, two systems,'' which they had promised. As
such, we believe it is in the national security interest of the United
States to protect the autonomy of Hong Kong.
It is with that intent that this entire legislative exercise has been
undertaken. I hope that in evaluating how to apply the mandates in this
bill, this administration, and any future administration, will give the
best interest of the people of Hong Kong the highest consideration.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
[[Page H9093]]
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
First of all, I want to thank the distinguished chairman and the
ranking member, Mr. McCaul, for their strong support for this effort,
both bills that are up today.
And I would also especially like to thank the Speaker for her
leadership as well.
Mr. Speaker, since the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre 30 years ago, I
have had the privilege of working with colleagues on both sides of the
aisle, including, and especially, Speaker Pelosi, Jim McGovern, my
good friend--and he is the chairman of the China Commission, and I am
ranking member--and Congressman Frank Wolf, a former Member who was
tenacious in his fight for human rights, the rule of law, and democracy
for the people of China.
We have always believed that every person deserves better than the
brutality so many endure in the systematic violations of their
universally recognized human rights. China's ruthless dictators do not
agree, and they are driven--they are obsessed--to tighten their
control.
Today, Mr. Speaker, Hong Kong is burning. The status quo is no
longer. The brutal government crackdown on democracy activists has
escalated. Tragically, under President Xi Jinping, human rights abuse
throughout China has significantly worsened, including the pervasive
use of torture, religious persecution, human trafficking, and genocide
against Muslim Uighurs.
Last month, Mr. Speaker, President Xi ominously warned of even more
brutal violence to come in Hong Kong, threatening ``crushed bodies and
shattered bones.''
And the Hong Kong Government, itself, prefers bullets and batons over
peaceful and political dialog that would address the Hong Kong people's
rightful grievances.
That is a sad and disgusting reality, and it is what the Chinese
Government, however, does best: suppress, repress, torture, kill, and
censor.
With the passage of the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act, the
United States Congress is making it clear that beating, torturing, and
jailing democracy activists is absolutely wrong. We stand in solidarity
with the people of Hong Kong. There will be strong sanctions, other
ramifications, for this crackdown, for this abuse of power.
The people of Hong Kong have feared for their freedom for a long
time.
In 2014, Mr. Speaker, I met with Martin Lee and Anson Chan, two
titans of Hong Kong's democracy movement. They and Scott Flipse, of the
China Commission, and I met in my office for hours as we discussed the
Chinese Communist Party's growing influence and their attempts that had
already begun to degrade autonomy and human rights in Hong Kong.
That is, Mr. Speaker, the genesis of this bill and our 5-year effort
to push back on Beijing's pernicious interference in Hong Kong.
In the midst of the 2014 Umbrella Movement, I first introduced,
joined by Speaker Pelosi, the first Hong Kong Human Rights and
Democracy Act. My CECC co-chair, Senator Brown of Ohio, introduced the
same bill in the Senate.
Over the years, in 2015 and 2017, Senator Rubio and I upgraded the
bill to reflect the kidnapping of book sellers, the disqualification of
elected lawmakers, and the political prosecutions of Joshua Wong,
Nathan Law, Benny Tai, and many others. However, every time, every
single time we pushed for passage, there was vigorous opposition from
diplomats, so-called experts, committee chairs, and U.S. business
interests in Hong Kong.
So passage of this legislation is long overdue.
My House bill, cosponsored by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr.
McGovern), my good friend and colleague, and 46 other bipartisan
cosponsors passed last month on October 15.
Today, we consider a final bill derived from working with our
colleagues in the United States Senate. Specifically, the act directs
the Secretary of State to report and certify to Congress, annually,
whether Hong Kong continues to deserve special treatment under U.S.
law, different from Mainland China, in such matters as trade, customs,
sanctions enforcement, law enforcement cooperation, and protection of
human rights and the rule of law.
It directs the State Department not to deny entry visas based
primarily on the applicant's arrest or detention for participating in
nonviolent protest activities in Hong Kong.
It requires, for the next 7 years, an annual report from the Commerce
Department on whether Hong Kong Government adequately enforces U.S.
export controls and sanctions laws, including on those goods and
services transshipped to North Korea, Iran, or other countries relating
to the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, narcotics
trafficking, and more.
It requires an assessment of whether U.S. origin items, including
software, technology, and services, have been transferred from Hong
Kong to China in violation of U.S. law and have been used by China for
mass surveillance, predictive policing, or for the so-called social
credit system.
I know some Members might be wondering: What is the social credit
system? It is a ubiquitous, totalitarian, ``brave new world'' system
scheduled for implementation by 2020 that uses public records, online
activity, and other tools of surveillance to aggregate data on every
Chinese citizen and business and use that data to monitor, shape, and
rate financial, social, religious, or political behaviors.
The bill requires the President to submit a strategy to Congress, to
protect U.S. citizens and businesses in Hong Kong from the erosion of
autonomy and the rule of law because of actions taken by the Chinese
Government.
It requires the President to identify and sanction persons in Hong
Kong or in Mainland China responsible for extrajudicial rendition and
gross violations of internationally recognized human rights.
The Chinese Government warns us repeatedly not to interfere in
China's internal affairs, but the only interference we see is Beijing's
meddling in the democratic freedoms of Hong Kong. All I see and this
body sees, my fellow colleagues, is Beijing's failure to honor the
promises made in the 1984 Sino-British declaration, an international
treaty. All we see is Beijing's failure to honor the promises of Hong
Kong's Basic Law.
We cannot avert our eyes to what is happening in Hong Kong. We cannot
silence our voices when the rule of law, democracy, human rights, free
speech, and autonomy are being threatened in Hong Kong. We must remain
steadfast in support of the people of Hong Kong.
The whole world has a stake in a peaceful and just resolution in Hong
Kong. The passage of the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act is an
important signal that this Congress, Democrat and Republican alike,
House and Senate, considers Hong Kong's freedoms and autonomy a
critical interest of the United States and the international community.
In Hong Kong, they encourage each other to keep pressing forward with
the phrase ``Jia you.'' So today, I say to you, all of you in Hong
Kong: ``Jia you.'' Your cause is a noble, one and you will not be
forgotten.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Pelosi), our Speaker of the House, who has been very,
very active in Hong Kong freedom.
Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished chairman for
yielding.
I salute him and Mr. McCaul, the ranking member of the Foreign
Affairs Committee. To you, Mr. Chairman and Mr. McCaul, thank you for
affording this opportunity to vote on the Hong Kong Human Rights and
Democracy Act.
This is a proud day for the U.S. Congress, for our values of freedom
and justice, and for the people of Hong Kong.
For 6 months, the people of Hong Kong have stirred the hearts of all
freedom-loving people with their extraordinary outpouring of courage
and their refusal to relinquish their demand for democracy, the
democratic freedoms, and the rule of law which was promised more than
two decades ago.
Today, the Congress is sending an unmistakable message to the world
that the United States stands in solidarity
[[Page H9094]]
with the freedom-loving people of Hong Kong, and we fully support their
fight for freedom.
We salute Chairman McGovern, a leading voice for human rights in
China and around the world, our Congressional-Executive Commission on
China chair and also chair of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission.
Mr. Speaker, I thank Congressman Smith, just listening to him talk
about we are into our third generation of freedom-loving people in Hong
Kong.
I am so glad Mr. Smith acknowledged the work of our distinguished
former colleague, Frank Wolf, who was so, so very much a part and still
continues to be a spiritual leader to us in this regard.
We have worked with Martin Lee and Anson Chan way back when and--so
late 1980s, early 1990s--then into this new century with another
generation; and now, three generations, Martin Lee still being
involved, but with Joshua Wong and Nathan Wong and all of the young
participants who are there, because it is a sad situation.
In 1997, when the United Kingdom transferred Hong Kong to China,
America was hopeful that the people of Hong Kong would achieve the
``high degree of autonomy''--that is in quotes--``high degree of
autonomy'' that they were promised. Today, it is beyond question that
China has utterly broken that promise.
America has been watching for years as the people of Hong Kong have
been increasingly denied their full autonomy and faced with a cruel
crackdown on their freedoms and an escalation of violence.
Most recently, the violent attacks against students at Hong Kong
Polytechnic University have shocked the world as unconscionable and
unacceptable.
More than 1,000 young people were denied food, water, first aid.
Scores were sent to the hospital for hypothermia after attempting to
escape through a sewer, and hundreds now languish in jail cells.
Right now, frightened parents of the students who remain on campus
are holding vigil outside, praying that their children will be safe,
clutching signs reading: ``Save the kids. Don't kill our children,''
and, ``They are children of God. Let them go.''
In the Congress, Democrats and Republicans stand united with the
protestors and with the people of Hong Kong. We have stood united in a
bipartisan way.
It has been a very unifying issue for us, whether we are talking
about the autonomy of Tibet that the Chinese are trying to destroy, the
culture, the language, and the region of Tibet; the Uighurs, where 1,
2, 3, maybe 3 million Uighurs are under education camps, which the
Chinese Government says they really enjoy being in--Oh, really?--or
human rights violations, suppression of human rights throughout all of
China.
{time} 1545
If America does not speak out for human rights in China because of
commercial interests, we lose all moral authority to speak out on human
rights elsewhere.
Since Tiananmen Square, many of us in a bipartisan way have been
fighting this fight, and we have seen that commercial interests always
win the fight. It has always for them been about money.
To those who take the repressive Chinese Government's side, I say:
What does it profit a person to gain the whole world and suffer the
loss of his soul?
Today the House is proud to once again pass the bicameral, bipartisan
Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act to reaffirm America's
commitment to human rights, democracy, and the rule of law in the face
of Beijing's crackdown.
I see we have been joined by the distinguished ranking member of the
Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. McCaul. I thank him for his leadership
in bringing this legislation to the floor. I acknowledged him earlier,
along with our distinguished chairman, Mr. Engel.
We are proud to pass the Senate version of Chairman McGovern's
Protect Hong Kong Act to suspend sales on dangerous munitions to the
Hong Kong police, and we also salute Senator Merkley in his leadership
in passing that on the Senate floor.
The future of Hong Kong, the future of autonomy, freedom, and justice
for millions is at stake. America must take a stand with Hong Kong. I
am so pleased that we are making our statement in Congress in the House
and in the Senate on both sides of the aisle, Democrats and Republicans
unified in speaking out for democracy.
I urge a ``yes'' vote on both of these bills.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield as much time as he may
consume to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. McCaul), the ranking member of
the Committee on Foreign Affairs.
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
I rise today in support of the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy
Act. Two months ago I had the opportunity to join a press conference
with Speaker Nancy Pelosi, Chairman Engel, my colleague, Chris Smith,
and Hong Kong prodemocracy activists Joshua Wong, Nathan Law, and
Denise Ho to denounce China's authoritarian brutality.
I said it then and I will say it again; today we stand here not as
Republicans or Democrats, but as Americans united in our strong support
for Hong Kong.
And I would like to take this opportunity to speak directly to the
people of Hong Kong, who I know are watching this right now. America
stands with you, and America will always support you. We hear you sing
our national anthem. We see you carrying our American flag. This is a
battle between democracy versus dictatorship, liberty versus tyranny,
and freedom versus oppression.
This bill sends a clear message to China that there will be
consequences to the ruthless and brutal actions. Congress, the United
States, and the world will not stand by idly as the Chinese Communist
Party fights for itself and not its own people.
Again, I want to thank the authors of this bill. I am proud to be a
part of this movement, this cause. And we have seen quite a bit of
response on social media on this bill coming directly from the people
of Hong Kong to the Members who are on this floor saying thank you for
standing up for us.
That is democracy in action. That is what this country stands for.
And it is a proud moment, I think, for both sides of the aisle as we
are going through this time in our history to be able to stand together
for democracy and such a great movement and cause for freedom.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), an important leader on this issue.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of S. 1838, the Hong
Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act.
I want to say thank you to Speaker Nancy Pelosi for her incredible
leadership in ensuring that the House made a timely and unequivocal
statement in support of the Hong Kong people at this very important and
vital time.
I would also like to thank Congressman Chris Smith of New Jersey, as
well as Chairman Engel and Ranking Member McCaul for bringing this
legislation to the floor today. I also appreciate the leadership of
Senators Rubio, Cardin, and Menendez for all that they have done.
Mr. Speaker, in recent months, the situation in Hong Kong has
worsened as the Chinese and Hong Kong Governments have escalated
repression against the protest movement and provoked more violence and
chaos.
The recent attacks on university campuses, including last weekend
against students at Hong Kong Polytechnic University raises disturbing
questions on the strategy of the Chinese and Hong Kong Governments.
Protestors were violently assaulted and not even allowed to escape
without facing a barrage of tear gas and police brutality.
It is long past time for the Chinese and Hong Kong Governments to try
a different approach that respects the people of Hong Kong and restores
the people's faith in the autonomy of the government. That is what
political leaders do, they use dialogue and negotiation to achieve
their goals. The demands of the protestors are reasonable, and an
independent inquiry into the police violence is more than justified.
In what was initially a positive development, this week the Hong Kong
High Court decided that the government's recent facemask ban was
unconstitutional. Unfortunately, the fierce
[[Page H9095]]
response by Beijing to that ruling and claim of sole jurisdiction over
constitutional review almost certainly violates the basic law, subverts
the rule of law, and further undermines whatever trust the Hong Kong
people have left in their governing institutions.
If the Hong Kong court system is not sufficiently autonomous, then it
is difficult, if not impossible, to argue that Hong Kong is
sufficiently autonomous. It should be clear by now that Hong Kong's
leaders are beholden to the Chinese Government, and the independence of
the judiciary is being undermined.
The ``one country, two systems'' framework enshrined in the 1984
Sino-British Joint Declaration and Hong Kong's basic law has been
rapidly eroding and has now reached a point when the United States has
no choice but to modify its policy toward Hong Kong.
It is time we put the Chinese Government on annual notice that
further erosion of autonomy or a crackdown will cause the city, which
serves as an important financial haven for wealthy Chinese elites, to
lose its special economic, financial and trade arrangement with the
United States.
Further, the legislation authorizes sanctions against individuals who
violate human rights, and states that Hong Kong visa applicants should
not be denied entry to the U.S. on the basis of politically-motivated
arrests due to their protest activities.
Today a Chinese official said that they will take strong opposing
measures if the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy bill passes.
Well, I have a message for Beijing: The United States will not stand
idly by while the Chinese Government stifles free expression and
tightens its grip on Hong Kong.
Over the years, Hong Kong has prospered and become the financial
center of Asia because of its strong commitment to the rule of law,
good governance, human rights, and an open economic system.
We must use our leverage to help the people of Hong Kong in their
struggle to secure a democratic future that protects Hong Kong's
autonomy and way of life.
I am proud to support this legislation, which we will pass today with
an overwhelmingly bipartisan majority.
I now call upon the President of the United States, who has been way
too silent on this issue, to sign the bill into law.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Yoho), the ranking member of the Asia, the
Pacific, and Nonproliferation Subcommittee.
Mr. YOHO. Mr. Speaker, I just want to give a shout-out to the
bipartisan nature of this bill. Both sides are working strongly on
this. Chairman Engel, thank you. Mr. McGovern, thank you. Chris, thank
you for doing what you have done. It is true leadership. And to see
Speaker Pelosi down here, I think it speaks loudly to how America
stands on this.
In September, I, too, had the honor of meeting with a few of the
courageous leaders of Hong Kong student unions. They were advocating
for peace, liberty, and freedom. These are basic innate human rights
that have been taken away from Hong Kongers by the authoritarian
overreach of the Chinese Communist Party Complex, which is comprised of
Xi Jinping, the Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party, and
leadership within the People's Liberation Army.
As protests in Hong Kong continue into the sixth month, Xi Jinping
still refuses to take responsibility for this unrest. The cause is
simple: theft of basic rights and freedoms, not a separatist movement
or foreign influence. Members of this body have been accused of being
the cause of the protests. Speaker Pelosi was named individually.
Senator Schumer, Marco Rubio, and I were named as the cause of the Hong
Kong protests.
This disdain was sparked by the introduction of the infamous
extradition bill by Chief Executive Carrie Lam at the command of the
CCPC and has grown into what are known as the five demands. Had Xi
Jinping and his cohorts just honored the 1997 international agreement
between Great Britain and China, which allows Hong Kong to remain a
self-ruling, semi-autonomous province, none of this would have
occurred.
Not upholding one's contract has consequences. Disregarding contracts
breaks trust and dishonors the country, its leaders, and its people.
The narrative that the Chinese Communist Party Complex has created for
itself is that China cannot and should not be trusted and that the
party will go to great lengths to dismantle free societies in their
backyard.
The survival of democracy and freedom exposes the failures of
communism. Xi Jinping, along with his cohorts' lack of acknowledgment
of their failures, whether from deliberate denial or complete
ignorance, was demonstrated by Mr. Han Zheng, China's Vice Premier, who
said he believes antigovernment protests are damaging the ``one
country, two systems'' formula, and again, are caused by a separatist
movement and foreign influence.
While sitting next to Chief Executive Carrie Lam, he continued, ``We
firmly support the Special Administrative Region Government to adopt
more proactive and more effective measures'' to solve the social
problems.
Since I wrote this, they have come out and said they expect to have
brutality ramped up to bring these people under control. The proactive
and more effective measures referred to by Mr. Han Zheng are
intimidation, brutality, imprisonment and death.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman's time has expired.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield the gentleman from
Florida an additional 1 minute.
Mr. YOHO. Mr. Speaker, as the international community is well aware,
Beijing's standard procedure for dealing with unrest is well
documented. In the end, Xi Jinping will leave no stone unturned in his
quest to destroy democracy. The party will spare no one in their fight
to protect communist ideals and power. Chief Executive Lam will be
Beijing's sacrificial lamb and removed for two reasons: one, the
Communist Party must save face and have a scapegoat; and two, Xi
Jinping and the Communist Party must maintain their authority and not
show weakness.
Communism fears free thought and cannot survive in it. And I am
honored to stand with the Hong Kong protestors in their important
cause. I urge my colleagues to also stand with the courageous
individuals in Hong Kong and pass the Hong Kong Human Rights and
Democracy Act.
``Jia you'' to our Hong Kong friends standing up for your basic human
rights.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to the
gentleman from California (Mr. Sherman), and I ask unanimous consent
that he be allowed to control the time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield as much time as he may
consume to the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Hill).
Mr. HILL of Arkansas. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New
Jersey, my good friend, for yielding, and I have to thank him for his
decades of service and leadership here for free expression and for
liberty in Hong Kong.
I was moved by the Speaker's tribute and appreciate her 30 years of
work there. I thank Mr. Engel for his leadership, and, of course, my
good friend from California, who now is controlling the time for the
majority.
{time} 1600
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the Hong Kong Human
Rights and Democracy Act and stand in solidarity with the people of
Hong Kong.
For 6 months, we have witnessed Hong Kong citizens protest for their
right to live in a free and fair political system, an expectation they
fully have. Over the last several weeks, we have witnessed the
government become increasingly violent as it cracks down on protests.
It is sad to see death and destruction come to this beautiful and
energetic place.
For three decades, I have traveled to Hong Kong and witnessed their
innovative spirit and their extraordinary work ethic. In fact, Hong
Kong was the model for the post-World War II Asian
[[Page H9096]]
Tiger growth and prosperity now shared across the region. When a
proponent of welfare statism queried progrowth economist Melvyn B.
Krauss, ``But how many Hong Kongs can the world have?'' the professor
responded, ``As many as the world will allow itself.''
The 7 million citizens of Hong Kong are looking to us for a voice and
for leadership, and with today's vote, we will deliver. I call on
President Trump to sign this important measure into law with expediency
and show the world that America supports the people of Hong Kong, their
right to free expression, and their democratic governance guaranteed
under the five-decade arrangement agreed to in 1997 by the People's
Republic of China and the United Kingdom.
Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Smith for his leadership, and I urge all of
my colleagues to support this measure.
Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I will close when the gentleman has closed
on his side, and I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of
my time.
Mr. Speaker, the United States' and the world's response to the
Tiananmen Square massacre 30 years ago and the massive crackdown that
was unleashed after that, because of that weak response, has enabled
unrelenting and pervasive human rights abuses ever since.
Had we been strong and predictable and said that human rights matter,
had we linked it to MFN, most-favored-nation status, and stuck to it,
we would have had a different China today that, at least more than it
does today, would have respected the rule of law and human rights.
We cannot recommit that mistake by being weak and vacillating in the
face of this terrible, terrible attack on the people of Hong Kong and
on their autonomy.
Remember, what we are asking Xi Jinping, Carrie Lam, and all the
other leaders in Hong Kong and in Beijing to do is just honor your
promises; you made solemn promises that you are violating now with
impunity.
We have to be very clear that if we enable that, if we look the other
way, then we become unwittingly, perhaps, but complicit in this
terrible degrading of the human rights situation for the people of Hong
Kong.
Mr. Speaker, I want to remind my colleagues as well, and I think we
all know this, but this bill is the work of so many who deeply care,
many Members across the aisle, bipartisanship at a time when that seems
to be pretty much a rare commodity, but when it comes to Hong Kong, we
are all there joined together arm-in-arm speaking out on behalf of
these tremendous leaders who suffer and go to prison and endure tear
gas and worse each and every day.
I want to mention some of the staff members, and there are many. When
we had the bill up on the 15th, I mentioned even more. But these
members were instrumental in working on the legislation over the past 5
years. Remember, this is the fourth time I introduced it, and I have
worked with Marco Rubio and others. This is a bicameral and bipartisan
bill.
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank former staff directors of the
Congressional-Executive Commission on China, Paul Protic and Elise
Anderson, for their important work on Hong Kong and China. I want to
thank Piero Tozzi of my staff for his focus on human rights in China
and around the world. I particularly want to mention the contribution
made to this legislation by Scott Flipse of the CECC, the
Congressional-Executive Commission on China.
In 2014, Dr. Flipse first convinced me. We had met, and he said that
we have a problem in Hong Kong and that we need to address it. I was
co-chair of the China Commission. Then we had meetings with Chinese
leaders and Hong Kong leaders. We began to see that what was taking
place in somewhat slow motion before our eyes was that there was a
long-term Beijing plan to undermine Hong Kong's autonomy and that the
U.S. needed to focus its efforts on countering that plan. He has been a
stalwart advocate for the people of Hong Kong ever since, and I, again,
want to thank him for his critical contributions to this legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume
for the purpose of closing.
We vote today on S. 1838, but this is not just a Senate bill. This is
a bill very similar to the one introduced in this House by the
gentleman from New Jersey. This House has already voted on this bill
and supported it overwhelmingly. Today, once again, we show the world
our commitment to the people of Hong Kong and to the preservation and
protection of Hong Kong's autonomy, given China's aggressive attempts
to undermine the ``one country, two systems'' approach.
With this important legislation, we send a clear signal that the
United States will hold those undermining Hong Kong's rights and
autonomy accountable and that the American people stand shoulder to
shoulder with the people of Hong Kong. With few exceptions, the people
of Hong Kong have fought for their rights through peaceable protest,
and we stand with them.
Mr. Speaker, I hope all Members will join me in supporting the
passage of this bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. McGovern). The question is on the motion
offered by the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) that the House
suspend the rules and pass the bill, S. 1838.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further
proceedings on this motion will be postponed.
____________________