[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 176 (Tuesday, November 5, 2019)]
[Senate]
[Pages S6369-S6370]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                  Unanimous Consent Request--H.R. 2486

  Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, we need to pass the FUTURE Act to help 
students in historically Black colleges and universities, minority-
serving institutions, and we need to do that now.
  I am here to advocate on behalf of Maryland's four HBCUs that face a 
funding cliff due to congressional inaction. Without the immediate 
passage of the FUTURE Act, Bowie State University, Coppin State 
University, Morgan State University, and the University of Maryland 
Eastern Shore face a collective $4.2 million funding shortfall now that 
the Higher Education Act's authorization for mandatory funding for 
these institutions lapsed October 1 of this year.
  This clean, bipartisan, and paid-for 2-year authorization gives 
breathing room to continue to negotiate the full reauthorization of the 
Higher Education Act without holding these historically underfunded 
institutions hostage.
  Our HBCUs and MSIs know they can count on this mandatory funding each 
year to strengthen their course offerings and in-demand STEM programs, 
make infrastructure improvements, and provide academic counseling and 
student support services to first-generation and historically 
underrepresented students.
  Throwing the budgets of these institutions into chaos directly harms 
their ability to serve their students and communities. Institutions 
would have to make decisions about potentially reducing levels of 
academic services, delaying needed infrastructure investments, and make 
longstanding staffing decisions. These decisions are being made all 
across the country at schools of each of our States. Collectively, the 
MSIs risk losing out on $255 million in mandatory funding. This is an 
unnecessary obstacle our HBCUs and MSIs do not need to face. We have a 
paid-for available for us today to address this issue.
  We can get this done now. The House is prepared to accept this 2-year 
extension, which gives us a chance to negotiate a complete 
reauthorization of the Higher Education Act but does not hold these 
institutions hostage with the mandatory funding that is provided by 
law.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the 
immediate consideration of Calendar No. 212, H.R. 2486; that the Murray 
amendment at the desk be agreed to; that the bill, as amended, be 
considered read a third time and passed; and that the motion to 
reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  The Senator from Tennessee.
  Mr. ALEXANDER. Mr. President, reserving the right to object.
  I thank the distinguished Senator from Maryland for giving me this 
opportunity to present the right way to help historically Black 
colleges and universities, and I intend to do that when he is finished 
speaking about this and explain what we can do together.
  Unfortunately, the bill he proposes is a shortcut the House took, 
which has no way to pass the Senate. It is based upon a budget gimmick 
and uses a method of funding that many Senators object to. It creates a 
new funding cliff within 23 months, and it is unnecessary because the 
Secretary of Education has written all of the heads of historically 
Black colleges and universities to say that there are sufficient funds 
until next September so there is no funding problem.
  This gives me an opportunity--which I will do in a just a moment--to 
suggest the right way to do it. The right way to do it is to do 
permanent funding of historically Black colleges and universities in a 
package of bills I have introduced. That package includes other 
legislation--which I will discuss when my time comes--which include 
simplifying the FAFSA.
  It is a bill Senator Jones and I have introduced which will help 20 
million families, including almost every student at a historically 
Black college or minority-serving institution. The bill package also 
includes grants for prisoners and short-term Pell grants, and it 
simplifies the student aid letters.
  This package is ready. It includes short-term Pell grants, as I 
mentioned. This package has been put together by a number of Democratic 
and Republican Senators. It is ready to pass the Senate and ready for 
the President to sign it. It permanently funds Black colleges and 
universities instead of this shortcut.
  In a moment, I will talk more about that, but in the meantime, I 
object.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard.
  The Senator from Maryland.

[[Page S6370]]

  

  Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, I greatly respect the chairman of the 
committee. I know of his sincerity in dealing with higher education and 
education in our country, but the issue is pretty simple. Without the 
continuation of mandatory funding as provided by current law, 
historically Black colleges and universities and minority-serving 
institutions cannot rely upon the funding source the chairman is 
talking about. There are going to be tough decisions that have to be 
made on infrastructure improvements, tough decisions on staffing, and 
there is no need for it.
  We all agree that mandatory funding should continue. I am all for 
permanent extension. This UC will give us the 2-year window to make 
sure we pass the Higher Education Act reauthorization to fund that.
  The issues the chairman is going to talk about are all matters that 
are under discussion and debate that have to be worked out between the 
members of his committee, the floor, and reconciliation between the 
House and the Senate. In the meantime, historically Black colleges and 
universities and minority-serving institutions will suffer.
  I fully support what the chairman is trying to do getting matters 
accomplished, but if I understand the unanimous consent he will be 
asking for, it doesn't deal with all the issues that need to be dealt 
with. We have to fully address the challenges students face with 
college access, affordability, accountability, and campus safety. The 
chairman's bill does not meet that test and limits what we could do in 
the future to meaningfully address the cost of attending and succeeding 
in colleges. The bill continues to let the realities of getting a 
college degree--the challenges of childcare, housing, food, textbooks--
go unaddressed for our country's growing diversity of students, 
including student veterans, students with disabilities, students of 
color, and students of low-income families or those who are the first 
in their families to attend college.
  I agree with the chairman. Let's bring the Higher Education Act 
forward and debate it but don't hold these institutions that have 
historically been discriminated against hostage to a program we all 
agree needs to be continued.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Tennessee.
  Mr. ALEXANDER. Mr. President, why would we hold hostage bipartisan 
legislation that would simplify the FAFSA from 108 questions to 18 to 
30--the Federal aid that 20 million families fill out every year in 
this country--unnecessarily? Why are we holding that hostage? Why are 
we holding hostage the legislation introduced by Senator Portman and 
Senator Kaine and cosponsored by Cardin, Gillibrand, Hassan, Klobuchar, 
Stabenow, Baldwin, Brown--these are all Democrats--here is a 
Republican, Capito, Coons, Ernst, Jones, Moran, Shaheen, Sinema, Smith, 
Wicker, and Braun.
  This is legislation we all agree on--or at least that many agree on--
on short-term Pell grants. Then we have Senators Grassley, Smith, 
Cassidy, Ernst, Hassan, Jones, Klobuchar, Manchin, and Rubio, who would 
like to simplify the Federal aid letters so you don't get a letter in 
the mail, if you are living in Maryland or Tennessee, and think you 
have a grant you don't have to pay back, when in fact it is a loan you 
do have to pay back.
  We also agree on increasing the maximum Pell grant. We also agree on 
how to pay for it. We also agree on permanent funding for the 
historically Black colleges and institutions in a way that the Budget 
Committee can easily approve, and it can pass the Senate.
  If we can agree on all that and it all helps students at historically 
Black colleges and minority-serving institutions, then why don't we 
pass it? Why don't we do that? Why do we come up with a short-term, 
gimmick-supported, House-passed bill that sets up a new cliff? Why 
don't we take a permanent funding, with a Budget Committee-approved way 
of paying for it, and do some other things that we have been working on 
for 5 years in a bipartisan way? This is not an Alexander proposal. 
This is a package of proposals by 29 Senators--17 Democrats and 12 
Republicans. It is ready to pass the Senate; it is ready to be worked 
on with the House of Representatives; and it is ready to be signed by 
the President of the United States.
  Let me add to this. The Secretary of Education, and people seem to 
ignore this, has written all the presidents of the historically Black 
colleges and said there is enough money in the bank to pay for all 
their funding until next September. So we have nearly a year to do this 
the right way instead of the wrong way. We are not on vacation. I know 
everybody is talking about impeachment, but we have lots of students 
around this country who would like to have a simpler way to go to 
college. We have lots of historically Black institutions and minority-
serving institutions that would like to have a permanent method of 
funding. We have lots of employers and potential employees who want a 
short-term Pell grant.
  Simplifying FAFSA would actually add, according to the Congressional 
Budget Office, 250,000 Pell grants, and it would increase the number of 
Americans who are eligible for the maximum Pell grant. All that is 
ready to go. All that is ready to go so why don't we do that instead?
  I thank the Senator from Maryland for giving me an opportunity and a 
reason to bring up my package of bills with permanent funding of the 
historically Black colleges and universities paid for, not by a 
gimmick, but by a Budget Committee-approved method that President Trump 
and President Obama both had in their budgets.