Congressional Record, Volume 165 Issue 171 (Tuesday, October 29, 2019)

[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 171 (Tuesday, October 29, 2019)]
[House]
[Pages H8552-H8558]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H. RES. 296, AFFIRMING THE UNITED STATES
RECORD ON THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I
call up House Resolution 655 and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:

H. Res. 655

Resolved, That upon adoption of this resolution it shall be
in order without intervention of any point of order to
consider in the House the resolution (H. Res. 296) affirming
the United States record on the Armenian Genocide. The
resolution shall be considered as read. The previous question
shall be considered as ordered on the resolution and preamble
to adoption without intervening motion or demand for division
of the question except one hour of debate equally divided and
controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the
Committee on Foreign Affairs.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Massachusetts is
recognized for 1 hour.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield
the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Burgess),
pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During
consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose
of debate only.

General Leave

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
be given 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Massachusetts?
There was no objection.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, on Monday, the Rules Committee met and
reported a rule, House Resolution 655, providing for consideration of
H. Res. 296 under a closed rule.
This resolution also provides 1 hour of general debate controlled by
the Chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on Foreign
Affairs.
Mr. Speaker, this rule is about U.S. leadership, standing for human
rights, and whether we are going to turn a blind eye to atrocities,
even if they took place 100 years ago.
H. Res. 296 is a resolution formally recognizing and memorializing
the Armenian genocide. And let me say, it is about time. 1.5 million
Armenians died at the hands of the Ottoman Empire in the emerging
Nation of Turkey over a century ago. Tens of thousands of Armenians
were violently expelled from their ancestral homelands.
These truths are important. Acknowledging them is important. Yet, the
United States has only tinkered around the edges of recognizing this
reality. Some of our Nation's closest allies already have--31 nations,
in fact--countries like Canada, Italy, France, Poland, Sweden, Germany,
even Russia have recognized this genocide.
Mr. Speaker, here is a map of those nations, and you can tell that
the

[[Page H8553]]

United States stands out; and I say that with great sadness.
White House statements and Congressional resolutions over the years
have referred to mass atrocities and other euphemisms; but nothing in
recent times has fully recognized it by calling it what it actually
was, a genocide.
Mr. Speaker, we need to speak the truth. Forty-nine of our 50 States
have formally recognized the Armenian genocide, but the Federal
Government has not.
This is a dark stain on our human rights record. The United States
should stand foursquare for human rights. Anything short of that sends
exactly the wrong message to abusers around the globe.
Mr. Speaker, I represent a congressional district in central
Massachusetts. It is home to the oldest Armenian community in America.
The first Armenian orthodox church in America was built in Worcester,
Massachusetts, my hometown. People still worship in it today.
When I was first elected in 1996, we had rows and rows of pews filled
with survivors of the Armenian genocide sitting at the front of the
church during our annual April remembrance of the Armenian genocide.
Sadly, almost 2 years ago, the last of our survivors, Rose, passed
away.
I have learned so much from this community. And to those who insist
that now is not the time for us to recognize the Armenian genocide; I
have to ask in return, when will it be the right time? When the very
last survivor of the genocide has passed away?
Those who want the world to forget, those who want to deny genocide,
they believe that history will be erased with the last eyewitness to
genocide.
Mr. Speaker, I must be honest. As many political leaders have
proclaimed ``never again'' over the years, the Armenian American
community has been left to wonder when ``never again'' would finally
become ``enough is enough.''

{time} 1245

With this resolution, the United States will join the ranks of the
many nations, parliaments, and institutions that have fully recognized
and commemorated the Armenian genocide. We will speak out clearly in
favor of human rights. Finally, we will say loud and clear that enough
is enough.
Mr. Speaker, as we acknowledge this genocide from 100 years ago, I am
glad this House is separately considering H.R. 4695 on suspension this
week. This bill recognizes the blood that is being spilled today in
northern Syria. Because of Turkey's ruthless aggression, hundreds of
civilians have been killed. Thousands more have been displaced.
Erdogan's government has targeted the Kurds, one of our strongest and
most courageous allies in the fight against ISIS. What is going on
there can only be described as ethnic cleansing.
Instead of standing up for the people who have fought alongside U.S.
troops in Syria, President Trump gave Turkey the green light to try and
wipe the Kurds off the map. The President even complimented President
Erdogan, calling him a friend, a tough man, a hell of a leader.
Just last week, 9 days after the President first announced sanctions
against Turkey, he unilaterally lifted all the sanctions against
Turkey--9 days. Are you kidding me?
Never in my life did I think I would see the day when a President of
the United States would pave the way for a nation to systematically
slaughter our allies, remove sanctions from a country engaging in
ethnic cleansing without holding anyone to account, or put U.S. troops
stationed abroad in harm's way all while giving Russia not only a PR
victory but control over territory that just days before had been safe,
secure, and free from the control of ISIS terrorists and Assad's
murderous regime.
Standing up for human rights is not a Democratic or Republican issue;
it is an American issue. Even in an age of heightened partisanship,
this Congress must still be capable of speaking with one voice against
genocide and crimes against humanity, no matter when they took place. I
urge all of my colleagues to support this rule and the underlying
resolution so we can show the world that we still are.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. McGovern for yielding me the
customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, today, we consider a resolution to once again assert the
position of the House of Representatives with respect to the Armenian
genocide that occurred between 1915 and 1923. This resolution cites
previous United States recognition of the killing of Armenians,
including in 1951, 1975, 1981, and 1984.
Numerous resolutions have been introduced in the House and Senate
that did not pass both Chambers. In addition, Congress has twice
designated April 24 as a National Day of Remembrance of Man's
Inhumanity to Man, specifically referencing Armenia. The United States
has clearly indicated its support to the Armenians.
While there is historic precedent for recognizing the Armenian
genocide, passing such a resolution today could complicate the
situation with a NATO ally. Previously, this has resulted in protests
at and around the Incirlik Air Base that have affected our men and
women in uniform who were stationed there.
While the desire to recognize the Armenian genocide is laudable,
these events took place over 100 years ago. It remains unclear why we
are urgently considering this resolution. The Committee on Foreign
Affairs did not conduct a hearing or hold a markup before we voted last
night in the Rules Committee to bring this to the floor today.
Representative Schiff introduced this resolution on April 8 of this
year, 2019, so we are left to wonder why we wait until there are 11
legislative days until expiration of the continuing resolution to fund
the entirety of the Government of the United States on the
discretionary side, why we are willing to suspend that to consider a
nonbinding resolution.
Democrats continue to bring to the floor legislation that is either
not urgent or has no chance of passing the Senate and becoming law.
There are bipartisan policy areas in which Republicans stand ready to
work with Democrats for the benefit of the American people. The most
pressing issue, of course, is the continuing resolution expiration.
While the House did pass 10 of the 12 appropriations bills, they were
constructed largely without Republican input on the Appropriations
Committee, resulting in highly partisan provisions that actually
prevented any Republicans from being able to support these bills when
they came to the floor.
One of the most important appropriations bills providing funding for
the Department of Homeland Security has not received consideration by
the full House. We are facing a humanitarian and security crisis at our
southern border. That is real. That is right now. This situation got so
bad in early summer that Congress had to pass a supplemental
appropriations bill to last year's appropriation just to provide the
basic necessities for those in the Customs and Border Protection
custody. While this temporary funding influx helped alleviate a number
of people in our border facilities and the Office of Refugee
Resettlement shelters, it did not make any policy changes that would
actually address the root cause of this crisis.
If Democrats are unwilling to provide funding to secure our border,
we should consider disincentivizing people from making the dangerous
journey in the first place. There are people who die along the way.
Others are seriously injured or become ill. Still others become victims
of human trafficking.
Additionally, the cartels are profiting big time off of these
vulnerable individuals, taking a cut from two-thirds of southern border
flows. The penalty for not paying off the cartel is death. Rather than
incentivize this type of activity, could we not focus our efforts on
combating the drivers of irregular migration from El Salvador,
Guatemala, and Honduras? We can also send a message that if you come to
the United States without legal documentation, you will not be
permitted to remain herein definitely.

To change this, Congress could pass a bill to reform our asylum laws
and provide more resources to clear the backlog of immigration cases, a
backlog that is approaching 1 million cases.

[[Page H8554]]

Another area where Congress could be spending our valuable time is
discussing solutions for the cost of prescriptions and pharmaceuticals.
There is bipartisan consensus that we could cap out-of-pocket costs for
our seniors in Medicare part D. This is a policy that we can and should
draft together. In fact, we had a bipartisan Committee on Energy and
Commerce and Committee on Ways and Means request for information on the
topic of restructuring part D last May.
If we work together in a thoughtful, bipartisan, bicameral manner on
restructuring the part D benefit, the President would sign that
legislation. He has even said that is a top priority. And our
constituents would see lower out-of-pocket drug costs.
But what do we get? We get H.R. 3, Speaker Pelosi's partisan drug
pricing bill, which sidelines achievable drug pricing policies that
were in the works prior to the release of H.R. 3.
Additionally, last week marked the 1-year anniversary of President
Trump's signing the SUPPORT Act into law. This legislation provides
realistic solutions that span the breadth of the opiate crisis, from
prevention and treatment to education and enforcement. This legislation
will improve treatment for those with substance use disorders, fight
deadly fentanyl, bolster the efforts of our agents at the international
mail facilities, and provide vital resources for new and innovative
alternatives for the treatment of pain. In a time when our country
seems so divided, Congress was able to put political differences aside
and put patients first to find solutions to address this crisis.
As it stands now, the SUPPORT Act is another tool in the toolbox for
communities and Federal agencies to successfully combat the opioid
epidemic. We could be having discussions on how to build on that
success and ensure timely and effective implementation of the SUPPORT
Act so we could continue to help those affected by the more than 130
American overdose deaths each and every day. Instead, we are spending
our time considering a nonurgent, nonbinding resolution.
American consumers are concerned about their online privacy. The
passage of California's Consumer Privacy Act has led to a patchwork of
State privacy laws that do not reflect the reality that the internet
doesn't know State lines.
We need one national standard, perhaps consider Federal preemption,
and promote a cross-border data flow as American businesses seek to do
business at home and abroad. You could even argue that e-commerce is
the reason that the Founders drafted the Commerce Clause in the first
place.
Again, Republicans stand ready to work with Democrats, but we have
not been invited to engage in any substantive discussions.
Congress also could pass and, in fact, must pass the United States-
Mexico-Canada Agreement on trade, the USMCA. This was negotiated to
replace the North American Free Trade Agreement. This agreement is
possibly the most impactful policy that Congress could pass this year.
The administration has negotiated with Canada and Mexico over the
past 2 years to produce the best trade deal possible. The USMCA
increases market access for American exports. It levels the playing
field for the American worker and brings important intellectual
property protections into the 21st century.
Millions of jobs and billions of dollars' worth of trade are waiting
on the passage of this bill. If Speaker Pelosi brought the USMCA to the
floor today, it would pass before the week was out. Unfortunately, the
Democratic majority is slow-walking this USMCA and doing harm to our
Nation's farmers, workers, and small businesses. There is no reason to
continue to delay a vote on this agreement.
In addition, securing the USMCA would give the United States
additional authority with the ongoing negotiations with China.
Providing full appropriations for the Federal Government, addressing
the humanitarian and security crisis at our southern border, working to
lower prescription drug prices and provide continued support to combat
the opioid epidemic, negotiating a strong Federal privacy law, and
passing the USMCA are all urgent policy priorities that could receive
bipartisan support. And yet, we are delaying action on these necessary
measures to consider a nonurgent, nonbinding resolution that simply
reaffirms what has remained clear United States policy regarding
Armenia.
I hope my fellow Democrats on the Rules Committee and in the House of
Representatives will soon prioritize legislation that will help the
American people. I urge opposition to the rule, and I reserve the
balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
My colleague from Texas talked about a lot of different subjects in
his opening remarks. I have to say that I am a little bit
disappointed--well, more than a little bit. I am disappointed and
somewhat offended at the implication that this is not an important
matter.
Let me remind him that 1.5 million Armenians died at the hands of the
Ottoman Empire and the emerging nation of Turkey. Let me remind him of
the countless hundreds of thousands of people who had to flee because
of that oppression. Let me also remind him that it is not the official
policy of the United States Government. If it were, that map that I
showed you would have included us as a nation formally recognizing the
Armenian genocide.
My friend may not think it is important, but as somebody who cares
deeply about human rights, it is important that we respect historical
accuracy and that we respect the truth.
I don't know if the gentleman was in the Rules Committee last night
when our colleague from California, Anna Eshoo, movingly and tearfully
talked about her family's experiences during that time, when she lost
ancestors and her parents came to the United States to try to have a
better life. But I don't know how we can just kind of brush this off as
not a big deal.
It is a big deal. It is a big deal to Armenian Americans, and it is a
big deal to anybody who cares about human rights in this country.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms.
Shalala), a distinguished member of the Rules Committee.

{time} 1300

Ms. SHALALA. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I rise to support the resolution affirming the United
States' record on the Armenian genocide. This resolution is long
overdue on the genocide of 1.5 million Armenians and thousands of
Maronites, Chaldeans, Amalekites, Assyrians, and others who were part
of the Ottoman Empire.
Mr. Speaker, my grandparents left the Ottoman Empire to escape that
genocide just ahead, but their relatives were not as lucky. My
grandparents were Maronites.
I remember my grandmother's tears as she spoke of their Armenian
friends and the many Maronites and Amalekites who were slaughtered by
the Ottoman Empire.
As a child, I remember the tears and the suffering of our Armenian
neighbors and the many members of the other communities whose tears I
could not erase.
As a child, I could not erase those tears, but for them, I proudly
support this resolution.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Sherman), who has been a leader on this issue for many
years.
Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, after decades of struggle, this House will
recognize the Armenian genocide just in time for it to be seen by the
last few survivors of the first genocide of the 20th century.
We should have recognized that genocide again and again long ago, but
we didn't because we were told that we had a great alliance with
Turkey.
Earlier this month, Turkish forces shelled near and deliberately
bracketed American bases. Americans fled in unseemly haste. Great ally.
It has been a great alliance for Turkey. We defended them from
communism in the 1940s, defended them from the Soviet Union for
decades, and provided them with $23 billion in aid.
It is critical that we counteract Turkey's genocide denial, because
genocide denial is the last act of a genocide--first you obliterate a
people, then you seek to obliterate their memory, and

[[Page H8555]]

finally you seek to obliterate the memory of the obliteration--and
because genocide denial is also the first step in the next genocide.
When Hitler's cadres wondered if they could get away with the
Holocaust, he was able to assure them: Who, after all, speaks today of
the annihilation of the Armenians?
We must recognize this genocide to remove the stain on America's
honor because, up until now, we have refused to acknowledge truth and
we have been silent, all in an effort at appeasement.
The fact is that many other countries have recognized the genocide,
including Belgium, Canada, Greece, Italy, Argentina, and Germany. And
when France had the courage to pass a genocide recognition resolution,
they were threatened with a boycott of all their exports. In fact, what
happened was a fourfold increase in French exports to Turkey.
The only thing worse than unnecessary appeasement is appeasing a
power that will not actually respond.
Today, Germany is a great and prosperous democracy, a great ally of
the United States. Where would Germany be if, to this day, they denied
the Holocaust?
Turkey will be a great ally of the United States and a prosperous and
modern nation only when Turkey recognizes the first genocide of the
20th century.
Mr. Speaker, I commend the gentleman for bringing up this rule and
for answering the question why this is so important to do this today.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Judy Chu).
Ms. JUDY CHU of California. Mr. Speaker, I have just returned from
Armenia, where I went to the Armenian Genocide Museum. I cannot get the
pictures that I saw out of my mind: Armenian women and children
murdered in mass graves, Armenian leaders hung as examples to others,
Armenians forced onto long death marches without food or water.
There were 1.5 million Armenians killed in this genocide in 1915. I
saw the documents of the many who had witnessed it, including U.S.
diplomat Henry Morgenthau, and yet over 100 years later, the U.S. has
never officially acknowledged it.
This vote to finally acknowledge the Armenian genocide should have
come sooner, because of people in my district like Joseph ``Bebo''
Manjikian. When I met him, he was 104, but from his wheelchair, he told
me about the many family members he lost in the genocide. Bebo passed
away before he could see this day. He didn't forget them, and neither
can we.
Mr. Speaker, for the sake of Bebo and so many others, I urge my
colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this resolution.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
New Jersey (Mr. Pallone), the co-chair of the Congressional Caucus on
Armenian Issues.
Mr. PALLONE. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. McGovern for bringing this rule
up today, and I rise in support of the rule to bring up the Armenian
genocide resolution.
As Judy Chu said--and I just came back from Armenia at the same
time--we were at the genocide memorial in Yerevan. I was actually there
a few years ago, on the 100th anniversary of the genocide, with our two
Armenian Members of Congress, Anna Eshoo and Jackie Speier.
I have to say, it was unfortunate for us. We were proud to be there
for the 100th commemoration, but we still were very upset over the fact
that the United States had not recognized the Armenian genocide in
recent years. And, of course, this has been a goal of the Armenia
caucus and the Armenia diaspora for over 30 years that this day, this
historic day, would finally occur.
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the Speaker of the House of
Representatives, Nancy Pelosi, who has made this day possible.
This resolution is important. It commemorates the victims of the
Armenian genocide at the hands of the Ottoman Turks over 104 years
after it took place.
For too long, Congress has failed to recognize the indisputable fact
that the Ottoman Turks perpetrated the first genocide of the 20th
century. This crime against humanity would serve as the blueprint for
other genocides in the Nazi concentration camps and massacres in
Poland, Germany, and eastern Europe and, more recently, in Bosnia and
Rwanda.
Today, we will finally acknowledge what historians have documented
with clear evidence: that the Turkish campaign of slaughter and forced
displacement of millions of Armenians, Greeks, Assyrians, and other
religious minorities was, in fact, a genocide.
The passage of this resolution is an important step in raising
awareness and showing the world that we have a commitment to human
rights and the dignity of every human life.
In the words of George Santayana: ``Those who cannot remember the
past are condemned to repeat it.''
We stand today to show that the House of Representatives will not be
complicit in covering up past atrocities in the 20th century nor turn
our back when ethnic or religious minorities are threatened in the 21st
century.
We must also urge Turkey to come to terms with its own history and
look beyond the thinly veiled facade of denial that covered up one of
the most horrific crimes in world history.
We must urge Turkey to join the rest of the world in recognizing the
sanctity of human life, even if it is someone who doesn't look like
you, speaks a different language, or attends a different house of
worship.
Turkey has a long history of repressing ethnic minorities, including
the Kurds, whom they are killing as we speak. And it doesn't matter
whether they are Christians or Muslims; many of the Kurds are their
Muslim brethren.
I am also a strong supporter of the bipartisan Turkey sanctions bill
that will also be considered this week.
It is unfortunate that it took the abandonment of our allies in
northern Syria to get to this point, but I am pleased to see that we
are working across the aisle to finally push back against the bully
that is President Erdogan.
We cannot trust the Turkish, Russian, or Syrian Governments to uphold
peace and protect innocent lives in the region. We must stand up to
authoritarian leaders like Erdogan, Putin, and Assad to defend our
regional partners and innocent lives.
Again, Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the chairman for bringing up this
rule. I want to thank Chairman Schiff, the sponsor of this resolution;
Chairman Engel; the House leadership; and other members of the
congressional caucus for their support of strong American leadership
and for their work to finally get this passed.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, Republicans will
amend the rule to suspend the ongoing impeachment inquiry until we
achieve operational control of our southern border.
As I previously stated, we are experiencing a humanitarian and
security crisis on the southern border. In August, Customs and Border
Protection apprehended over 64,000 individuals who lacked legal
documentation to enter this country. Apprehensions are on track to
reach over 1 million individuals attempting to cross into the United
States along our southern border this fiscal year.

The House should prioritize securing our southern border and stemming
the flow of irregular migration over a politically motivated
impeachment inquiry. Until operation of the border control is achieved,
the House should suspend the impeachment inquiry.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of my
amendment in the Record, along with extraneous material, immediately
prior to the vote on the previous question.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Texas?
There was no objection.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I have to say to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Burgess)
that, again, it is frustrating to hear his comments. I mean, we are
talking about a resolution recognizing the Armenian genocide; 1.5
million people

[[Page H8556]]

were murdered. I think it is generally a bipartisan resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I want to commend not only Chairman Engel and Chairman
Smith, who is a Republican, for their testimony before the Rules
Committee; I want to thank Congressman Schiff, who is the main author
of this; but our colleague in the Rules Committee, Congresswoman Lesko,
came out very strongly in favor of this resolution.
It would be nice if there were a couple of moments here that didn't
always have to be politicized, and I think this resolution should be
one of those moments.
This is important; this is serious; and we shouldn't bring politics
into a resolution dealing with the recognition of a genocide. So I
obviously have a different opinion on how people should vote on the
previous question.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Sanchez).
Ms. SANCHEZ. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this
resolution to recognize the Armenian genocide.
This tragedy is one of the most painful moments in our world's
history. We owe it to the more than 2 million victims and their
decendents never to forget.
It is heartbreaking that some choose to deny our past rather than to
learn from this painful moment in history. It is an insult to millions
who died and the millions who risked their lives to escape violence.
Denial is all too easy. It is harder to face the truth, and facing
the truth is the right thing to do.
When we rewrite the darkest chapters of our history, we open the door
to them happening again. The United States cannot be complicit in that
denial.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to send a resounding message to the
world that we stand with the Armenian community: We will not forget; we
will not obscure.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute.
Mr. Speaker, I would just point out that this Congress has acted on
this in the past. H.J. Res. 148 passed in the 94th Congress. A joint
resolution to designate April 24, 1975, as a National Day of
Remembrance of Man's Inhumanity to Man passed the House April 8, 1975.
And then again, H.J. Res. 247 from the 98th Congress, a joint
resolution to designate April 24 as a National Day of Remembrance of
Man's Inhumanity to Man, passed the House 10 September 1984.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, again, it really is frustrating to hear my colleague try
and dismiss this. There has not been a resolution calling this a
genocide and outlining all the facts before.
Mr. Speaker, I would again urge my colleagues, in a bipartisan way,
to support the underlying bill and to reject any attempts to try to
politicize this process.
And, again, we do this out of respect for those victims of the
genocide, for its survivors, for the Armenian American community, for
the Armenian community all over the world, and we do it because the
United States of America is supposed to be committed to a very high
standard of human rights.

{time} 1315

If we stand for anything, we need to stand out loud and four square
for human rights.
To not appropriately acknowledge a genocide only paves the way for
future thugs, dictators, and authoritarians to commit similar
atrocities, believing that somehow the United States, the most powerful
country in the world, will just look the other way.
I hope that we have strong, bipartisan support on this resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I am happy to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from
Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman's courtesy,
and I appreciate his words.
Mr. Speaker, for years, we have danced around this. It is complex
with the Turks, in terms of the relationship that we have tried to deal
with. But denying genocide has not helped resolve those issues. It
hasn't changed the behavior of the Turks.
Look at what is happening with the Kurds today. Failure to
acknowledge this horrific episode is a burden for us all--standing up
for human rights, acknowledging the truth, giving a sense of closure
and solace to the people who endured this horrific activity, and making
sure that we are united in our opposition to those genocidal
activities.
Sadly, unless and until the Turks own their history, acknowledge it,
they are not going to be able to move past it. This is a chapter that
needs a spotlight shone on it.
I appreciate this formal acknowledgment by the House of
Representatives. I think it is a first step toward healing, and it is
an important step toward preventing tragedies like this in the future.
Mr. Speaker, I am proud to support it, and I look forward to its
passage on the floor of the House.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I also would like to point out that the gentleman had
said that he did not want to see this issue politicized. I would just
simply note that this resolution could have been brought to the floor
under suspension of the rules and likely passed with a large bipartisan
majority under suspension of the rules.
The difficulty that I have today is that we are spending the time on
a rule bill for this bill that would have passed under suspension when
we, in fact, have some pretty important things out there hanging over
us.
One of those things, of course, is funding the entire Federal
Government so we don't end up in another government shutdown, and the
other is to somehow resolve this question of impeachment that has
bogged down this body for months, if not years.
Mr. Speaker, as I previously outlined, there are other important,
time-sensitive priorities. Once again, we have 11 legislative days
remaining before the continuing resolution expires. In place of a
nonurgent, nonbinding resolution, we could be finding a way to ensure
that our government remains open and that Americans continue to receive
the Federal benefits, services, and paychecks on which they depend.
I ask my fellow Democrats to prioritize the needs of the American
people, and I urge a ``no'' vote on the previous question and ``no'' on
the rule.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
The gentleman wonders why we didn't bring this legislation up under
suspension of the rules. To be honest with you, I think there was a
concern by Democrats and Republicans on the Foreign Affairs Committee
that we might not have all the votes that we needed to pass them under
suspension of the rules.
Mr. Speaker, the Government of Turkey employs very well-paid
lobbyists here in Washington, and they have been working quite
diligently trying to defeat this. So I hope we have a vote that is
overwhelming, but we don't know.
Secondly, I don't know why the gentleman would object to bringing
this up under a rule. It gives more time for Members on both sides of
the aisle to be able to speak on this, and a lot of Members do. We had
a lot of Democrats on our side who wanted to speak. We have others who
are going to speak when the underlying bill comes up. So I don't quite
get it.
Let me say, again, for the Record, this is not the official policy of
the United States. If it was, President Trump would publicly
acknowledge the Armenian genocide.
By the way, I am not picking on President Trump. The same could be
said for President Obama. I can go right down the list of Presidents.
The deal is, this is not the official policy. If it was, we wouldn't
be here.
It really is somewhat disappointing that the gentleman doesn't quite
appreciate how impactful this is and how important it is.
Mr. Speaker, the horrors of human rights abuses can be mind-numbing,
whether they occurred 100 years ago, like the Armenian genocide, or are
happening today in Syria at the hands of Erdogan's government.
I get it. It is easier to turn away than to see the impact of
brutality, the loss

[[Page H8557]]

of life, the maiming of civilians, including children, in the
devastated communities. It can turn your stomach and break your heart,
but we must not lose our capacity for outrage. That 1.5 million
Armenians died at the hands of the Ottoman Empire in the emerging
nation of Turkey should outrage all of us.
Formally recognizing this genocide is the right thing to do. I wish
we took this step long ago, but it is always the right time to do the
right thing.
I urge my colleagues: Let's speak with one voice. Let's join some of
our closest allies in recognizing the Armenian genocide. Let's finally
remove this dark stain on the record of the United States of America.
I say this all the time: The core of our being as a nation should be
upholding a high standard of human rights. We should always be counted
on to speak out when people's human rights are being denied. We
certainly should be counted on to adhere to historical accuracy.
This happened, and it is time that it become the official policy of
the United States of America to recognize that it did happen and call
it for what it was, and it was a genocide.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on the previous
question, vote ``yes'' on the rule, and vote ``yes'' on the underlying
bill.
The material previously referred to by Mr. Burgess is as follows:

Amendment to House Resolution 655

At the end of the resolution, add the following:
Sec. 2. Upon adoption of this resolution, the Committees on
the Judiciary, Ways and Means, Financial Services, Oversight
and Reform, and Foreign Affairs and the Permanent Select
Committee on Intelligence shall suspend pursuing matters
referred to by the Speaker in her announcement of September
24, 2019, until such time as the United States achieves
operational control of the southern border.

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I
move the previous question on the resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on ordering the previous
question.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 9 of rule XX, this 15-
minute vote on ordering the previous question on House Resolution 655
will be followed by 5-minute votes on:
Adoption of House Resolution 655, if ordered;
Ordering the previous question on House Resolution 656; and
Adoption of House Resolution 656, if ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 224,
nays 189, not voting 18, as follows:

[Roll No. 587]

YEAS--224

Adams
Aguilar
Allred
Amash
Axne
Barragan
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brindisi
Brown (MD)
Brownley (CA)
Bustos
Butterfield
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carson (IN)
Case
Casten (IL)
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu, Judy
Cicilline
Cisneros
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Cox (CA)
Craig
Crist
Crow
Cuellar
Cunningham
Davids (KS)
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny K.
Dean
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Delgado
Demings
DeSaulnier
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Engel
Escobar
Eshoo
Espaillat
Evans
Finkenauer
Fletcher
Foster
Frankel
Fudge
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Golden
Gomez
Gonzalez (TX)
Gottheimer
Green, Al (TX)
Grijalva
Haaland
Harder (CA)
Hastings
Hayes
Heck
Higgins (NY)
Himes
Horn, Kendra S.
Horsford
Houlahan
Hoyer
Jackson Lee
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (TX)
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kennedy
Khanna
Kildee
Kilmer
Kim
Kind
Kirkpatrick
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster (NH)
Lamb
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee (CA)
Lee (NV)
Levin (CA)
Levin (MI)
Lewis
Lieu, Ted
Lipinski
Loebsack
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lujan
Luria
Lynch
Malinowski
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Matsui
McAdams
McBath
McCollum
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Moore
Morelle
Mucarsel-Powell
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Neguse
Norcross
O'Halleran
Ocasio-Cortez
Omar
Pallone
Panetta
Pappas
Pascrell
Payne
Perlmutter
Peters
Peterson
Phillips
Pingree
Pocan
Porter
Pressley
Price (NC)
Quigley
Raskin
Rice (NY)
Richmond
Rose (NY)
Rouda
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Sanchez
Sarbanes
Scanlon
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schrier
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Serrano
Sewell (AL)
Shalala
Sherman
Sherrill
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (WA)
Soto
Spanberger
Speier
Stanton
Stevens
Suozzi
Swalwell (CA)
Takano
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres Small (NM)
Trahan
Trone
Underwood
Van Drew
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Visclosky
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wexton
Wild
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth

NAYS--189

Abraham
Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Bergman
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (NC)
Bishop (UT)
Bost
Brady
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burchett
Burgess
Byrne
Calvert
Carter (GA)
Chabot
Cheney
Cline
Cloud
Cole
Collins (GA)
Comer
Conaway
Cook
Crawford
Crenshaw
Curtis
Davidson (OH)
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Duncan
Dunn
Emmer
Estes
Ferguson
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Flores
Fortenberry
Foxx (NC)
Fulcher
Gaetz
Gallagher
Gianforte
Gibbs
Gohmert
Gonzalez (OH)
Gooden
Gosar
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Griffith
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Hagedorn
Harris
Hartzler
Hern, Kevin
Herrera Beutler
Higgins (LA)
Hill (AR)
Holding
Hollingsworth
Hudson
Huizenga
Hunter
Hurd (TX)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson (SD)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Katko
Keller
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kinzinger
Kustoff (TN)
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Latta
Lesko
Loudermilk
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Marshall
Massie
Mast
McCarthy
McCaul
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
Meadows
Meuser
Miller
Mitchell
Moolenaar
Mooney (WV)
Mullin
Murphy (NC)
Newhouse
Norman
Nunes
Olson
Palazzo
Palmer
Pence
Perry
Posey
Ratcliffe
Reed
Reschenthaler
Rice (SC)
Riggleman
Roby
Rodgers (WA)
Roe, David P.
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rooney (FL)
Rose, John W.
Rouzer
Roy
Rutherford
Scalise
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sensenbrenner
Shimkus
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smucker
Spano
Stauber
Stefanik
Steil
Steube
Stewart
Stivers
Taylor
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tipton
Turner
Upton
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walker
Walorski
Waltz
Watkins
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Woodall
Yoho
Young
Zeldin

NOT VOTING--18

Bass
Beatty
Carter (TX)
Cartwright
Davis, Rodney
Gabbard
Hice (GA)
Hill (CA)
Huffman
Long
Marchant
McEachin
Moulton
Ryan
Thompson (CA)
Timmons
Williams
Wright

{time} 1352

So the previous question was ordered.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the resolution.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. This is a 5-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 223,
nays 191, not voting 17, as follows:

[Roll No. 588]

YEAS--223

[[Page H8558]]

Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Engel
Escobar
Eshoo
Espaillat
Evans
Finkenauer
Fletcher
Foster
Frankel
Fudge
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Golden
Gomez
Gonzalez (TX)
Gottheimer
Green, Al (TX)
Grijalva
Haaland
Harder (CA)
Hastings
Hayes
Heck
Higgins (NY)
Himes
Horn, Kendra S.
Horsford
Houlahan
Hoyer
Jackson Lee
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (TX)
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kennedy
Khanna
Kildee
Kilmer
Kim
Kind
Kirkpatrick
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster (NH)
Lamb
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee (CA)
Lee (NV)
Levin (CA)
Levin (MI)
Lewis
Lieu, Ted
Lipinski
Loebsack
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lujan
Luria
Lynch
Malinowski
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Matsui
McAdams
McBath
McCollum
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Moore
Morelle
Mucarsel-Powell
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Neguse
Norcross
O'Halleran
Ocasio-Cortez
Omar
Pallone
Panetta
Pappas
Payne
Perlmutter
Peters
Peterson
Phillips
Pingree
Pocan
Porter
Pressley
Price (NC)
Quigley
Raskin
Rice (NY)
Richmond
Rose (NY)
Rouda
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Sanchez
Sarbanes
Scanlon
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schrier
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Serrano
Sewell (AL)
Shalala
Sherman
Sherrill
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (WA)
Soto
Spanberger
Speier
Stanton
Stevens
Suozzi
Swalwell (CA)
Takano
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres Small (NM)
Trahan
Trone
Underwood
Van Drew
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Visclosky
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wexton
Wild
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth

NAYS--191

Abraham
Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Bergman
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (NC)
Bishop (UT)
Bost
Brady
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burchett
Burgess
Byrne
Calvert
Carter (GA)
Chabot
Cheney
Cline
Cloud
Cole
Collins (GA)
Comer
Conaway
Cook
Crawford
Crenshaw
Curtis
Davidson (OH)
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Duncan
Dunn
Emmer
Estes
Ferguson
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Flores
Fortenberry
Foxx (NC)
Fulcher
Gaetz
Gallagher
Gianforte
Gibbs
Gohmert
Gonzalez (OH)
Gooden
Gosar
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Griffith
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Hagedorn
Harris
Hartzler
Hern, Kevin
Herrera Beutler
Higgins (LA)
Hill (AR)
Holding
Hollingsworth
Hudson
Huizenga
Hunter
Hurd (TX)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson (SD)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Katko
Keller
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kinzinger
Kustoff (TN)
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Latta
Lesko
Long
Loudermilk
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Marshall
Massie
Mast
McCarthy
McCaul
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
Meadows
Meuser
Miller
Mitchell
Moolenaar
Mooney (WV)
Mullin
Murphy (NC)
Newhouse
Norman
Nunes
Olson
Palazzo
Palmer
Pascrell
Pence
Perry
Posey
Ratcliffe
Reed
Reschenthaler
Rice (SC)
Riggleman
Roby
Rodgers (WA)
Roe, David P.
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rooney (FL)
Rose, John W.
Rouzer
Roy
Rutherford
Scalise
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sensenbrenner
Shimkus
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smucker
Spano
Stauber
Stefanik
Steil
Steube
Stewart
Stivers
Taylor
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tipton
Turner
Upton
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walker
Walorski
Waltz
Watkins
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Woodall
Yoho
Young
Zeldin

NOT VOTING--17

Bass
Beatty
Carter (TX)
Cartwright
Davis, Rodney
Gabbard
Hice (GA)
Hill (CA)
Huffman
Marchant
McEachin
Moulton
Ryan
Thompson (CA)
Timmons
Williams
Wright

{time} 1401

So the resolution was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

____________________