[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 167 (Tuesday, October 22, 2019)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5945-S5946]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Unanimous Consent Request--H.J. Res. 77
Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I am rising once again to ask the
Senate's consent to move to the H.J. Res. 77 condemning the President's
abrupt decision to withdraw U.S. troops from northern Syria.
Despite the Pandora's box of problems the President's decision has
opened, the slaughter of our partners, the Kurds--and I think many of
us on both sides of the aisle ache for the Kurds who risked their
lives. Many of them lost their lives so our soldiers would not be in
harm's way.
With the strategic gains of our adversaries in Tehran, Moscow, and
Damascus and, most troubling, the potential resurgence of ISIS, the
President has failed to articulate any strategy at all. We have asked
to have Secretary Pompeo, Secretary Esper, and Director Haspel come
before us. They have canceled again today because they don't have a
plan.
Now, this is America at risk. We in New York know better than anybody
else how a small group of people thousands of miles away--evil people--
can
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cause terrorism and hurt us. There is no strategy about what to do with
the tens of thousands of ISIS prisoners and their fellow travelers who
had been locked up and guarded by the Kurds.
No one believes--and I have talked to the top military intelligence
people--that either Syria or Turkey has the interest in preventing ISIS
from escaping that we do. Erdogan, in fact, hates the Kurds far more
than he hates ISIS.
So every day this lack of policy and this lack of common sense from
the President and this White House puts American lives in danger. What
is the best way to get the President to act? Well, my friends, you know
it. It is you. When Republican Senators protest what the President has
done, he sometimes acts. Witness Doral. I guarantee you my speeches had
very little effect on him, but yours did. Well, this is far more
important than Doral. This is America, and lives are at stake. Our
battle against terrorism, to be fought jointly most of the time, is now
being jeopardized. Frankly, when Leader McCarthy and Representative
Scalise and Representative Cheney can vote for this kind of resolution,
why should we not be doing the same? It will send a better message to
the President than anything else we can do.
My friend, the Republican leader, said we need a stronger resolution.
Quibbling over words at a time when America is in danger doesn't make
sense to me--particularly a resolution that he knows will not pass the
House and not go to the President's desk.
So I would plead with my colleagues, let's move forward. I plead with
my friend from Kentucky--they are both my friends from Kentucky--but I
plead with the junior Senator from Kentucky, do not stand in the way.
He has a different world view than almost all of us. We talked
earlier this morning. I asked him if he was against going after the
Taliban and bin Laden when they hit us in America, in New York, and he
said no. Well, this is the same kind of thing. We are happy to vote on
his resolution. Let's vote on both. This is momentous.
These terrorist acts from escaped ISIS prisoners might not occur
tomorrow, they might not occur 6 months from now, and they might not
occur a year from now, but they may. They certainly--almost certainly
will at some point in the future, and we will risk lives: the American
lives of our intelligence officials, of our Special Forces, and we will
risk the security of America and spend millions of dollars.
The sooner we can put this back--and the only person who can is
President Trump, and the only people who can really pressure him are
sitting right here. I would plead with my colleague from Kentucky and
with all of us because even if he objects, we could pass this joint
resolution within a few days to do it. Our security, the security of
this wonderful country and its beautiful 320-some-odd million people
deserve no less.
Madam President, as in legislative session, I ask unanimous consent
that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of Calendar No.
246, H.J. Res. 77; that the joint resolution be read a third time, and
the Senate vote on passage with no intervening action or debate.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
The Senator from Kentucky.
Mr. PAUL. Madam President, reserving the right to object. If
Democrats want to send our young men and women to fight in the Syrian
civil war, let's have that debate. By all means, let's have a
constitutional debate today on the Senate floor, right here, right now.
If Democrats are so hungry for war, let's have that debate.
Our Founding Fathers gave us a constitutional method to go to war. If
there be a national security interest in Syria, let's hear it. The
other side does not want that debate. They want to lob invectives at
the President, but they aren't prepared to debate about whom we are to
go to war against.
Do they wish to declare war on our NATO ally, Turkey? Do they wish to
declare war on our former ally, the Free Syrian Army? Do they wish to
declare war on Syria's Assad? They don't know.
No, Democrats just want to heap abuse on the President. They don't
want to debate war because they have no clue on whom to declare war.
In reality, the President made the wise decision to move 50 soldiers
out of the way of tens of thousands of Turkish troops. Ironically, the
President's decision may finally allow the Kurds to negotiate with
Assad for a semiautonomous region in northern Syria. Perhaps, if the
Kurds pledge their battle-proven fighters to Assad, they might receive
in exchange some autonomy and a share of the oil receipts, much as the
Kurds did in Iraq. Already we are seeing promising cooperation between
the Kurds and Assad.
This week, Turkey's Erdogan met with Putin. Putin already is allied
with Assad. There is a possibility diplomacy may actually break through
here. There is a real chance that the Syrian civil war could come to an
end if Assad, with the Kurds' help, would agree to secure the border
and not allow Kurdish raids into Turkey.
The permanent war caucus on both sides of the aisle claims that
repositioning 50 troops is the end of the world. Perhaps, just maybe,
less of our presence in Syria will actually lead to diplomacy and,
ultimately, peace. Only time will tell.
I object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard.
The Democratic leader.
Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I don't want to prolong this. I will
make two quick points. No. 1, my friend from Kentucky thinks he knows
what is better for the Kurds than the Kurds know. The Kurds hate going
into the arms of Syria--hate it.
Second, if our friend from Kentucky believes that any time we have a
small number of Special Forces in different places--and we have them
all over--we need a declaration of war, then his view is different from
99.9 percent of America and every other single person in this Chamber.
We do not need a declaration of war for a small number of Special
Forces to be there to protect us against terrorism, and my friend from
Kentucky knows that.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kentucky.
Mr. PAUL. Madam President, if our goal is to create a Kurdish
homeland and to defend it for them, hell yes, we need a debate and a
vote and an authorization of force.
You can't just say that we are going to stay there forever. It would
take tens of thousands of troops if you want to pacify Syria. It has
not been pacified for 8 years. It is an utter and complete mess, and it
is time we get the hell out.
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