[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 163 (Wednesday, October 16, 2019)]
[House]
[Pages H8157-H8163]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
OPPOSING THE DECISION TO END CERTAIN UNITED STATES EFFORTS TO PREVENT
TURKISH MILITARY OPERATIONS AGAINST SYRIAN KURDISH FORCES IN NORTHEAST
SYRIA
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the
joint resolution (H.J. Res. 77) opposing the decision to end certain
United States efforts to prevent Turkish military operations against
Syrian Kurdish forces in Northeast Syria.
The Clerk read the title of the joint resolution.
The text of the joint resolution is as follows:
H.J. Res. 77
Whereas thousands of Syrian fighters, including Syrian
Kurds, fought courageously with the United States against the
brutality of ISIS throughout Syria, liberating nearly one-
third of Syrian territory from ISIS' so-called
``caliphate.'';
Whereas, on October 6, 2019, the White House announced
``Turkey will soon be moving forward with its long-planned
operation into Northern Syria'' while the ``United States
Armed Forces will not support or be involved in the
operation, and United States forces . . . will no longer be
in the immediate area.'';
Whereas, on October 6, 2019, the White House announced
``Turkey will now be responsible for all ISIS fighters in the
area captured over the past two years . . . .'';
Whereas an October 10, 2019, White House statement said,
``This morning, Turkey, a NATO member, invaded Syria. The
United States does not endorse this attack and has made it
clear to Turkey that this operation is a bad idea.'';
Whereas Turkey has historically threatened, forcibly
displaced, and killed Syrian Kurds, including during military
operations in the Afrin District;
Whereas, on August 1, 2019, Special Envoy James Jeffrey
stated in reference to the Syrian Kurds and Syrian Democratic
Forces (SDF), ``We are committed to defeating ISIS in
northeast Syria. The SDF . . . is our partner there. We are
committed to those who have fought with us not being attacked
and not being harmed by anyone. The President made that clear
publicly. That includes our concerns about the Turks.'';
Whereas in January 2019, Director of National Intelligence
Dan Coats stated in Congressional testimony that ``The
conflicts in Iraq and Syria have generated a large pool of
skilled and battle-hardened fighters who remain dispersed
throughout the region . . . and the group has returned to its
guerilla-warfare roots while continuing to plot attacks and
direct its supporters worldwide. ISIS is intent on
resurging.'';
Whereas, during the counter-ISIS campaign in Syria, the SDF
captured thousands of ISIS fighters, including foreign
terrorist fighters from around the world who pose threats to
our allies in the region;
[[Page H8158]]
Whereas in addition to ISIS fighters in detention
approximately 70,000 women and children are currently held at
the Al-Hol internally displaced persons camp and at other
camps in northeast Syria;
Whereas the Lead Inspector General for Combined Joint Task
Force Operation Inherent Resolve stated in August 2019, ISIS
is already ``seeking to establish safe haven in al-Hol''
aiming to recruit individuals who are ``susceptible to ISIS
messaging, coercion, and enticement.'';
Whereas the SDF has warned the United States and
international community that a Turkish incursion into
Northeast Syria would significantly decrease the SDF's
ability to combat ISIS and to continue providing security and
management for ISIS detainees and their family members;
Whereas, on October 6, 2019, President Trump conducted a
call with President Erdogan in which, according to the
official White House press release, they discussed the
upcoming Turkish incursion, and soon after this call, a White
House press release announced the withdrawal of the United
States military from the immediate area, which was completed
within hours; and
Whereas an abrupt withdrawal of United States military
personnel from certain parts of Northeast Syria is beneficial
to adversaries of the United States government, including
Syria, Iran, and Russia: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled, That
Congress--
(1) opposes the decision to end certain United States
efforts to prevent Turkish military operations against Syrian
Kurdish forces in Northeast Syria;
(2) calls on Turkish President Erdogan to immediately cease
unilateral military action in Northeast Syria and to respect
existing agreements relating to Syria;
(3) calls on the United States to continue supporting
Syrian Kurdish communities through humanitarian support,
including to those displaced or otherwise affected by ongoing
violence in Syria;
(4) calls on the United States to work to ensure that the
Turkish military acts with restraint and respects existing
agreements relating to Syria; and
(5) calls on the White House to present a clear and
specific plan for the enduring defeat of ISIS.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from New
York (Mr. Engel) and the gentleman from Texas (Mr. McCaul) each will
control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York.
General Leave
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may
have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and
include extraneous material on H.J. Res. 77.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, since the beginning of this Congress, when I became
chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I have tried to work across the
aisle to advance a bipartisan vision of what American foreign policy
should be, what it can be, when we are at our best. And that is a
foreign policy rooted in our values--values like support for human
rights and human dignity, a foreign policy that projects American
leadership as a force for good in the world, a foreign policy that
thrives on the power of partnerships and alliances.
I have worked with my friend from Texas, the ranking member of the
Foreign Affairs Committee (Mr. McCaul) to make sure that this vision is
enshrined in the committee's work and that we do all we can to push the
administration toward this approach.
So, Mr. Speaker, for me, the last week has been just devastating. A
week ago, President Trump had a phone call with Turkey's thuggish
leader, President Erdogan.
Against the advice of national security experts and military
advisers, the President gave Erdogan the green light to charge into
northern Syria, unleashing what has become a brutal campaign of
violence against the Syrian Kurds--our partners, the Syrian Kurds, who
courageously stood alongside us for many, many months and years in the
fight against ISIS.
Mr. Speaker, that reckless and impulsive decision was a betrayal of
our partners. It was a gift to Russia, a gift to Iran, a gift to ISIS,
and a gift to Assad. And it was a blow to our national security.
Now, a week later, the same Kurdish forces who fought with American
Special Forces to combat ISIS are now fighting tooth and nail to
survive Turkey's slaughter. Russian and Syrian regime forces have
quickly filled the vacuum left by the United States.
President Trump's decision has allowed ISIS fighters in northern
Syria to escape from prison, paving the way for a resurgence of the
terrorist group. It is a ``Get Out of Jail Free'' card, if you remember
Monopoly from the old days.
And the humanitarian crisis is staggering. Already, tens of thousands
have been displaced: families, women and children. There are stories of
gruesome beheadings, torture, and abuse, all set into motion,
unfortunately, by the actions of the President of the United States.
What kind of message does this send to the world? How can America be
trusted to keep its word when we betray one of our close partners, our
loyal and faithful partners, just throw them out like an old shoe?
How can America be trusted to keep its word when we make impulsive
decisions that have such an immediate, catastrophic impact on so many
thousands of people?
Congress must speak out against this disgrace.
The measure we are considering today will send an unambiguous,
bipartisan, and, hopefully, bicameral rejection of Trump's policy in
Syria.
This measure calls on the White House to develop a strong, clear
strategy on how to defeat ISIS now that President Trump has sparked its
resurgence. It expresses strong support for Syrian Kurdish forces,
recognizing their commitment and sacrifices in the fight against ISIS.
And it calls on Turkey to immediately stop its military action in
Syria.
At President Trump's hands, American leadership has been laid low and
American foreign policy has become nothing more than a tool to advance
his own interests.
Today, we make clear that the Congress is a coequal branch of
government and that we want nothing to do with this disastrous policy.
So, Mr. Speaker, I say to our colleagues: It is on us. It is on us to
uphold our country's values, to strengthen our national security, to
defend America's standing in the world.
Mr. Speaker, I call on all Members, on both sides of the aisle, to
support this resolution and make it clear where we stand, and I reserve
the balance of my time.
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to first begin with thanking Chairman Engel
for his bipartisan work to craft legislation in response to this week's
developments.
We often say in our committee that politics stops at the water's
edge. And, in this time of crisis, I am proud to work with him to lead
the most bipartisan committee in the Congress.
Today may be a dark day, but it would be much darker if we were
divided instead of standing united.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this joint resolution. Simply put,
the catastrophe that has unfolded in Syria over the past 10 days is
almost beyond words.
I am concerned about the extreme, long-term damage this has caused
the United States interests in the Middle East and to the Syrian
people, including the Kurds.
The United States has worked for years to prevent an armed conflict
between our NATO ally Turkey and our Syrian Kurdish partners. Our
presence in Syria was critical to countering and defeating ISIS, and,
until last week, it helped prevent unnecessary bloodshed.
Working with the Syrian Democratic Forces, the U.S. and our coalition
partners eliminated ISIS' control of territory in Syria and were
continuing to fight ISIS insurgents.
I understand the administration's legitimate concerns about engaging
our U.S. forces in long-term military operations. I, too, want to wind
down our overseas conflicts and bring our troops home. But, leaving
northwest Syria now does not resolve the problem that brought us there
in the first place; it only creates more.
We need a residual force in place. The consequences of this decision
have already unfolded before our very eyes. We have betrayed the trust
of our Kurdish partners who fought bravely with us against ISIS to
defeat and destroy the caliphate, and they paid a heavy price in
thousands of lives lost.
[[Page H8159]]
We must remember that Turkey's offensive affects not only Kurds but
also the people of northeastern Syria. So far, dozens of civilians have
been killed and over 160,000 people have been displaced.
Islamic State prisoners, Jihadists and affiliates, are already
breaking free, reversing our hard-fought gains to defeat these
dangerous terrorists.
And, now, our Syrian Kurdish partners have struck a deal with the
Syrian regime. This gives Assad and his Russian and Iranian backers
more territory and opportunity to advance their destabilizing agendas,
including their war on the Syrian people.
{time} 1315
My colleague Eliot Engel and I drafted this resolution to show that
we do not support this decision by the administration and to call on
Turkey to end this destructive campaign in Syria.
We urge the United States to support the affected communities of
northeast Syria, including the Kurds. We call upon the administration
to support our Kurdish partners and stand with them just like they have
stood with us for so long.
Given the grave implications that an ISIS resurgence would have for
our homeland security, we call on the administration to provide an
updated counter-ISIS strategy.
I do support the administration's decision to impose sanctions on key
Turkish officials and make clear that there are more consequences for
continuing this invasion. But more pressure is needed.
Congress is only just beginning its work to repair the damage this
decision has caused. Chairman Engel and I are working together on a
bipartisan bill to sanction Turkey for as long as it continues this
destructive offensive. I look forward to working with the chairman to
bring this bill to the floor as soon as possible.
I urge all Members to support this joint resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Rhode
Island (Mr. Cicilline), a valued member of the Foreign Affairs
Committee.
Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding.
I rise today with a heavy heart. Ten days ago, President Trump sealed
the fate of our Kurdish partners in Syria when he gave President
Erdogan of Turkey the green light to invade.
I believe this callous and reckless decision will go down in history
not only for its disregard for human life but for the strategic
malpractice of placing American troops in harm's way, allowing
thousands of ISIS prisoners to go free, and ceding influence over the
region to Russia and the Assad regime. It was truly an unbelievably
dangerous and stupid decision that undermines our national security and
diminishes our moral authority in the world.
I am pleased that this resolution has widespread bipartisan support.
We need to pass it and get it on the President's desk as quickly as
possible.
But resolutions--and sanctions, when they come--can't bring Kurdish
children back to life. They can't reclaim our American military
positions and equipment seized by the Russians. They can't restore our
credibility, which has been squandered as we have betrayed the trust of
our Kurdish allies.
I am sickened by this administration's actions. We need to do
everything we can, as a Congress, to make this right.
I urge my colleagues to support this bipartisan resolution. I thank
Mr. McCaul and Mr. Engel for working together, in a bipartisan way, to
send a very strong message that the Congress of the United States does
not support this horrific decision that betrayed our allies and
undermines American leadership in the world.
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Hurd).
Mr. HURD of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for yielding.
I am proud to rise today in support of this bipartisan resolution
that opposes this disastrous decision to remove U.S. Forces from
northern Syria and abandon our allies, the Kurds, to a Turkish
invasion.
Since 2014, the U.S. and our allies in the global coalition to defeat
ISIS have fought side by side with the Kurds to end the caliphate and
degrade the threat of terrorism to our homeland.
Today, ISIS is beaten, but it is not broken. They remain a threat
that requires continued engagement by both the United States and our
partners.
Just as the Kurds had our backs against ISIS, we need to have theirs.
Instead, we are abandoning not just the Kurds but also our coalition
allies in Syria. We are eroding all the progress we have made. We are
showing our friends and our enemies that a partnership with America
means nothing.
We are providing ISIS with the opportunity to reemerge and once again
threaten the United States. We are allowing Bashar al-Assad and
Vladimir Putin to play the role of humanitarian saviors in Syria.
As an undercover CIA officer, I chased terrorists around the globe
and saw firsthand the threats facing our Nation from the Middle East.
One of the things I learned when I was in the CIA was to be nice with
nice guys and tough with tough guys, not the other way around.
Because of this decision, and all the actions and inactions that led
up to this decision, we have let our friends down; we have hurt our
national security; and we have ceded leadership in the region to Russia
and Iran.
I hope we can change our course, but I fear it may be too late.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. Moulton).
Mr. MOULTON. Mr. Speaker, right now, with President Trump's
permission, Turkey is slaughtering our Kurdish allies, the only people
who stand between us and ISIS, men and women who have died by the
thousands to protect Americans from terrorism, the families of our
American constituents, like Seyhmus Yuksekkaya from my district.
As a result, Russian and Syrian forces are taking our positions next
to them. ISIS prisoners are escaping, and, Mr. Speaker, the crisis has
only just begun.
We must act today because the President has taken the side of
dictators and butchers. The President has never put his life on the
line for our country, like our Special Forces soldiers who have been
fighting terrorists in Syria, whom he mocked earlier today by saying
they are shooting each other.
Perhaps if he had not dodged the draft by lying about his feet,
sending another American in his place to Vietnam, he would know
something that all veterans know well, that there are a lot of ways you
can fail in battle. You can fail physically. You can fail to summon the
mental courage. You can have a bad strategy or bad tactics. But nothing
is worse, nothing is more evil, than betrayal.
Yet, betrayal is exactly what this President has done. It sends
exactly the wrong message to our allies, to our troops, and to our
enemies.
Our Commander in Chief should lead with American values. He should
lead by the idea that there is no better friend and no worse enemy than
the United States of America.
Today's vote is necessary because there has been no worse enemy to
the Kurds and no better friend to our enemies than this President.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to refrain from
engaging in personalities toward the President.
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
Arkansas (Mr. Hill).
Mr. HILL of Arkansas. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from Texas (Mr.
McCaul) and my friend from New York (Mr. Engel) for their leadership on
this issue and the Foreign Affairs Committee.
Mr. Speaker, let me be clear: I did not support the failed Obama-
Kerry policy in Syria. During 2017 and 2018, I was proud to see
President Trump hold Assad accountable for his use of chemical weapons.
However, I have not supported the United States disengaging from
Syria without a strategy since such was first proposed by the President
in December.
So I rise in disappointment today over this policy change and
Turkey's violations of all of its ``promises.''
A small group of American Forces in northeast Syria advising and
assisting local forces in order to prevent instability from coming to
power does not constitute an ``endless war.''
[[Page H8160]]
Despite being in NATO, Turkey is not acting as an ally. By our
actions in this House today, Turkey will pay a steep price for its
provocation.
I have been told by experts with contacts on the ground that American
lives are at risk directly because of Turkish actions. U.S. Forces have
been shelled by Turkish artillery. Our NATO ally since 1952, Turkey,
which we allowed to conduct this mission, has thanked us by shelling
American positions.
What a sad day for the Atlantic alliance that has shouldered so many
burdens and shared so much loss in men and treasure.
Syrian Kurds also announced that they had come to an agreement with
the Assad regime's forces to help against the Turkish invasion, which
further entrenches Russia, Mr. Speaker, in this conflict. So now Assad
and his Russian backers will bring their bloodbath over the Euphrates.
We also put all the gains we have made against Daesh at risk of
reversal.
This all could have been avoided. Mr. Speaker, when critical American
leadership disengages, America's global adversaries fill the void.
Turkey must cease its military invasion of Syria. The United States
must support the Kurdish communities that have been our allies against
ISIS. And the White House must present a clear and specific plan for
ensuring the defeat of ISIS and border integrity with Turkey.
I urge all of my colleagues to support the passage of this important
legislation.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas
(Mr. Castro), the vice chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee.
Mr. CASTRO of Texas. Mr. Speaker, we are in the midst of a foreign
policy disaster that will be a stain on the conscience of our Nation
for many years to come. The situation in Syria is costing lives as we
speak.
Until recently, our strategy to defeat ISIS by, through, and with our
allies was working. Our small military presence in Syria was a
sustainable force that denied ISIS the ability to plan and launch
attacks from Syria or resurge back into Iraq.
The President's impulsive decision to leave Syria without any
deliberation has ignited a conflict in one of the most volatile regions
on Earth. This administration has managed to turn our Middle East
policy on its head in a week's time.
Turkey is slaughtering the Kurdish forces that have fought and died
on our behalf in the fight against ISIS. In our place, Syria and Russia
have quickly filled the void of American leadership.
We have betrayed our allies. This is not a foreign policy that
displays America's core values. It is a shameful choice that will cause
irreparable damage to American interests and alliances around the
world.
I believe this joint resolution is what we need in this moment to
combat this President's worst instincts. The joint resolution will
rebuke the White House and attempt to rebalance the situation in Syria.
I urge all of my colleagues, Republican and Democrat, to support it.
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New
York (Mr. Reed).
Mr. REED. Mr. Speaker, I thank the ranking member and the chairman
for their work on this proposed resolution. But I want to remind my
colleagues that one of the problems that we face in Turkey and Syria
today is the failure of congressional leadership to address this issue.
When I stood on this very floor during the Obama administration and
the question of Syria came up, I remember many of my colleagues
agreeing with me that we should not be in Syria with boots on the
ground, risking our most precious assets of our young men and women,
without a clear Authorization for Use of Military Force and
congressional approval of a resolution to do so.
We failed in the leadership here in this body. That is why, as we go
through this resolution, I understand the Turkish sanctions. I
understand. But make no mistake about it, by voting ``yes'' on this
resolution, you are authorizing the use of military force of our men
and women on Syrian soil.
If force needs to be redeployed to this area, I do not want to hear
from any Member of this Chamber, nor the Senate, that we have not
authorized our men and women to be there.
It is time for us to set aside political cowardice because we cannot
make the hard choices of approving a military force resolution. We
should join and unite--the House, the Senate, and the White House--in
one congressional declaration that we, if we put our men and women in
harm's way, stand by it and stand by the Commander in Chief in regard
to that request.
{time} 1330
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Colorado (Mr. Crow).
Mr. CROW. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the distinguished chair and
ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Engel and Mr.
McCaul, for their leadership in crafting this joint resolution
condemning the administration's decision to withdraw and abandon our
Kurdish allies in Syria and leave them to an unlawful assault by
Turkish forces.
As a combat veteran, I know firsthand the strength of our Nation is
tied to our partnerships and alliances around the globe. During my
three deployments to Iraq and Afghanistan, I counted on our local
partners for the safety of our soldiers. And those partners depended on
the U.S. commitment to them. That relationship forged in a combat zone
is built on trust and the belief that our word is our bond.
The administration's reckless decision to withdraw U.S. forces has
undermined the value of our commitment, not only to our Kurdish allies,
who are now isolated in fighting enemies on all sides, but also our
other allies around the world. The message that we are sending is that
the American handshake doesn't matter. Our withdrawal is an abdication
of our moral responsibility to the Kurds and undermines the belief that
America is a resolute partner. It has also led to our adversaries like
Russia, Iran, the Assad regime, and ISIS exerting greater influence in
the region.
Let me be clear, the President's decision makes us less safe and
further isolates us from the very allies from whom we have drawn so
much strength. The President must immediately reverse his decision to
withdraw U.S. personnel from Syria, recommit to our Kurdish allies, and
take a firm stance against any further aggression by Turkey against the
Kurdish people.
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Gaetz).
Mr. GAETZ. Mr. Speaker, if Turkey is not acting like a NATO ally,
perhaps the sensible solution is to remove Turkey from NATO, rather
than keeping the United States inserted in Syria, presumably forever.
This is why I oppose this resolution.
I have heard my colleagues say we should not leave Syria without a
strategy. Perhaps it is equally logical that we should not stay in
Syria without a strategy, because in Syria we have tens of Americans
stuck between armies of tens of thousands who have been fighting each
other for hundreds of years and who will likely be fighting each other
hundreds of years from now.
Our mission to deprive ISIS of caliphate land has largely been
accomplished with the help of the Kurds and with over $9 billion being
paid to the Kurds. The Kurds have been fighting bravely where they
live, but they have been trained, funded, and equipped by the United
States. And we cannot accept the proposition that if we support a group
of people because our interests align in one case that this somehow
morally binds our country to every conflict that they have past,
present, or future; to do this would constrain the utility of America's
future alliances, not strengthen them.
The blood of America's patriots is among our Nation's most sacred
currency, and it must be spent only when absolutely vital to protect
American interests. We are not the world's police force. We are not the
world's piggy bank. I support an America first foreign policy, and I
oppose this resolution.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I now yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Sherman), the chairman of the Subcommittee on Asia, the
Pacific, and Nonproliferation, a very senior and valued member of the
House Foreign Affairs Committee.
Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution, and I
rise in
[[Page H8161]]
opposition to the recent decision of the Trump administration.
We had a situation in Syria that was stable. We had a modest
deployment of American troops. We were successful in limiting American
casualties to a very low number. We had defeated the caliphate. Our
friends, the Kurds, who had incurred most of the deaths by the many
thousands necessary to destroy the ISIS caliphate, were safe. In other
words, the situation was stable and favorable to the United States.
Now we have taken an action in which America is humiliated, the Kurds
are subject to slaughter, our word means less in the world, and ISIS
stands to be revitalized. This is such an obvious mistake. It is hard
to find anyone with any knowledge of foreign policy that regards it as
anything other than an unforced error. It is such a great mistake that
it makes you wonder whether it was an intentional mistake designed to
give Russia territory in northeast Syria, for whatever reason we might
want to do that.
It is time to reevaluate our policies toward Turkey. Since the 1940s,
we have safeguarded Turkey through our membership in NATO and theirs.
We protected Turkey from subversion in the 1940s and protected it from
the Soviet Union for decades. Recently, over the last 20 years, we have
had a policy of obsequious humiliation in our approach to Turkey. We
have kowtowed to Ankara in failing to recognize the Armenian genocide.
In doing so, we have taken a foreign policy normally based on truth
and honor, and instead, humiliated ourselves through silence and
concealment. It is time to recognize the Armenian genocide by an
overwhelming vote here in the House. It is time for us to stop dishonor
in our relationship with Turkey.
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Illinois (Mr. Shimkus).
Mr. SHIMKUS. Mr. Speaker, it is great to come down here today and
talk on this issue. I have been a little bit outspoken since the
decision was made by the executive branch, so it is great to see the
legislative branch take a stand and talk about what this policy
decision has made. And I am good friends with Chairman McCaul and, of
course, Eliot Engel who is the chairman of the committee.
As someone who served for many years in the military, and I am very
involved with the NATO Parliamentary Assembly and our alliances--
alliances and values are important. Walking away from friends is the
sad indication of policy that we don't want to support, we don't want
to condone. Yes, we want America to be great, but we are also great
because of our friends and our allies.
Coalitions are not bad. Coalitions strengthen our public policy
around the world. And our relationship with the Kurds goes way back to
the first Gulf war and the protection of the northern Iraqi Kurdish
area protecting the air space.
Talk to people in uniform who have been protected by Kurdish fighters
throughout these 20 years of involvement in Syria. We give them our
word that we will be with them. I liken it to being in a foxhole with
someone from another country, and the attack is coming. You don't get
out of the foxhole and go to the rear and leave your ally in the
foxhole to defend themselves.
We see what is going on. I think this could have been predicted. It
is unfortunate. I don't know how we get the genie back in the bottle,
but I am glad we are getting a chance to make a statement from Article
I of the Constitution to the legislative branch that we think this
policy has been wrong and failed and we do it in a strong bipartisan
matter.
So I thank both of you for bringing this, and I look forward to
voting ``yes'' on it.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Florida (Ms. Frankel).
Ms. FRANKEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of our Syrian Kurdish
allies who have lost thousands of men and women in the fight against
ISIS at the behest of the United States of America.
And I join my colleagues on a bipartisan basis to call on Turkey to
end its invasion of northern Syria. Giving Turkey the green light to go
into this area will go down in history as a moral and strategic
disaster.
There so many consequences, Mr. Speaker. Our Kurdish friends were
betrayed and slaughtered and are now forced to align with Syrian forces
backed by Iran creating an even bigger threat to our friend Israel.
ISIS is now unleashed, Russian troops filling our vacuum, and our other
allies wondering if we can ever be trusted again.
The Trump administration's weak sanctions are like an arsonist
calling in the fire department. Mr. Speaker, we must protect United
States soldiers, secure our nuclear weapons in Turkey, provide
humanitarian support to the Kurds, and impose crippling sanctions on
Turkey until they end their Syrian campaign, and most importantly,
pursue a diplomatic solution to end the conflict.
I want to end by thanking Mr. Engel and Ranking Member McCaul for
their bipartisan leadership. I urge adoption of this resolution.
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, in the years I have served in this body, I have watched
Presidents of both parties make a lot of tough foreign policy
decisions; many good, many bad, but I cannot think of a foreign policy
decision more reckless and short-sighted than this one. Through all the
years that I have been working on the Foreign Affairs Committee,
frankly, I have never seen a President do something that is as
aggravating and that should have never been done as what the President
did last week.
You know, when the President announced that we were going to leave
several months ago, it forced the resignation of the Defense Secretary,
Mr. Mattis at the time, who was so upset. That was unprecedented in
American history. This is something that is unbelievable and could have
been avoided.
Mr. Speaker, I now yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr.
Hoyer), the majority leader.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I love my 1 minute. I also love my glasses,
so I can read what I want to say here. Thank you very much. I rushed up
from my office. I was on a conference call. Thank you, Mr. Chairman,
for keeping it open.
I want to thank Mr. McCaul for helping to bring this to the floor.
Mr. Speaker, Americans, of course, knew when President Trump took
office that he was inexperienced in foreign policy and national
security. That doesn't mean he didn't have opinions, he did. But he
hasn't been in the day-to-day work. That was alarming. But also from my
view, alarming is his penchant for putting his own self interests ahead
of America's interests and America's national security. That troubles
the world.
The disastrous consequences are becoming obvious to Americans more
and more each day as we watch thousands of our Kurdish allies. And this
is not an issue without some complexity, I understand that, but our
Kurdish allies fleeing, ISIS gathering strength, and Iran and Russia
and Assad advantaged.
There has rightly been broad bipartisan shock and condemnation that
President Trump would so recklessly endanger America's allies, permit
the release of thousands of violent ISIS extremists and give in to
Vladimir Putin's aims in Syria.
In short, he just opened the door for ISIS to reclaim some power.
Any terrorist attack they now take part in will be as a direct result
of this action. President Trump has betrayed the trust, in my opinion,
of the American people. He has also betrayed America's friends.
The Kurdish forces in northern Syria have been among America's most
reliable and effective local allies. It was their blood and sacrifice
that led, in part, to us being significantly successful against ISIS.
It is their young men and women in uniform who have been guarding ISIS
prisoners, who, if released, have vowed to resume attacking Americans
and destabilizing the Middle East. And in that effort, we may lose
further American lives precious to us, precious to their families,
precious to our country.
Our Kurdish allies trusted us to have their backs. Loyalty is a two-
way street. It took years to build them into an effective fighting
force, now America is turning its back and undoing
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years of efforts and progress. How shameful. How irresponsible.
The President said he took this action because he had pledged to get
American troops out of the Middle East.
{time} 1345
Ironically, he took out about 2,000, or put them someplace else. And
guess what? He sent an additional 2,000 troops to the Middle East. Now,
it is Saudi Arabia, where ISIS is not, hopefully, doing much, at least
where we are sending the troops. But how ironic it is to say that we
are going to take troops out of the Middle East, and at the same time,
we send more troops into the Middle East.
America's reputation as a world leader depends on the bond of our
word. Can we be trusted, or are we simply responsive that day for that
issue?
If we abandon our allies, we will have none when we need them to
stand with us.
Not only has President Trump abandoned the Kurds, but he has also
refused to join with world leaders in considering the Turkish attack in
the United Nations.
Instead, he chose to stand with Vladimir Putin and is doing his
bidding once again by handing large swaths of Syria over to his
control. He is moving in as we speak.
Indeed, as the front page of The Washington Post pointed out this
week, Russia is now the one country that every country in the Middle
East talks to and trusts to be a mediator.
Is that an America that is great? America has abandoned that role and
the power it brings.
President Trump has also chosen to stand with Bashar al-Assad, as I
said, a tyrant who has gassed his own people with chemical weapons,
murdered hundreds of thousands of innocent civilians, and caused the
extraordinary refugee challenge that the Europeans have.
He has chosen to play into the hands of the Iranian ayatollahs. The
President says Iran is not our friend. He is right. We played into
their hands with this action.
In summary, Mr. Speaker, the President's actions empower ISIS, betray
our Kurdish allies, embolden Russia, reward the Assad regime, benefit
Iran, and endanger Israel.
These developments were sadly predictable.
Experts like Brett McGurk and Secretary Mattis said this is not the
right thing to do.
This is not a partisan issue. This is about America. This is about
our allies. This is about international security and stability.
From the moment the President made clear he wanted to abandon
America's strategic interests in Syria, both McGurk and General Mattis,
Secretary Mattis, expressed their opposition.
These developments confirm the worst fears of so many Americans from
both parties who have long questioned this President's wisdom or
interest to protect our country and keep it safe in a dangerous world.
It is critical, Mr. Speaker, that this House, the peoples' House,
make clear to the world that President Trump's reckless actions do not
carry the support of the American people. It is critical that we
condemn Turkey's incursion as well, and to do so in a bipartisan way.
That is what this legislation will do.
Mr. Speaker, I commend all of those from the Foreign Affairs
Committee who brought this to the floor. I know it was difficult for
some, but it is the right thing to do.
The House will do everything in its power to reassure our allies and
remind our adversaries that America does not cut and run, that we stand
by our word, hold true to our values, and stand with our friends.
I hope they will hear us and understand that this action by this
President must not mar the goodwill or erode the steadfast principles
upon which our country has engaged with the world throughout our
history and surely again in the future.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes.''
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to refrain from
engaging in personalities toward the President.
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I have no more speakers, and I yield myself
the balance of my time.
This is one of those rare moments in Congress when we see both sides
coming together, exercising our Article I constitutional
responsibilities on foreign policy. I can't think of a better committee
than this, the Foreign Affairs Committee, to stand unified as a
Congress.
This is not just the House, Mr. Speaker. This is a joint resolution
with the Senate. This is going to pass the House and the Senate,
sending a strong message about our foreign policy.
I believe that we learn from history. The National Archives has an
inscription that says, ``What is past is prologue.'' You see, history
repeats itself, and we need to learn the lessons from history.
I remember after we withdrew out of Europe after World War I, it
allowed the forces of Nazi Germany and Adolf Hitler to raise its ugly
head, and it took the Marshall Plan to finally put an end to it.
Then as recently as 2011, in the previous administration, President
Obama pulled 10,000 troops out of Iraq. My side of the aisle strongly
objected to that foreign policy decision, arguing that it would create
a wave of terrorism, and we were right. ISIS reared its ugly head, and
the caliphate was formed.
Mr. Speaker, you and I served on the Homeland Security Committee. In
the years 2015 to 2016, the terror threat was frightening. My threat
briefings were frightening in the SCIF.
External operations being plotted out of Iraq and Syria to kill
Americans in the United States, almost one per month, we stopped 95
percent of those threats. The 5 percent is what the American people
know about.
But I will tell you this--from that experience, have not we learned
anything?--that we need a residual force, if anything, to protect the
homeland from terror threats.
Now we have over 10,000 ISIS in-country and over 70,000 family
members that are there as part of the insurgency. We had over 30,000 at
the time of the peak of the ISIS caliphate. And we can't go back.
I am concerned, Mr. Speaker, that this move will embolden the
Russians. The Russians have already gone to our military's campsites
and mocked us. They are mocking the United States of America. Iran is
there, and ISIS is now emboldened.
We need a residual force to protect us, as we had in Iraq. We need
that in Syria, and, yes, we need that in Afghanistan. We can wind down
the number of troops, but we need that residual force.
Mr. Speaker, I want to close by saying that I will never forget
talking to Condoleezza Rice after she retired at Stanford, and she said
that one axiom is true in foreign policy: Your allies must trust you.
Our allies are questioning us right now. We told them, ``Trust us. We
have your back.''
What is happening now, the Kurds are being slaughtered as I speak in
northern Syria.
She also said another thing: Our allies must trust us, and our
enemies must fear us.
That is my foreign policy. It is Condoleezza Rice's foreign policy. I
think it is a good foreign policy.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for working with me to stand up on
this very important issue.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, let me thank the chairman and ranking
member for coming together.
I was on the floor earlier, and I held up The New York Times that
says: ``Syrian Forces Rush Into U.S. Void,'' and, ``Battle Lines
Shifting to the Benefit of Iran, Russia and ISIS.''
We worked very hard to get Turkey into NATO and to respect it for its
secular position and its embracing of the ideals of democracy, but to
now be the cause of thousands fleeing out of violence and bombing, now
being the cause of ISIS supporters and families escaping, now being the
cause of ISIS fighters escaping, and not listening to any form of
reconciliation to put Russia as the mainstay is absolutely
unacceptable.
I believe that these sanctions and this rebuke and this resolution
that
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has indicated it was wrong to green-light the Turkish military
incursion into Syria's Kurdish territory, expressing strong support for
Syrian Kurdish forces who were our allies, and calling on Turkey to
immediately cease military action in northeast Syria is a question of
our national security.
I add that there should be a no-fly zone. I know how challenging that
would be for Turkey not to be flying over northern Syria.
It is important that we do what we need to do to save the precious
lives of those children, some of whom have already died, and those who
are fleeing the violence.
Mr. Speaker, let us pass this resolution, H.J. Res. 77, but let us
find a way to bring some peace and stand down in that region, and also
to thank the United States military, which should not have been moved.
I ask my colleagues to support H.J. Res. 77.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, in closing, I yield myself as much time as I
may consume.
Mr. Speaker, as I mentioned before, in the years I have served in
this body, I have watched Presidents of both parties make a lot of
tough foreign policy decisions, many good, many bad, but I cannot think
of a foreign policy decision more reckless and shortsighted than this
one that was made by President Trump.
The President of the United States, as a result, has empowered ISIS;
betrayed our loyal partners, the Kurds; and jeopardized our national
security.
Congress must condemn this loudly and clearly. Today's resolution
sends a resounding message to the White House and the world: We reject
President Trump's disgraceful failure in foreign policy.
Mr. Speaker, I urge all Members to stand by our partners, stand by
our promises, stand by our values, and support this resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I commend my partner on the Foreign Affairs Committee,
Mr. McCaul. It takes a lot of courage to do what he did today, and I
thank him for it. That is why, as he and I both mentioned, we are proud
that the Foreign Affairs Committee is perhaps the most bipartisan
committee in Congress.
When we go abroad, partisanship should stop at the water's edge. We
all, Democrat and Republican, feel outraged at what the President did.
We all feel that our allies need to be supported. That transcends any
kind of partisan politics.
Mr. Speaker, I urge all of our colleagues to support this bipartisan
measure, and I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) that the House suspend the rules
and pass the joint resolution, H.J. Res. 77.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further
proceedings on this motion will be postponed.
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