[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 182 (Thursday, November 14, 2019)]
[Senate]
[Pages S6596-S6597]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                                 Africa

  Mrs. BLACKBURN. Mr. President, this past weekend, I was the first 
Senator in a really long time to fly into Somalia's notoriously 
dangerous capital city. I will tell you, at first glance, it looks like 
things in Mogadishu have gotten back to normal. But the situation on 
the ground, after you fly in and get out of the plane and you get on 
the ground, you see it is really quite a different story.
  There is a reason why our recollection of Somali history focuses on 
the Black Hawk Down incident--the terrible Battle of Mogadishu--and 
then-

[[Page S6597]]

President Bill Clinton's decision to evacuate American troops from the 
Horn of Africa.
  Somalia's legacy is rooted in years of violence that overwhelmed the 
world's most elite military forces, froze the economy, and left the 
Somali people very much alone in the world--at least until 9/11, when 
Western powers were forced to focus on multiple fronts in the War on 
Terror.
  I was fortunate enough last weekend to visit our Djibouti-based 
troops at Camp Lemonnier. Our base there was established in the wake of 
9/11, and since then, has expanded to support AFRICOM's mission in the 
Horn of Africa. Their leadership is committed to not repeating the 
mistakes of the past. They have developed the best unmanned aerial 
system force in the world.
  It is amazing what they are doing with these UAVs. Between that 
program and our impressive intelligence surveillance and reconnaissance 
capabilities, the military has stepped up their ability to keep our 
troops safer in the world's most volatile theater.
  I was pleased to know that the 101st Airborne out of Fort Campbell--
which is located in Montgomery County, TN, and also there on the 
Kentucky border--are supporting the vital post-Benghazi East Africa 
Response Force mission and that the Nashville-based 118th Air Wing unit 
of the Tennessee Air National Guard plays a vital role in regional 
security operations.
  It brought home to me the point of why we have to get the NDAA 
finished, why we have to get these resources to our men and women in 
uniform who are fighting every day and need 21st-century warfare in 
order to keep us safe.
  The work they are doing there--and of course I can't say exactly what 
it is that they are doing--should make us all really humbled and 
grateful for those who choose to serve.
  Our mission in Africa is changing. Things are shifting a little bit. 
As we urge our local partners in Africa to take ownership over their 
own security, the chattering class is at it again and what we will hear 
from people is: Well, I think we have done enough for Africa. Don't you 
think we have given enough?
  My response this week to those who have made that statement has been: 
No, we have not done enough. We have invested more than a decades' 
worth of time, money, and manpower. We have lost men, lost ground, 
regained that ground, expanded our abilities, and have achieved 
moderate regional stability. But most importantly, we have confirmed 
the Horn of Africa is still a geopolitical powder keg.
  The same forces that swept the Horn into anarchy in the 1990s and 
allowed terrorism to metastasize in the 2000s are now triggering 
instability all across that continent.
  For a long time, Somalia managed to limp along as a failed state 
because a traditional government has never acted as their main arbiter. 
Powerful clans decided for themselves who would control territory and 
resources, and the clans are still very evident in that country. The 
victors, in turn, weaponized access to clean water, food, and 
healthcare in order to keep citizens in line.
  Violent extremist organizations like al-Shabaab, ISIS, and factions 
of al-Qaida have been watching, and now they are employing the same 
tactics to destabilize existing governments in and beyond the Horn, in 
northeast Nigeria, and in the Sahel and the Lake Chad regions of West 
Africa.
  We may have eradicated the physical caliphate, but mom-and-pop terror 
shops are thriving. What is more, the digital caliphate is alive and 
well, and it will take more than ground forces to wipe it out.
  Many of my colleagues may be tempted to assume that these insurgent 
hotbeds have lowered Africa's stock in the eyes of global powers, but 
we shouldn't be fooled about that in this era of great power 
competition. It is going to sound mighty familiar to all of us, but 
China and, to a lesser extent, Russia are doing all they can to 
actually buy their way into strategic dominance. This is some of what 
we heard and what we learned this week. For example, China has made 
inroads by agreeing to hold 80 percent of the government of Djibouti's 
debt. Think about that. China has gone to this country and they have 
said: Look, we will hold this debt for you, 80 percent of it.
  In turn, Djibouti has accommodated China's first overseas military 
outpost and granted them access to crucial shipping lanes. They have 
also bought into China's Smart City Program, those all-seeing cameras 
that I encountered at every intersection at Djibouti City. In other 
words, the Chinese must feel like they have struck gold. They have a 
huge port going in. They are helping to turn this into an intermodal 
transit system with a port, with a railway. By the way, we are going to 
put these cameras up to help you keep your community safe. And what is 
China doing? China is collecting all that data. They are scanning all 
of these faces. They are watching everything that comes into these 
ports and are monitoring everything that goes on the rails.
  China is doing this not only with Djibouti but with other countries 
in Africa. They are trying to secure this coastline in Africa for 
themselves to expand their reach.
  For 12 years, the United States and our partners have worked together 
to bring stability to the Horn of Africa. The State Department and 
USAID have laid the groundwork for education, for health development, 
institution building, and permanent democratic transition. Yet the 
region remains vulnerable. Our role is going to change because, yes, we 
look at it as great power competition through the military. But we also 
look at the way China and Russia are pushing into their economic 
sectors. Great power competition is not just playing out in the Indo-
Pacific or in Eastern Europe; it is playing out right now on the 
African Continent. Instead of playing defense, as we do in other 
theaters, we have the opportunity to be on offense when it comes to 
Africa.
  If we decide that now we have had enough, these threats--from the 
military, that sector, and from the economic sector--will degrade 
American influence and will threaten the homeland and will imperil the 
delicate and completely reversible balance that we have fought so hard 
to gain. Our Nation's security cannot afford to give ground, to cede 
ground, on the Continent of Africa.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. CARPER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Braun). Without objection, it is so 
ordered.